Glaslyn(Welshfor 'Blue lake') is alakein theSnowdonia National ParkinGwynedd, north-westWales.

Geography

See also:Geology of Snowdonia National Park

It is found at approximately 600 metres (2,000 ft)above sea levelin acwmon the eastern flanks ofSnowdon. It is a rough ellipse in shape, about 500 metres (1,600 ft) east–west and about 300 metres (1,000 ft) north–south, and the Miners' Track runs along the northern shore.^[1]

It has a maximum depth of 39 m (127 feet), and contains about 59 million cubic feet (1.7 million cubic metres) of water.^[2]

Glaslyn is the source of theAfon Glaslyn, the major river of Gwynedd, which runs east to the reservoir ofLlyn Llydawbefore turning south-west to reach the sea atPorthmadog.

In 2020, small particles of microplastic pollution – deposited by rain – were found in the lake, triggering a further investigation of the extent of environmental damage in UK lakes and mountains.^[3]

Folklore

In Arthurian legend, Bedivere threw Excaliburinto a lake identified by some as Glaslyn on the slopes of Snowdon.

InWelsh folklore, Arthur hadBediverethrow his swordExcaliburinto Glaslyn, where Arthur's body was later placed in a boat to be carried away to Afallon. Arthur's men then retreated to a cave on the slopes ofY Lliwedd, where they are said to sleep until such time as they are needed.^[4][5]Merlinis supposed to have hidden the golden throne of Britain among the cliffs north ofCrib y Ddysglwhen the Saxons invaded.^[6]

Glaslyn was also the final resting place of a water monster, known as anafanc(also the Welsh word forbeaver), which had plagued the people of theConwy valley. They tempted the monster out of the water with a young girl, before securing it with chains and dragging it to Glaslyn.^[4][7]A large stone known as Maen Du'r Arddu, belowClogwyn Du'r Arddu, is supposed to havemagical powers. Like several other sites in Wales, it is said that if two people spend the night there, one will become a great poet while the other will become insane.^[8]Llyn Coch in Cwm Clogwyn has been associated with theTylwyth Teg(fairies), including a version of thefairybride legend.^[9]

See also

• RSPB Glaslyn Osprey Project

References

1. Ordnance Survey Explorer OL17: Snowdon/Yr Wyddfa.
2. "THE FRESH-WATER LOCHS OF SCOTLAND"(PDF).maps.nls.uk. Retrieved4 June2025.
3. Lloyd, Matt (1 March 2020)."Microplastics on Snowdon a 'scary wake-up call'".BBC News. Retrieved1 March2020.
4. Roberts 1995, pp. 145–148
5. Marsh 2010, pp. 25–28
6. Roberts 1995, pp. 143–145
7. Marsh 1984
8. Roberts 1995, pp. 100–101
9. Roberts 1995, pp. 38–39

Works cited

• Marsh, Terry (1984). "Yr Wyddfa (Snowdon)".The Summits of Snowdonia.Robert Hale Publishing. pp. 178–183.ISBN978-0-7090-1456-0.
• Marsh, Terry (2010).Great Mountain Days in Snowdonia.Cicerone Press.ISBN978-1-85284-581-0.
• Roberts, Geraint (1995).The Lakes of Eryri.Gwasg Carreg Gwalch.ISBN978-0-86381-338-2.

ROMAN BRITAIN.
The following chapter is intended mainly to do two things: to elucidate the map of Britain in the first century of our era which faces this page, and to lead up to the history of Wales proper. The facts, where they are not new or submitted to a fresh examination, are taken from
Rhys’s “ Celtic Britain,”1 checked by Mr. F. Haverfield’s map of Roman Britain,3 and the succinct account of the Province with which his map is accompanied. From what has already been said it will be seen that Pytheas, when he visited this country in the 4th century before our era, is not likely to have, found any Brythons here: the inhabitants of the south of the Island consisted then of the Aborigines, with Goidels as the race ruling
over some or all of them. It is unfortunate that Pytheas’s account of his visit is not extant; abstracts, however, from his diary have come down through such channels as the works of Diodorus, Strabo, and Pliny. But the evidence which principally concerns us is concentrated in a few
proper names, such as Albion, Belerium, Britanni, Cantium, Ictis, Morimarusam, and Pretanic Islands. Of these Cantium and Pretanic must be regarded as Brythonic,
1 Published by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 3rd ed.,
London, 1904.
2 See Mr. Poole’s “ Historical Atlas of Modern Europe from the Decline
of the Roman Empire” (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1896), Plate XV.

self.
THE WELSH PEOPLE, (chap.III.)
Belgic, or Gaulish, and not Goidelic. The earliest existing work which alludes to the south-eastern portion of Britain as Cantium is Caesar’s account of the Gallic War, and then follows Diodorus with his

Κάντιοv.The name has the
same form in the pages of Strabo, who uses it in passages devoted to a criticism of the statements of Pytheas in such a way that it has been supposed that Pytheas had used it him On this, however, one can only surmise that Pytheas either employed a slightly different form of the word or else that it reached him from a Brythonic or Belgic source on the Continent The same kind of remark would apply to Pretanic, if it could be shown that any such a term was known to Pytheas, for the Celtican or Goidelic form must be supposed to have been

Πρετάνικ The form, for example, in which it occurs in Ptolemy’s Geography is

Νησί Πρετάνικ or Πρετάνικα Νησιά Pretanic Island or Islands,” the latter of which meant the British Isles generally, the largest of them being called Albion, "Albion, Britain,” and the next in size and importance

Ιβέρνια or Ivernia, “ Ireland.” The collective name has its living cognates in the old Goidelic Cruithni “Picts," Cruithnech" Pictish,” in Old Welsh Priten, later Pryden, Prydyn and Prydein, now Prydain “ Scotland, Alba, or the Pictland of the North,” and Ynys Prydain, Great Britain," literally “ Prydain’s or Picts’ Island.” Thus the name of the Aborigines implied by these vocables would have been in Greek orthography

Πικτικός ,with which eventually another and an unconnected name was con founded, namely that of the Brittani, and the confusion is to be detected in the r, r, of Μεγάλη Βρετανία , Βρετανικά Νησιά , and in the r of Βρετανί

The name of the Brittani was, as already
suggested, more usually and less correctly made in Latin
* See Casas's Gallic War, v. 13, 14, 22; Diodorus, v. 21, 3; and
Meinek;s Strabo, i. 4, 3 (c63), iv. 3, 3 (C. 193).
• For Priten see “ Y Cymmrodor,” ix. 179: the other forms occur in the
plural, meaning Picts, in the Books of Aneurin and Taliessin: see Skene, ii

orthography Into Britanni, until at last it was ousted by the name as pronounced by those people themselves, namely, Brittones. This last has regularly yielded the Welsh Brython and French Bretons, while French Bretagne similarly represents Brittania, not Britania or Britannia; and it cannot be regarded as an accident that the Latin Brittani corresponds exactly to the Mediaeval Irish plural Bretain, genitive Bretan. In other words the form Brittani must have reached the Romans from the non-Brythonic Celts of these Islands or of the Continent. Let us now take the other names, (i) beginning with Pliny’s Albion, which is treated in Greek as αλβιώνα , Σκωτία

or ’AXovuoy, genitive *AX/3uovo$ or *AXovuovo9l This
name is unknown to the Brythonic dialects, except that
Modern Welsh literature sometimes borrows Alban for Scot
land ; but it survives in the Goidelic dialects, namely, as Alba,
Alpa, and Elpa, genitive Alban (also Alba). Traces of its
application to the whole of Great Britain8 before it came
to be confined to the northern portion of it occur in Irish
literature; and the fact of the Island being called Insula
Albionum in the Ora Maritima of Avienus4 makes it pro
bable that the name is very ancient Albion is supposed,
and perhaps rightly,to mean the White Country, in reference
to the appearance of the cliffs of the southern coast, and at
first it was applied presumably only to the south. There is
no evidence that the Brythons or Belgic Gauls used the word,
but rather that they translated it into their own tongue as
Cantion; for some believe that also to have meant the
1 Pliny’s “ Historia Naturalis,” iv. 30, I.
1 Rhys’s “ Manx Phonology,” p. 85.
8 See “Cormac’sGlossary,”s.v. “Mug-eime,”and the instance in the Duan
Albanach, quoted at the close of this chapter, p. 115 ; see also Stokes’s “ Urkel-
tischer Sprachschatz,” p. 21, where he explains the name to mean White
Land.
4 See the lines in question quoted and explained in Mullenhoffs “Deutsche
Altertumskunde,” i. 91.

THE WELSH PEOPLE, (chap, III.)
White Country.1 Unlike the other name, however, Cantion
remained confined to the south-east of the Island, so that it
has yielded the Welsh Caint and the English Kent.
(2) Beleriutn is given twice by Diodorus as BeXcptov,
which Ptolemy’s manuscripts give as BoXipLov, and it is
supposed to have meant some portion of the south-western
peninsula, including probably the Land’s End. In Old
Irish we have a word which comes very near it, namely
the neuter noun belre, (Modern Irish beurla), which meant
a language, and unqualified, perhaps, an alien or foreign
tongue. This would explain how in Modem Irish it means
* English ”; and the inference suggested by the occurrence
of the name Belerion is, that it became current among the
Goidels at a time when the language of the Aborigines was
still dominant over a certain area of the south-west of the
Island. Perhaps, however, it was merely meant to describe
the extreme south-west as a tongue of land.
(3) Ictis is the name recorded by Diodorus as given to
one of the islands at high tide to which the inhabitants of
the south-western peninsula of Britain brought their tin for
sale to the merchants who traded with them. The same
name was known to Pliny, for his Insulam Mictim is
doubtless to be corrected into Insulam Ictim. But his
account of Ictis differs from that of Diodorus, although
both are supposed to have drawn their information from
Timaeus, a historian who was contemporary with Pytheas.
There seems to be no sufficient reason for identifying Ictis
with Vectis, * the Isle of Wight,” or to sever it from the
Irish name of the English Channel, namely, Muir n-Icht,
* See Stokes's M Urk Sprachschatz," p. 90, and Holder’s “ Alt-celt Sprach-
Khaz,"
Cantium, cente: compare the Welsh word can, " white.” A certain
school of English historians pretend that Cantium is in Welsh yCaint, “ the
Kent," and that it meant “the open country.” This interpretation comes
from Dr. W. Oman Pughe, but where the definite article has been found
prefixed to this proper name we have not yet discovered. Both "the Caint ”
and “the Gwent " figure among the curiosities of Guest’s “ Origines Celticae.”
* “Cormac's Glossary,s.v. Mug-eime.
79
“ the Sea of Icht, or Ictian Sea.” Ictis and Icht represent
possibly a Celtic pronunciation of the same Aboriginal
word which the Romans made into Pictus} plural Picti ;
for if the Celts learned the word sufficiently early they would
naturally treat it like any other word with the consonant p,
that is to say, they would get rid of that consonant as in
their own words. It is probably a mistake to suppose that
in this name we have the Latin pictus, “painted,” any more
than in the name of the Pictones in Gaul. Had it been
Latin it could hardly have been regarded as other than a
kind of nickname, and no one would have expected the
Aborigines of Caithness and Sutherland to give the Norse
men who first reached their shores a Latin nickname as
their national designation. Rather must we suppose it an
early name, which the Aborigines adopted, while the Celts
sooner or later applied another name, Qurtani, Pretani,
Cruithni and Prydyn, to them in Goidelic and Brythonic
respectively.3
1 This may, perhaps, be regarded as confirmed by Ictiutn, given by Holder
as an old name of a place now called L’Isle-Jourdain in the Dep. of the Vienne,
covered by the eastern portion of the old province of Poitou. For Poitou
represents an older Pictavi, another form of the name of the Pictones, and both
claim close kinship with that of the Picts of this country. For the latter were
not only called Picti, but also Pictones (see Stokes’s “Annals of Tigernach”
in the “Revue Celtique,” xvii. 251, 253); and probably Pictores, which, under
the influence of the genitive plural Pictorum, is not uncommon, is everywhere
to be corrected into Pictones. The Paris document, published by Skene at the
head of his collection of the Chronicles of the Picts and of the Scots, has, in
that compilation, Pictavia and Pictaviam seven times. Skene’s v is meant to
represent the u of the manuscript; but on scrutinising the original (Latin, 4126)
in the Bibliotheque Nationale, we find only one instance which looks like
Pictauia. The others we should read Pictania, Pictaniam, with ni formed
like m. The MS. appears to be a fourteenth century copy of an original of the
tenth. Add to this that the Life of St. Cadroe calls the Aborigines of Ireland
gentem Pictaneorum: see Skene’s “ Picts and Scots,” p. 108; also p. 137, where
the unusual form Pictinia is given.
2 The words Cruithni and Prydyn have been regarded as derived, though
the nasal has not been exactly accounted for, from the Irish and Welsh words for
** form or shape,” namely cruth and pryd respectively, and a reference in them
has been assumed to the forms or outlines of the beasts which the Picts are
80
THE WELSH PEOPLE, (chap, in.)
(
4) Morimarusam is said by Pliny, after Philemon, to have
been the name of the northern ocean from the Cimbri’s
country to a certain Cape Rubeas, and to have meant Dead
Sea. The passage, somewhat carelessly given by Pliny,
is repeated in a less ambiguous form by the later author
Solinus, xix. 2:—Philemon a Cimbris ad promunturium
Rubeas Morimarusam dicit vocari, hoc est Mortuum Mare:
ultra Rubeas quicquid est Cronium nominate Scholars are
not inclined to regard Morimarusam as a specimen of the
language of the Cimbri, whom they regard as a Teutonic
people, while on the other hand it admits of being explained
exactly as Celtic, Mori Marusam, which would make in
Modern Irish Muir Marbh, Welsh Mor Marm, “Dead
Sea.” In the Latin of both Pliny and Solinus it looks like
an accusative feminine, but as the word mori, Irish muir,
was neuter like the Latin mare, it is probably to be treated
as accusative neuter; and the fact of Marusam ending
in am shows that we have here to do with Goidelic, as
Brythonic and Gaulish would have had on or om. and
the Latin would have been given accordingly as Mori-
Marusum. Pliny’s authority was a certain Philemon who
beliieved to have had tattooed on their persons. Should this prove tenable,
one could scarcely avoid treating Cruithni and Prydyn as translations into
Goidelic and Brythonic of the word Pict regarded as the Latin pictus, “ painted. ’
It to needless to say that this would not help us to the meaning of Pict as a
word of the Pictish language to which it possibly belonged ; but the supposi
tion here suggested as to Pretanic being merely a sort of translation of the
Latin pictus, would compel us to regard the first use of Pretanic as dating no
earlier than Cesar’s time and the spread of Latin in Northern Gaul. This
would simplify the question if the chronology should make it possible, which
looks hardly probable.
• Pliny's version runs thus, iv. 95 : Morimarusam (eum) a Cimbris vocari,
hoc est, Mortuum Mare, inde usque ad promunturium Rubeas, ultra deinde
Crenium, This we copy from Miillenhoffs “Deutsche Altertumskunde,”
L 41 J, where the passage is discussed.
* The predilection of Goidelic for a instead of 0 as the thematic vowel is
borne out by the most ancient Ogams of Britain and Ireland: thus the
genitive ending corresponding to Greek os (Latin is) is always as or a.
ROMAN BRITAIN.
81
appears to have lived in the last century before our Era
and Philemon is supposed to have been using information
obtained by Pytheas when he visited Britain.
With regard to these names Albion, Belerium, Ictis, and
Mori-Marusam, it is probable that they were learnt in this
country by Pytheas or some of the travellers who came here
after his time. In other words, we may treat them for what
they are worth as evidence of the occupation of the southern
portions of Britain by a Celtican or Goidelic people at a
time before the Brythons had obtained a footing on its
shores. We have dwelt on these- names at this point as
another view is sometimes put forward, that everything
Goidelic in Britain is to be traced to invasions from Ireland,
and to a time subsequent to the second century of our era,
especially the later years of the Roman occupation and
those following the withdrawal of the Roman legions from
the Island.1 That men from Ireland invaded Britain at
various points and at various times, and, further, that some
of them settled here, is not to be disputed. Take, for
instance, the case of the Dalriad Scots, who crossed from
Ireland to Argyle in the fifth century, or that of the Deisi
in the south-west of Wales at a still earlier date. This,
however, proves in no wise that there was not previously
a Goidelic population in the west of the Island; it rather
favours the contrary supposition, for a native Goidelic
population might well be credited with having appealed
to men of their own race and language in Ireland for aid
in their struggles with Brythonic tribes, and the response
to such an appeal may have served as the beginning of a
series of descents on the coasts of Wales and of the south
of England. To such invasions we may possibly have to
1 This view has been recently advocated by Professor Meyer in the “ Trans
actions of the Hon. Society of Cymmrodorion ” (64 Chancery Lane, London,
1897), 1895-6, pp. 5 5-86, where a number of facts illustrating the early
intercourse between Wales and Ireland have been brought together in a very
interesting fashion.
W.P.
G
82
THE WELSH PEOPLE, (chap, III.)
ascribe the destruction of such towns as Isca Silurum or
Caerleon and Venta Silurum or Caer Went in Monmouth
shire, and perhaps of Calleva or Silchester in Hampshire,
where an Ogam inscription1 testifying to the presence of a
Goidel was discovered a short time ago. Nay, it is con
ceivable that Vortigern, whose name outside the Hengist
story is found to have been more at home in Ireland and
Brittany than in Wales, represented such an invasion, with
its influence reaching as far as Kent.
The advocates of the view to which we have referred
appear to be at one with us as to the existence of a con
siderable Goidelic population in the west of Britain from
the second century onwards, and also as to the influence of
that Goidelic element on the subsequent history of this
Island, especially that portion of it which constitutes the
Principality of Wales. The difference of view attaches to
the previous question, whence came the Goidelic element
admitted to have been present here? Our hypothesis regards
it as for the most part resident and as partly drawn from
Ireland, while the other derives it wholly from Ireland.
The difficulty which we feel in estimating the respective
merits of these hypotheses is enhanced by our lack of data
to enable us to judge of the attitude of the advocates of
the hypothesis of the exclusive Irish origin with regard to
the question of the Aboriginal population. Nor can we
hope to understand their position till they indicate how
they suppose the Goidels of Ireland to have reached that
country, also where and when they approximately think
Goidelic nationality and Goidelic speech to have assumed
their individuality. For our own part, we have already
sufficiently sketched our conjectures as to the Aboriginal
population; and we have also indicated our conviction that
1 See in the Archaeologia, vol. liv., a paper by Mr. G. E. Fox and Mr. W. H.
Sc John Hope, entitled “ Excavations on the Site of the Roman City at
Silchester, Hants,” in 1893, pp. 35-9.
ROMAN BRITAIN.
83
Goidels and Brythons differed in speech before they left the
Continent. We might probably add religion: for we under
stand Caesar (vi. 13) to represent Druidism as being on the
wane in Gaul, and as having originated in Britain, whither
those who wished to study it thoroughly had to resort But
as there is no convincing evidence to identify it with any
Brythonic tribe in this country, while there is evidence of
its prevalence among the Goidels of Mon in the time of
Agricola, and of its surviving in Ireland in that of Patrick,
and in the Pictland of the north in that of Columba, we
infer that it was a system evolved by the Continental
Goidels, or rather accepted by them from the Aborigines.
When, however, the Goidels of Gaul were conquered by the
Galatic Celts, including the Belgic peoples, Druidism may
well have found it impossible to hold its own for any great
length of time, though it may have continued to flourish in
remote corners of Britain, which we take to be the real
meaning of the supposition that Britain was its native
country.1
We now come to the question how the Goidels reached
Ireland—that is to say, was it direct from the Continent or
across Britain ? In answer to this, we should say that the
first Celts to land in Ireland embarked probably on the
western shores of Britain ; in other words, they belonged to
a race which had conquered southern Britain from sea to
sea. In early ages the voyage from the nearest ports of
the Continent to Ireland must have been a formidable
undertaking ; but by the time, let us say, of Caesar, it was
probably well within the capacity of the mariners of the
Veneti and of the other tribes belonging to the Armoric
League. That in one instance at least this did take place
1 Since this was written a most suggestive volume of “ Nos Origines ” has
been published: it is the work of the veteran archaeologist, M. Bertrand, and
bears the title of “ La Religion des Gaulois, les Druides et le Druidisme ” (Paris,
Leroux, 1897), pp. ix. 436, and numerous illustrations.
G 2

Ogofau Mine (Roman Deep Mine; Dolaucothi Mine; Cothy Mine)  Pumpsaint,Carmarthenshire,Wales,UK

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Roman Opencast Pit

Ogofau Mine, Pumpsaint, Carmarthenshire, Wales, UK

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Ogofau Mine, Pumpsaint, Carmarthenshire, Wales, UK

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Ogofau Mine, Pumpsaint, Carmarthenshire, Wales, UK

Latitude & Longitude (WGS84):

52° 2' 36'' North , 3° 56' 57'' West

Latitude & Longitude (decimal):

52.04361,-3.94944

GRN:

N35W02

UK National Grid Reference:

SN663402

Type:

Mine(Abandoned) - last checked 2020

Age:

440 ± 460 to Ma

Geologic Time:

Llandovery

Köppen climate type:

Cfb : Temperate oceanic climate

Nearest Settlements:

PlacePopulationDistanceLlanwrda287(2017)9.8kmSSECwmann872(2017)10.2kmNWLampeter2,970(2017)11.8kmNWLlandovery2,065(2017)11.8kmESELlangadog650(2017)12.6kmSSE

Mindat Locality ID:

5224

Long-form identifier:

mindat:1:2:5224:8

GUID (UUID V4):

0

Other/historical names associated with this locality:

Dyfed

The only Welsh goldmine outside of the mines of the Dolgellau gold-belt, the workings are of Roman (Meier, 2012) or earlier origin and of considerable significance, their standing being comparable with those in Romania and the late Iron Age gold sites of Limousin in central France. It has been suggested (e.g. Hall, 1993) these very early workings exploited an oxidized zone, with the gold being removed from gossanous clays by washing and sluicing.

A series of pre-19th C pits and openworks, some with workings driven below them, run for over a km NE-SW along a mountain spur forming the SE side of the Cothi Valley. More modern workings have extended earlier workings; in the mid 1930s the sinking of New Shaft was resumed to a depth of 480 feet, with levels driven at 100, 160, 260, 360 and 460 feet to work the mineralisation under the Ogofau Pit. There is no dominant vein or lode, gold mineralisation occurring within a network of thin discontinuous veins with occasional lenses of gold bearing quartz.

Little is known about the pre 19th C working, with available literature prior to 1846 showing an unawareness of gold being mined here. Gold was rediscovered in 1848 by Sir Warington Smyth of the Geological Survey, and later by Sir Henry de la Beche, who made the first gold assay of quartz from the mine. Gold was worked in a short-lived operation in 1853, and small-scale mining resumed in 1871 until 1897.

Working resumed in 1905-06, with 381 tons of ore yielding 44 ounces of gold and 6.6 ounces of silver (for a profit of £172). Later in 1906 the Ogofau Mining Company processed 360 tons of ore yielding 28 ounces of gold and 5 ounces of silver (for a profit of £105). In 1908, 75 tons of ore yielded 11 ounces of gold, but development costs led to the lease passing to the Cothi Mines Ltd in 1909, who in that year recorded 23 ounces of gold from 96 tones of ore. Cothi Mines failed in 1912.

The main period of working began in 1933 with the formation of Roman Deep Ltd. At least some gold was produced about this time as gold from Roman Deep together with the Dolgellau mines, Prince Edward Mine and Marina Mine provided gold for Princess Marina's wedding ring in 1935 (gold from the bar produced was also used for other royal rings). By 1936, development was well advanced but the ore, auriferous sulphide concentrates, was difficult to treat and had to be sent abroad for smelting. Ore was initially sent to Hamburg, almost 300 tons of ore yielding 260 ounces of gold. Milling began in January 1938, with 16,862 tons of ore, mostly stockpiled, producing gold worth £11,106 (representing 1388 ounces at the then gold price of £8 per ounce). About this time the political situation in Europe made it impossible to continue to ship the ore to Germany and it was then sent to Seattle in America for treatment. By November 1938 funds were exhausted and milling ceased. Pumping was stopped the following year and the company was wound up in 1943.

The mine site is now a scheduled national monument run by the National Trust. It includes a visitors centre, a collection of 1930s mining machinery (from Olwyn Goch Mine near Halkyn in north Wales), and has guided tours of some of the Roman and the more recent underground workings.

Drilling undertaken by students at Cardiff University and alluvial gold occurrences in streams to the NE has shown that the mineralization continues beyond the immediate mine area Brown, 1993).

Visible gold is rare at Dolaucothi, although a few specimens are held in the National Museum of Wales Collection in Cardiff. More typically, the gold occurs as minute inclusions in pyrite or arsenopyrite.

BRECON CATHEDRAL

The former Priory Church of St. John the Evangelist at Brecon, counted the finest ecclesiastical edifice in Wales with the exception of the cathedrals of St. David’s and Llandaff,

now ranks with them as a cathedral—that of the new diocese of Swansea and Brecon.

It was fitting that the bishop's throne should be installed in the church of Brecon instead of in huge, busy and not very attractive Swansea,

quite apart from the fact that at the town beneath the towering Brecknock Beacons there was a building not unworthy of cathedral rank, that is to say as far as pretensions go in Wales, whose cathedrals are on a modest scale.

Brecon, as a town, probably dates from the vith century or even earlier, but the name by which it is now known is no older than the xith century,

being in fact the appellative given by the Norman barons who at the prompting of William I. set themselves lo the conquest of South Wales.

Its Celtic name is Aberhonddu, but it has always been one of the chief towns of the principality of Brycheiniog, now known as Brecknockshire.

The early history of Wales is extremely obscure

Brycheiniog

This small kingdom was founded as an offshoot of theIrishDéisi kingdom ofDyfed. It was centred on Garth Madryn in the modern Brecon Beacons with a chief settlement at Talgarth (or Talgar in the twelfth century), and it gained its name from that of its first independent king. Its territory in south-eastWaleswas neighboured to the north byPowys, to the east byGwent, to the south byCernyw(and laterGlywyssing), and to the west by Dyfed.

The modern word 'Brecon' is the English version of Brycheiniog.

As mentioned, the kingdom was named after King Brychen, which was taken from the word 'briych', meaning 'freckled'.

The '-iog' suffix is roughly equivalent to the English '-ed', so the people here were roughly (and amusingly) the 'freckled of the freckled' -in other words, Brychen's followers..

Traditionally, Brychen himself was born in Ireland, the son of a minor tribal king named Anlach, and moved with his parents to Wales.

This ties in with the settling of the Irish Déisi in south-west Wales who took over command of theBritishterritory ofDemetia, although Anlach's pedigree would suggest that he was already in Wales, given that his grandfather had been the son of the leader of the Déisi exodus from Ireland. Instead, Anlach's own 'moving to Wales' should perhaps be seen more in the context of his recent ancestors having moved there and his own grandfather having migrated further east into Garthmadrun (although see an alternative atcirca450, below).

When Brychen was made king upon the death of his father, the area of Garthmadrun (or Garth Madrun, both older spellings of the modern Garth Madryn) was renamed Brycheiniog in his honour.

This suggests that Anlach himself was not the territory's king. Instead he was probably a sub-king, governing Garthmadrun for the coreDéisito the west.

The kingdom's early capital was on a crannog at Llangorse, built by an Irish master builder to display the king's proud Irish heritage. Crannogs were unknown at this time outsidePictland(modernScotland) or Ireland, and this is the only one of its kind in all of Wales.

Luxury goods from around the world were imported here, and the kingdom's treasure was discovered in the waters around the crannog as recently as the 1970s. Unfortunately, the settlement was destroyed by an Anglo-Saxon raid just two decades after being built, and was abandoned (if only temporarily).

(Additional information by Edward Dawson, fromA Study of Breconshire Place-Names, Richard Morgan & R F Peter Powell 1999, fromLlyfr Baglan(The Book of Baglan), fromWelsh Genealogies AD 300-1400, Peter Bartrum, from the BBC documentary series,The Story of Wales, first broadcast 3 October 2012, and from External Links:St Catwg's Church, andCatholic Online, andAncient Wales Studies.)

fl c.405

Urb mac Aed

Son of Aed Brosc, leader of theDéisiinDemetia.

fl c.410

Cormac mac Urb / Cornac

Son. Migrated into Garthmadrun fromDyfedwith his father.

c.420

Anlach marries Marchel, whomCelticworks describe as the 'heiress of Garthmadrun'. The same works give Anlach's father as Cornac or Coronac, who is generally linked to Cormac mac Urb of the Déisi. Given the calculation that the Déisi had arrived inDyfedaround AD 300, this would give them ample time to become integrated into the regional nobility and for their leading sons to marry the offspring of the surviving Brito-Welsh nobility, hence Anlach's marriage to Marchel.

The fluctuating fortunes of the kingdom of Brycheiniog took place in the dramatic landscape of the Brecon Beacons in south-eastern Wales

Marchel's Her status as 'heiress' would suggest that Garthmadrun is a parcel of territory that has been assigned to her from a larger territory, most likely the 'Kingdom ofMid-South Wales'.

fl c.420

Anlach mac Cormac

Son. 'King'.

c.450

Anlach has probably not been a king in his own right in Garthmadrun, but a sub-king or regional governor for the coreDéisito the west. His death means that he is succeeded by his son, Brychen, and it is now that the territory seemingly becomes an independent kingdom. Garthmadrun is renamed Brycheiniog to show that it is now firmly the land of Brychen and his followers.

Celticworks generally state that Brychen is born inIrelandand that his father brings the family toWales. While this seems to be more of a generalised remembrance of the Déisi exodus from Ireland six generations previously, at least one large group of Déisi had remained in Ireland. This is the Déisi of southernMunster, and some of those Déisi who had been expelled from Tara joined their southern cousins. It is possible that links survived between them and the Déisi who migrated to Dyfed, and that families could easily pass between both settlements. That would certainly allow Anlach's father or grandfather to return to Ireland and for Anlach, and later Brychen, to be born there and yet still be in Wales at a later date.

c.450 -c.490

Brychen Brycheiniog (St)

Son. Kingdom founder. Daughter married Gwynlliw ofGwynllg.

c.470

It is said that the royal domain at Llangorse, built on a crannog that still survives in Brecenan Mere, is attacked by a Saxon raid and is destroyed. Brychen is forced to abandon it, probably for the better-known Talgarth (although it is later re-occupied by the royal family). However, Saxon raiders this far west in this century are extremely unlikely unless they arrive by sea and venture up the valleys from the direction of the Bristol Channel. TheBritonsare already fighting a war on the east coast, after losingCeint, so there is little chance of Saxons being able to roam across the countryside. Much more likely is a raid byIrishwarriors, who still roam the coastline picking off unwary victims. Even their raid up into the hills of Brycheiniog would be a considerable effort. (alternatively, this event could be a misremembering or confusion of theMercianraid of 916 -see below).

Whilst theCatholic Churchdescribes Brychen as a saint, relevant literature does not, instead referring to him as a patriarch. Even in the earliest sources he is credited as being the father of at least twelve children, with later sources claiming well over twenty, many of whom become saints with links toManauorCornwall.

fl c.480s?

Rein ap Brychan?

Son (?).

The timeline for the kings of Brycheiniog is largely calculated from a rough approximation of generation succession.Peniarth Ms 131, 299contains the second known king, Rhain Dremrydd (or Dremrudd), but specifies him as Rhain son of an unnamed son of Brychen, inserting an extra generation between them. Brychen himself is given dates as variable as AD 400 and AD 490, so there seems to be plenty of room for an extra generation.

The researcher and genealogist Peter Bartrum (1907-2000) in hisWelshgenealogies had removed this extra generation, thereby supplying the more normally-quoted pedigree for the kingdom.De Situ Brecheniaucdoes mention a Rein ap Brychan who is usually taken as Rhain Dremrudd but could equally be that Rhain's father, himself the son of Brychen. The appellation 'Dremrydd' could be used to distinguish the son from the similarly-named father.

fl c.495

Rhain Dremrydd (Red-Faced)

First son. Uncle of Cadwg, king ofGwynllg & Penychen.

fl c.510

Rigenew / Rigenau ap Rhein

Son.

fl c.540

Llywarch / Llowarch ap Rigenew

Son.

fl c.580

Idwallon ap Llywarch

Son.

fl c.620

Rhiwallon ap Idwallon

Son. Last male lineal descendant of Brychen.

c.640 -c.650

Ceindrych / Ceindrec ferch Rhiwallon

Daughter. Second marriage to Cloten ofDyfed.

c.650 -c.720

Ceindrych (Ceindrec, modern Catherine) marries her distant cousin, Cloten king ofDyfed, and for the space of three generations the two kingdoms are united. During the mid-eighth century, Dyfed is invaded by Seisyll, king ofCeredigion. He takes Ystrad Towy, and the dual kingdom of Rhein ap Cadwgn is split in two. Rhain is forced to divide the territory and the king's (possible) younger brother is granted Brycheiniog.

fl c.715

Rhein ap Cadwgn ap Caten ap Cloten

King ofDyfed& Brycheiniog.

fl c.720

Awst / Aust ap Cadwgn

Brother? Granted Brycheiniog as his own domain.

fl c.730

Tewdos / Teuder / Tewdr ap Rhein

Second son of Rhein. Same as King Tewdos ofDyfed?

c.730

The precise status of the kingdom at this time is open to some question. Three of the sons of Rhein ap Cadwgn ofDyfedappear to divide Brycheiniog between themselves (probably following the death of Rhein himself). Some of their immediate descendants are referred to as 'king', but seem more likely to be lords ofcantrefi(districts containing a hundred settlements) or commotes (one third or a half of acantref).

Cantref Selyf contains the small settlement of Battle, but despite misconception this was not named for the battle between the Norman lord, Bernard de Neufmarché, and three Welsh kings in 1070 but for the bequest of the land to Battle Abbey in Sussex

Naufedd Hen is known to hold Cantref Selyf and probably also has Cantref Talgarth, these forming the northern and eastern sections of Brycheiniog. Tewdos is more usually shown as the king of Brycheiniog (although in light of this division of territory he may hold no more right to such a grand claim than either of his peers and apparent equals), but may only hold Cantref Mawr, lying to the west of Talgarth and forming southern Brycheiniog. Elisse probably holds his father's manor plus scattered manors within the lordships of his brothers, making him the junior lord out of the three.

fl c.735

Naufedd Hen (the Old) ap Rhein

Brother. Cantref Selyf and probably Talgarth.

fl c.735

Elisse ap Rhein

Brother. Various scattered manors in Brycheiniog.

fl c.735

Elwystl / Elisse ap Awst

Cousin and rival claimant. Murdered by Teuder.

c.735 -c.750

Elwystl is a bit of a problem as he often seems to be confused with an Elisse ap Tewdwr, son of the King Tewdos shown above. There is also an Elisse ap Rhein, brother of Tewdwr, just to make matters even more confused. Which leaves the question of just what is held by Elisse ap Awst. An Elisse is shown inJesus College MS 20with a daughter named Sanant, but his father is not shown, meaning that he could be any of the three candidates (although more probably the two elder candidates only). Sanant marries Noe ofPowys(born around AD 735), who has also been referred to as Nowy Hen ap Teuder (son of Teuder, or more probably son-in-law, given the marriage just mentioned).

Could both instances of an Elisse be one and the same man? This is the most likely explanation given the similarities in their dates. Both would have been old enough in 730 to already have a daughter who could marry the successor of all of the various rulingDyfedkings and princes of their generation. Under Nowy Hen the kingdom seems to return to a single supreme ruler (if this had not already been the case under the sons of Tewdos, with one of them holding superiority over the others).

fl c.750

Nowy Hen (the Old) ap Tewdr

Son of Teuder. Descendant of Cadell Ddyrnllwg ofPowys.

c.770

The son (with reservations -see c.735) of Tewdos ap Rhein, Nowy Hen is a ninth generation descendant from Cadell Ddyrnllwg of fifth centuryPowys, via his son Cyngen Glodrydd. Nowy has three sons by Sanant ferch Elisse, these being Gryffydd, Tewdos, and Cathen or Caten. The existence of three sons raises again the possibility of them being granted portions of the kingdom although nothing is mentioned in surviving texts. Nowy Hen himself certainly rules in Cantref Selyf and probably in Cantref Talgarth (as long as this isn't a confusion with the earlier Naufedd Hen, his uncle). As Gryffydd is the elder of the sons then he inherits Cantref Selyf and probably Cantref Talgarth (if such a division exists). Tewdos may be lord of Cantref Mawr, with Cathen holding the remaining portions.

fl c.770

Gryffydd / Gruffudd ap Nowy

Son.

fl c.800

Tewdr ap Gryffydd

Son.

c.840 -al.896

Elisedd / Ellis(e) ap Tewdr

Son. Asked Alfred ofWessexfor aid against AnarawdGwynedd.

848

King Ithael ofGwentis killed in battle against Elisedd, perhaps sparking a feud that soon draws inGlywyssing's king, Hywel ap Rhys. The feud develops further in the 850s.

856 -886

In this period, Hywel ap Rhys ofGlywyssingcomes into conflict with Elisedd ap Tewdr over the districts of Ystrad Yw (Crickhowell, now in southernPowysbut seemingly inside the border of Brycheiniog in the ninth century) and the remnant ofEwyas(adjoining Ystrad-Yw,Gwenthad succeeded to Ewyas before its subsequent division asErcingand then its loss to theMerciansby the ninth century).

The territories are claimed by Hywel as the rightful possession of Glywyssing (although the claim seems dubious, as only its eastern neighbour, Gwent, could lay any realistic claim to Ewyas, and Hywel's familial relationship to Gwent's kings should not change this). Brycheiniog has already transferred its claim to those lands to Cadell, the king of South Wales (probably Cadell ap Rhodri ofSeisyllwg, who also holdsBuilth), so Hywel is forced to relinquish his right to them and has to set the boundary of his kingdom at Ystrad Yw. It is here that boundary stones have been raised and the town and castle of Cerrig Hywel (Gerrig Hywel, or 'the stones of Hywel') has been constructed. The latter is later considered to be in Brycheiniog. This forms the boundary between Hywel and Cadell during the former's lifetime.

896

Vikings have been wintering at Quatford (near Bridgnorth in Shropshire, part of westernMercia), but in the spring of this year they ravage the kingdoms of Brycheiniog,Gwent, and the Gwynllg region ofGlywyssing. Asser records that Elisedd requests help from Alfred ofWessex, but another reason for this may also be due to pressure from Anarawd ap Rhodri, the powerful king ofGwyneddandDeheubarthwho is keen on expanding his areas of control. Hyfaidd ap Bledrig ofDyfedmay be another southernWelshking who, during his lifetime, similarly appeals to Alfred for aid and support to ward off Anarawd.

Ceredigion

is a county in Mid Wales. The county was created as Cardiganshire (Welsh: Sir Aberteifi) in 1282 in the area of the former Kingdom of Ceredigion.

The historic county was abolished in 1974 and reconstituted in 1996 as Ceredigion. The county had a population of 75,900 at the 2011 UK census. Aberystwyth, which is the largest town, is one of the two administrative centres; the other being Aberaeron.

Aberystwyth houses Aberystwyth University, Bronglais Hospital and the National Library of Wales. The inland town of Lampeter houses part of the University of Wales Trinity Saint David.

The county is mainly rural with large parts being hilly or mountainous land. There is level, low-lying land on the coastal strip that runs along the margins of Cardigan Bay. There are a number of sandy beaches popular with visitors here, linked by the long-distance Ceredigion Coast Path.

More than half the population speak the Welsh language and the county is considered a centre of Welsh culture.

At one time, Ceredigion had more industry than it does today.

Lead, silver and zinc were mined here, and many of the sailing ships trading round the coast of Wales were built here.

However these industries dwindled over time, and the economy became almost completely dependent on dairying and the rearing of livestock, which were sent to the English market. During the last century, livestock farming has become less profitable, and the population of Cardiganshire has been in decline as people emigrated to more prosperous parts of Wales and to countries abroad.

More recently, the population has started rising again as elderly people move into the county for retirement, and various government andEuropean Unioninitiatives have encouraged tourism and other alternative sources of income

HAWARDEN.

It appears by these proceedings, as if the parliament was fearful of the consequences of even an act of justice; for, during the long troubles, there had been such vast change of property, effected by such variety of means, that it was apprehended, that the enquiry into the causes, and the dispossession of numbers who had quietly enjoyed such property from their fathers, might be attended with the most inflammatory consequences. It is likewise probable, that many of tbe members might be interested in the event; therefore they were determined to stop at once any proceeding that might tend to affect the fortunes of themselves or friends. Numbers of sales were made by the loyalists, under the influence of fear. They were content to receive a trifle for the purchase, rather than lose the whole by violence; for there were very few who had not incurred a prcmunire under the ruling powers, which they were glad to get clear of by a seeming voluntary sale. When they were thus disappointed in the hope of re-enjoyment of their fortunes, they laid the blame on the king, and invented the calumny of his rejecting this bill, after it had been passed unanimously by both houses.

Duiung the civil wars, this castle suffered the usual vicissitudes of fortune. It was early possessed by the parlement, being betrayed by the governor, a neighboring gentleman of the name

The 1848 Topographical Dictionary of Wales led by Samuel Lewis (publisher) states Hawarden is of remote antiquity and was called "Pennard Halawg," or more properly "Pen-y-Llwch", the headland above the lake.

The hill forts such as the huge remains next to the medieval Hawarden Castle and Trueman's Hill motte were it records locally believed to date to the time of fortifications against incursions of the Cornavii tribe and the Romans.

The Normans recorded the Saxons called the place Haordine where, east of today's village, was the principal manor of the Saxon Hundred of Atiscros.

William the Conqueror granted the lands and manor to Hugh Lupus as it formed part of the County Palatine of Chester whereupon Hawarden Castle was built that later proved key to Welsh history, at that time lived in by Roger Fitzvalerine, then the Montaults, or de Montaltos, barons of Mold, who held it as seneschal.

1157, Henry II., having assembled a formidable army at Chester, advanced into Flintshire with a view to the conquest of Wales, and encamped his forces on Saltney marsh, in the parish. To repel this attack, Owain Gwynedd, Prince of North Wales, marched his forces to Basingwerk near Holywell, where he took up his station within a few miles of the royal army. The boldness of Owain's movements inducing Henry to hope that the natives intended to risk a general engagement, in which he expected that the superior number and discipline of the English would ensure success, the king despatched a chosen body of troops, under the command of his principal barons, to bring the Welsh to action, or to dislodge them from their post. This party, having to pass through the narrow defile of Coed-Eulo, in the parish of Hawarden, were suddenly attacked in that dangerous pass by Davydd and Cynan, sons of Owain, who, with a strong body of forces, had been placed in ambush to surprise them. The English, from the suddenness and impetuosity of the assault, and the difficulties of the ground on which they had to contend, were routed with great slaughter, and the few who escaped the carnage retired, in the utmost disorder, to the main body of the army. Henry, exasperated by this unexpected discomfiture, immediately collected the whole of his forces, and pursued his march along the sea-coast into the heart of the enemy's country; and Owain, breaking up his camp, retired with his forces to St. Asaph.[6]

Efforts to subdue north Welsh territory into a degree of fiefdom followed intermittently, with no great success. In the castle Llewellyn of Wales who was in possession negotiated peace with Simon de Montford in 1264 who led a brief rebellion against Henry III of England and agreed to betroth to Llewllyn his daughter in exchange for restoring the de facto Welsh castle to Robert de Montault. The rebellion failed. Accordingly, by 1280 the castle became a crown asset, listed as a Castrum Regis. Later, due to Edward's successful campaign (imposing exacting terms on the Welsh, building Flint Castle and strengthening others) in 1282 Llewellyn's brother Davydd slew the garrison to wrench the castle back and took Roger de Clifford to remote Snowdon. This second recapture of the castle triggered Edward's slaying of Llewellyn and annexation of Wales. The castle was a prized possession onward, see Hawarden Castle.

The village of Saltney (focussed next to Chester, but in Wales) was part of the parish

MALLWYD MOLD. 

Mallwyd

MONTGOMERYSHIRE

LITTLE village, placed between the angles of three abrupt mountains, Arran, Camlan, and Moel Dyfi,in a small valley surrounded by many delightful scenes, through which runs the river Dyfi, or Dovey.

The falls at Pont Mallwyd, about half a mile distant, are particularly romantic and beautiful.

The church is a very humble Gothic structure.

The churchyard is remarkable for several large yew trees, one of which measures 22 feet in girth, and 40 feet in height.

Mallwyd

has a good inn, where chaises may be procured.

Distance from Miles. Distance from Miles.

B a l a .......................................... 19 Dinas Mowddwy ....

Can-Office................................12 Machynlleth ............................12

Mold

FLINTSHIRE.

O LD being now brought into railway connexion with the principal places of the district, has latterly received a new impulse, and is awakening from the dull apathy into which it seemed of late years to have fallen.

Its ancient British name (Yr Wyddgrug), signifying a Lofty and Conspicuous Hill, and also the Roman name of Mont Altus, were derived from a high mound on the

north-western side of the town, now called the Bailey Hill,

a commanding eminence, partly natural, and partly artificial, upon which a fortification appears to have been

erected at a very early period, but whether by the ancient Britons, or by the Romans, is not accurately known.

Mold is seated in a pleasant valley, watered by the river

Alyn, consists principally of one long spacious street, and

way station, from which a branch-line runs to form a junction with the Chester and Holyhead Railway , about a mile

below Saltney. The principal inns are the Black Lion,

the Leeswood Arms, and the Royal Oak ; to the former of

which a spacious assembly-room has lately been added,

and many agreeable balls are there given . Excellent

schools have been established here ; and in M ay, 1850,

tw o new m arket-halls w ere opened for business. In the

environs are numerous seats and m ansions o f the ge n t r y ;

as w ell as various w orks for smeltinglead, and an extensive cotton -mill, the latter of which is not at w ork.

The parish abounds with mineral w e a lth ; the western district is rich in lead ore, which is generally found imbedded in lim estone or chirtz ; but the operations are

much impeded b y the subterranean stream o f theA ly n, w hich here flow s under ground for the space of upw ards

o f h a lf a m ile. Numerous tumuli are found in various

parts o f the parish. In Octob er 1833, som e w ork m en

d igg in g in a field near the tow n, discovered a hum an

skeleton, having at its feet an earthen pot, w hich apparently contained ash es; and on the breast, w ith other

m etal, a large corslet o f g old , m uch ornamented, valued

at the sum o f 70l. : the trustees o f the British Museum became the purchasers of these antique relics.

O f the ancient castle not a vestige at present can be discerned, and its very site is com p letely covered with

thriving plantations. The Bailey h ill , on w hich it stood,

though at present difficult o f ascent, was rendered still more arduous b y the erection of strong ram parts and the

formation o f a deep m o a t: from the sum m it o f this hill a

fine view o f the surrounding cou n try is obtained. O n this

spot, in June 1849, fifteen skeletons w ere found w hile e x ­

cavating the ground for a b ow lin g -g reen . T h ey w ere those

o f m en w h o had eviden tly been laid in their graves after

the manner o f Christian bu ria l; and are supposed to have been the bodies o f soldiers w h o had fallen in battle, and were subsequently interred there, during the thirteenth

MOLD.

in 1841 , with that part of the township immediately adjoining , contained 10,653 inhabitants.

By the late Act for am ending the representation, Mold has been constituted a borough , contributory with Flint and the other boroughs in the county in the return of a member to Parliament.

The church, dedicated to St. Mary, and said to have been erected in the early part of the sixteenth century, is a spacious and handsome structure, consisting of a nave,

north and south aisles, and a chancel, w ith a lofty square embattled tower, enriched with sculpture and crowned with

pinnacles, w hich, though o f m ore recent erection, precisely

correspond with the general design. The interior o f the

church is em bellished w ith architectural details and sculptured m onum ents. A new F ont has lately been presented

b y the sister o f the excellen t vicar, A rch deacon C lou gh .

A m on g num erous m onum ents w orth y o f exam ination are

those to the m em ory o f R ich ard D avies, Esq. o f Llanerch,

and in rem em brance o f M rs. W y n n e E y ton o f L ee sw o o d ;

and against a p illa r o f the nave is this singular epitaph,

com posed b y D r. W yn n e for him self, and placed there

during his li f e :— “ In con form ity to ancient usage, from a

prop er regard to d ecen cy , and a concern for the health o f

his fellow -creatures, he was m oved to give particular d irections for bein g buried in the adjoining churchyard, and

not in the c h u r c h ; and as he scorned flattering o f others

w h ile living, he has taken care to prevent bein g flattered

b y others when dead, b y causing this sm all m em orial to

be set up in his lifetim e. G od be m erciful to m e a sin n er!”

T he w orth y D octo r, w ho was rector o f L lanvechan, died

in 1776. In the bu rial-grou nd are deposited the rem ains

o f W ilson , the celebrated painter, styled “ the English

Claude.” There are places o f w orship for various denom inations o f Dissenters.

The coun ty assizes and sessions are held in M old. A

new hall has been erected for coun ty business, in the old

E nglish style o f architecture, from a design b y Thom as

Jones, E sq., architect, o f Chester. It stands near the rail­

Mold cape

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Mold cape

The Mold cape.jpg

The Mold cape in the British Museum

Material Gold

Created 1900–1600 BC

Discovered Mold, Wales in 1833

Present location British Museum

The Mold cape is a solid sheet-gold object dating from about 1900–1600 BC in the European Bronze Age. It was found at Mold in Flintshire, Wales, in 1833.

The cape is thought to have formed part of a ceremonial dress, perhaps with religious connections. It is housed at the British Museum in London.

Contents

1 Discovery

2 The cape

2.1 The decorative motifs

3 Parallels

4 Excavation and display

5 In popular culture

6 British Museum registration numbers

7 See also

8 Bibliography

9 References

10 External links

Discovery

The gold cape was found in 1833 by workmen (accounts vary: either during the filling of a gravel pit[1] or while they were quarrying for stone[2]).

The cape was within a Bronze Age burial mound in a field named Bryn yr Ellyllon, the Fairies' or Goblins' Hill. The gold cape had been placed on the body of a person who was interred in a rough cist (stone-lined grave) within a burial mound. The preserved remains of the skeleton were fragmentary, and the cape was badly crushed. An estimated 200–300 amber beads, in rows, were on the cape originally, but only a single bead survives at the British Museum. Also associated with the cape were remains of coarse cloth and 16 fragments of sheet bronze which are likely to have been the backing for the gold: in places the gold was riveted onto the bronze sheeting with bronze rivets. There also were two gold 'straps' among the artefacts found. An urn with large quantities of burnt bone and ash was 60–90 cm (24–35 in) from the grave.

The cape's breadth is 458 mm (18.0 in). It was designed to fit someone of a very slight build, and although the gender of the person buried in this grave remains unclear, the associated finds are likely, by comparison with similar contemporary graves discovered, to be those accompanying the burial of a woman.[3]

The cape

Mold Cape, British Museum

The cape is considered to be one of the most spectacular examples of prehistoric sheet-gold working yet discovered. It is of particular interest as both its form and its design are unparalleled. The cape is oval in shape and would cover the shoulders, upper arms, and upper chest of the person wearing it, being higher at the back and lower in the front.

The craftsmanship with which the cape was constructed is exceptional. The object was beaten out of a single ingot of gold, a task which would have taken considerable time and skill, and was then intensely decorated with repoussé concentric rings of ribs and bosses. The decoration almost totally fills the object's outer surface, so that very little "plain" gold remains. It has been suggested that this decorative motif may mimic multiple strings of beads and/or the folds of cloth.[2]

The value of the metal and the quality of the craftmanship suggests that the cape was produced by a wealthy culture. Scholars speculate that the makers and owners of the cape were associated with the mine on the Great Orme, north Wales, the largest copper mine in north-west Europe at that time.[4]

As the cape extends so far down the upper body, it would have severely restricted arm movement by pinning them to the wearer's side, so that only the lower arms were usable. For this reason, it has been concluded that the cape would not have been suitable for everyday wear. It seems most probable that the cape was used for ceremonial purposes, and may have signified the wearer as a person of spiritual or temporal power: the Bronze Age equivalent of a chasuble, perhaps.

The decorative motifs

Detailed image showing decoration bands and tool marks.

Around the neck and base is a line of perforations. There are three zones of decoration on the cape: a band running around the base, a curving panel that dips at the neck and rises over the shoulders, and two matching panels to fill in the upper arm area. Above the perforations at the base are two high ridges and a deep groove. Above the groove is a line of conical bosses that run around the whole cape, but bifurcate at the front to rise up over the triangular panels at the upper arm. The bosses at the front are enlarged.

At the front the sequence of decoration above the bosses is, from bottom to top: ridge, three rows of small domed bosses, ridge, row of square-based pyramids, ridge, row of small domed bosses, ridge, row of lentoid bosses, ridge, three rows of small domed bosses, ridge, row of conical bosses and finally, three ridges.

The back has the same sequence with the addition, from bottom to top, of ridge, row of lentoid bosses, ridge, three rows of small domed bosses, ridge and, a row of lentoid bosses.

The two triangular areas on the upper arm are bounded at the front by a ridge, row of lentoid bosses and a ridge. At the front and back it is then bounded by three rows of small domed bosses. Inside this is a ridge, a row of conical bosses, and two ridges with a groove. The central area is filled with small domed bosses. At the base of each ridge and the large bosses are fine punched indentations (pointillé). In places the perforations at the base are double. In areas where parts of the cape are missing there are perforations (possibly from a previous repair).

Perforations along the upper and lower edges may indicate that it was once attached to a lining, perhaps of leather, which has decayed. The bronze strips may have served to strengthen the adornment further.[5]

Parallels

The Wessex region of England during the Bronze Age was noted for the wealth of its grave goods, particularly the exquisite goldwork in up to 15% of its graves. Fifteen findspots of goldwork are known for Wessex, compared to five in four other southern English counties (Cornwall, Devon, Essex, and Norfolk) with an apparent complete absence in the rest of the country. It is thought that much of this Wessex goldwork was the product of a single master craftsman, and that all may have been a product of his workshop.[6] The Mold cape is the only other piece of Bronze Age goldwork that challenges the Wessex material in its richness; however, the decorative motifs employed in the cape are dissimilar to those found in the Wessex material.[7]

The Mold cape shows both indigenous and Continental influences. Similar treatment of decorative motifs may be found in other pieces of Bronze Age metalwork, such as a bowl found at Rongères in eastern France (which itself draws from Central European sources), and also with the lenticular bosses found on the Migdale (Sutherland, Scotland) bronze "spacer-plate" (a device to hold apart the separate strands of a necklace) and the bronze armlets found at Melfort in Argyll, Scotland. This distinctive boss motif, surrounded by fine dots outlining the lenticular shape, has a long duration in Scotland and obviously survived in the indigenous repertoire to reappear on this unusual cape.[8]

With its fine repoussé work the Mold cape represents the last major piece of second millennium BC sheetwork so far discovered. Thereafter, the dominant preference for sheetwork in the British Isles is eclipsed and the evidence is more of massive goldwork in the form of solid bracelets, twisted bar-flanged torcs, and solid rings.[9]

Excavation and display

Since its backing had decayed, the fragile cape broke up during recovery. The pieces were dispersed among various people. Although the British Museum acquired the greater proportion in 1836, small fragments have come to light intermittently over the years and have been reunited with the larger portion. Small fragments of the actual cape are on permanent display in the Daniel Owen Centre's museum in Mold.

Later, detailed study and restoration revealed the full form of the cape, which at one time had been misidentified as a peytrel (chest ornament) for a horse. It also became apparent that a second, smaller object, in matching embossed style, was present in the grave. The cape is now mounted on cloth.

The cape was number 6 in the list of British archaeological finds selected by experts at the British Museum for the 2003 BBC Television documentary Our Top Ten Treasures presented by Adam Hart-Davis. It also featured in the BBC Radio 4 series A History of the World in 100 Objects, as object number 19, in February 2010.

The cape was on display at the National Museum of Wales, Cardiff until 4 August 2013, but was transferred to Wrexham for the period 7 August to 14 September 2013.[10][11]

the campaign against the Durotriges and Dumnonii tribes. Although it was recorded as suffering a defeat at the hands of the Silures in 52, the II Augusta proved to be one of the best legions, even after its disgrace during the uprising of queen Boudica, when its praefectus castrorum, who was then its acting commander (its legatus and tribunes probably being absent with the governor Suetonius Paulinus), contravened Suetonius’ orders to join him and so later committed suicide.

After the defeat of Boudica , the legion was dispersed over several bases; from 66 to around 74 it was stationed at Glevum (modern Gloucester), and then moved to Isca Augusta (modern Caerleon), building a stone fortress that the soldiers occupied until the end of the 3rd century.

The legion also had connections with the camp at Alchester in Oxfordshire; stamped tiles record it in the 2nd century at Abonae (Sea Mills, Bristol)on the tidal shore of the Avon (Princeton Encyclopedia).

Llanmelin Wood Hill Fort

Llanmelin is an Iron Age hillfort located just over a mile (2km) north-west of Caerwent Roman Town, between Newport and Chepstow. Traditionally,Llanmelin was thought to be the tribal centre of the Siluresbefore thehttps://youtu.be/slz07t5mK0U Romans arrived, but there is no strong evidence to support this idea.

In general, hillforts began to appear about 1000BC or 3,000 years ago. In the Welsh borderland, however, the main phase of hillfort construction seems to have been around 400BC to 500BC. Small enclosures, with a single bank — known as a rampart — and ditch, predominated. Further ramparts and more elaborate entrances were often added later and hillforts could remain in use until 2,000 years ago.

We do not know whether this elaboration reflects a real threat or a form of display, but the diversity of shapes and characteristics suggest a range of functions.

Set high above the coastal plain, Llanmelin follows this pattern of development. It began life with a single bank and ditch. More banks were added and a hundred years later the entrance was remodelled and strengthened.

From excavation evidence, we know that people lived in circular houses here made of timber and mud. They kept and ate cows, sheep and pigs, used pottery, smelted copper and carved antlers from red deer.

Today, only earthworks survive at Llanmelin. They are made up of three distinct elements: the main camp, the annexe, which is a series of rectangular enclosures tacked onto the main camp, and the outpost, located 275 yards (250m) away in woodland close to the road.

Llanmelin is also home to many different animals and flowers.

Llanmelin Wood Hillfort — Excavations

This site is included in one of our guidebooks. VisNPRN

301559

Map Reference

ST49SE

Grid Reference

ST46129254

Unitary (Local) Authority

Monmouthshire

Old County

Monmouthshire

Community

Shirenewton

Type of Site

HILLFORT

Broad Class

Defence

Period

Iron Age

Site Description

Llanmelin Wood hillfort is a small but elaborate Iron Age hillfort defended by two, and in some places three, banks. The hillfort has been suggested as the tribal capital of the Silures tribe, as it overlooks the Roman town of Caerwent (Venta Silurum -'market town of the Silures'), but it is not the largest hillfort in the region and there remains no conclusive proof of this supposed role. The main hillfort is oval and measures 200m NE-SW by 130m SE-NW, with a main gateway on the southeast side. Alongside and to the east of the hillfort is a complex annex comprising two rectangular compartments bounded by a high earthwork along the north, and terminating in a series of linear banks alongside a south-east gateway. The annex measures some 150m east-west by 60m. Together the hillfort and annex enclosure around 3 hectares.

In the early 1930s Llanmelin hillfort was the focus of intense activity. An original survey by Sir Mortimer Wheeler (1923) was improved by V. E. Nash-Williams who conducted three seasons of excavation between 1930-32. At the time the hillfort was thickly wooded with virtually no clear sight lines, but this did not hamper the excavation of many narrow excavation trenches and running sections. Howells and Pollard in the Gwent County History (2004, 148-151) summarise the development as beginning with an early phase hillfort flanked by extra mural occupation to the east. The was superceded in the 2nd century BC by a multivallate expansion of the original hillfort. In the third phase, dated first century BC/AD, the main gateway was remodelled and the complex annex was constructed. During the new Royal Commission survey in 2015, good indications of an early phase enclosure within the main hillfort have been recorded for the first time.

Finds included bead-rimmed jars with limestone fabric andGlastonbury style vessels.Perhaps the most interesting discovery from the annex were two human burials, one in the external ditch on the south-west side and one external to the northeast of the annex earthworks. Reappraisal of the site in the Gwent County History suggested Llanmelin may be a late Iron Age oppidum with high status funerary enclosures developed alongside. Later occupation on the hillfort included two substantial medieval longhouses sited within the annex earthworks.

New community excavations undertaken by Cadw with Archaeology Wales between 29th October and 16th November 2012 investigated parts of the hillfort interior and defences and produced Roman finds into the second century AD. A new survey by the Royal Commission was undertaken in spring 2015.

There is a lesser enclosure, the 'outpost', sited about 235m to the north-east (NPRN 307960).

Source: Nash Williams 1933 (AC 88), 237-346.

Griffiths, R.A. (ed.), The Gwent County History, Volume 1, Gwent in Prehistory and Early History. University of Wales Press: Cardiff.

T. Driver & L. Barker, 2015it our online shop to find out more

MINES WORKED BY THE SAXONS.

period in which the civil commotions would permit them to be carried on.

That the Saxons worked the British mines as well as the Romans,

appears from the frequent use made of lead in all works of ecclesiastical magnificence.

The cathedral of Lindisfarnh was roofed with lead by its bishop Eadberct, about the year 652;

that of York was covered with the same metal by its great prelate Wilfrid1 in 669;

and after that, Egelric, who was elected abbot of Crowland in 975, roofed the infirmary and chapel of that famous abbey in a similar mannerk.

I mention these circumstances merely to shew, that the Saxons continued the business of smelting in the different parts of our island.

We are assured that there have been, at different times, smelting-works for a century or two past in the parishes of Flint and I fa warden; and at present there is one in use in each of them.

I shall take this opportunity of mentioning incidentally the other minerals of Great Britain, taken notice of by the antients, either as articles of trade or matters of curiosity.

Tin was not only the first metal in these islands which we read of; but also the greatest object of commerce; and which originally led to the

TIN.

discovery of Great Britain by the Romans. The mercantile Phoenicians traded to the Scilly islands, the Cassiterides, or land of tin, from the port of Cadiz, four hundred years before Christ. The Romans, for a considerable time, could not discover the place from whence the former procured the precious metal.' They attempted to detect the trade, by following the course of a Phoenician vessel; but the master, faithful to the interest of his country,'voluntarily run his ship ashore in another place; preferring the loss of all, rather than suffer a foreign nation to become partakers of so profitable a secret. The public immediately compensated his loss out of its treasury. This did but make the Romans more eager for the discovery; and after many trials they succeeded. Publius Crassus (father of Marcus Crassus the Triumvir) who was praetor, and governed Spain for several years, landed in the Cassiterides, and found the report of their riches verified1.

81

As soon as the Romans made a conquest of the country, they formed in the tin province camps mid roads, still visible; and left behind vases, urns, sepulchres, and money, that exhibit daily proofs of their having been a stationary people in those parts"1; and that Dunmonium extended even to the Belerian promontory, or the Land’s-end;

1 Strabo, lib. iii. p. 240.

1,1 Borlase, Antiq. Cornwall, p. 278 to 309.

VOI,. I. G

and was not, as some writers imagine, limited by the western parts of Somersetshire. It is not to be imagined, that they could neglect a corner of our island, productive of a metal so useful in mechanics as tin, and which it yielded in such plenty, as to receive from that circumstance the name. So great was the intercourse that foreign nations had with the inhabitants bordering on Belerium, as to give them a greater scavoir vivre, and more extensive hospitality, than was to be found in other parts of the island. They were equally expert in working the mines, and preparing the ore, which lay in earthy veins within the rocky strata. They melted and purified it, then cast it into rows of cubes, and carried it to let is, the modern Mount St. Michael: from thence it was transported into Gaul; conveyed from the place it was landed at, on horses’ backs, a journey of thirty days, to the mouth of the Rhone, and also to the Massylians, and the town of Narhonne".

Copper. Did not Caesar and Strabo agree in their account, I should never have believed it possible that the Britons could have neglected their rich mines of copper, and have been obliged at first to import that metal. Perhaps the ore was less accessible, and the art of fusion unknown; for islands, from their very situation, must remain

n Diodorus Siculus, ed. Wechel, 1004, pp. 209, 218.

longer ignorant of arts than continents; especially ours, which lay far to the west of the origin of all science.

Strabo says, that the Britons imported works of brass; but it is as certain, that they afterwards did themselves fabricate that metal into instruments. The Celts, a British instrument, was made in this island. Numbers have been found in Yorkshire and Essex0, together with cinders, and lumps of melted metal; which evince the place of a forge. The Romans had thei-founder-ies of copper in our island; and cast the metal into regular forms. A mass was found at Caer Mn, the antient Conovium, four miles above Conwy, which probably was smelted from the ore of the Snowdon hills; where of late years much has been raised. This mass is in shape of a cake of beeswax; and on the upper part is a deep concave impression, with the words Socio Romae; across these is impressed obliquely, in lesser letters, Natsol. I cannot explain it, unless Nat. stands for Natio, the people who paid this species of tribute; and sol. for solvit, that being the stamp-master’s mark. These cakes might he bought up by a merchant resident in Britain, and consigned Socio Rome, to his partner at Rome. The weight of this antiquity is forty-two pounds; the

0 Borlase, Antiq. 256, 266.

diameter of the upper part eleven inches; the thickness in the middle two and three quartersp.

Calamine, the Cadmia of Plinyq, and the stone-Cadmia of Strabor, abounds in the mineral parts of this island. The Romans knew its uses in making of brass; therefore cannot be supposed to have overlooked so necessary an ingredient. The remains of the brass founderies, discovered in our kingdom, shew, that they were acquainted with it. The knowledge of this mineral in after-ages was long lost. Before the reign of Elizabeth, much was imported from Sweden; but at that period it was discovered again in the Mendip hills; and, fortunately, at the same time that the working of the copper mines in those of Cumberland was renewed. Our county abounds with it; but, till within these sixty years, wo were so ignorant of its value, as to mend our roads with it.

Calamine.

Caesar and Strabo" allow that wo had iron. The first says it was rare; for bits of it passed for money by weight. In Strabo’s days it appears to have been in greater plenty; for he mentions it among the articles of exportation. Immense beds of iron-cinders are to this day found in the forest of Dean, the reliques of the Romans; others in

Iron.

p Tab. VI. This curious antiquity is preserved at Mostyn. i Lib. xxxiv. c. 10. r Lib. iii. 224.

s Ccesar Com. Bell. Gall. Lib. v. c. xii. Strabo, lib. iv. p. 279.

Monmouthshire; another was discovered near Miskin, the seat of William Basset, Esq. beneath which were found a coin of Antoninus Pius, and a piece of earthen-ware*; and finally, others in Yorkshire , also accompanied with coins: all

which evince the frequency of iron-founderies during the period of the Roman reign in Britain.(1) These cinders are not half exhausted of their metal; for the Romans knew only the weak powers of the foot-blast. They are now worked over again, and yield a more kindly metal than what is produced from the ore. These beds are supposed to be almost inexhaustible; a proof of the vast founderies of early times.

Gold and silver are enumerated3" among the products of Great Britain. The Romans were acquainted with this; and our precious metals I iroved another incentive to their ambition to effect our conquest. Agricola, in his oration to his soldiers before the battle of the Grampian mountain, excites them to victory, by reminding them of our riches, the reward of valor. Fert Britan-

Gold.

1 Archaeolog. ii. 14.

1 Yarranton’s Improvements, 57.—Leland, Itin. i. 144, vi. 102.

Camden ii. 722.

i1; Pennant makes no allusion, it will be noticed, to the Wealds of Sussex and Kent, the only district where Caesar seems to have known of iron in Britain, and where it was worked to comparatively late times. j.r.

' Strabo, lib. iv, p. 279.N° 9. is a brazen bodkin.

N° 10. is a Jibula or brotche, gilt, and enameled with deep blue in front.

N° 11. is a brotche, not unlike some used at

present by the common Highlanders; whose dress, in its genuine simplicity, seems to have been borrowed from the Romans.

N° 12. is also a species of button; but differs from the modern (as do all I have seen) by having

no shank: instead, was a tongue, similar to those of the common jibulce. The front of this is enameled with deep blue.

N° 13. is another, of a very different form. This

has also lost its fibula*; but the defect is very apparent.

N° 14. is a forceps; an instrument much in

vogue among the Itomams, for extirpating hairs. This was used far the same purpose as the Turkish

fair do the Rusma. The pincers here engraven are of great size and strength; perhaps employed

by some robust coxcomb, such as Persius rallies so severely, in his fourth satire, for his unbecoming effeminacy.

N° 15. 15. seem to have been instruments of sacrifice. One end of each is round, and of the form of an olive; and was intended for the use of the aruspices, to insinuate under the entrails of the victim, and to lift them up for the better inspection of the parts. The other extremity of the

GOLD AND SILVER.

nca aurum et argentum, et alia metalla pretium victories7.

These metals have, in later times, been got in

qualities sufficient to prove, that they might, at an earlier period, have been an object worthy of conquest. In the reigns of James IV. and Y. vast wealth was procured in the Lead Hills, from

the gold collected from the sand washed from the mountain. In the reign of the latter, not less than to the value of three hundred thousand pounds

sterling. In another place, a piece of thirty ounces weight was found. Much also was ob

tained in the time of the Regent Morton7,. The search is now given over; but bits are still found accidentally. Lord Ilopton, owner of the Lead, Hills, is in possession of a specimen that weighs

an ounce and a half^).

Gold is to this day found in Cornwall, mixed with tin and other substances*. The largest piece that has been yet discovered, is equal in weight to

three guineas. It is probable that it was the

Cornish gold which proved the lure to the Romans; for it was impossible they or the Phceni

y Vita Agr. ’■ Tour in Scotland, ii. 130, iii. 414. (!) One of the most productive gold mines in old times may be supposed to have been Ogofau near DolauCothi in Carmarthenshire, where extensive traces of tho mining are still well known; and gold mining has been carried on lately in the neighbourhood of Dolgelley.

J.B. “ Borlase, Nat. Hist. Cornwall, 213, 214.

GOLD AND SILVER. 87

cians could be ignorant of it, who had such long commerce with the country, and who were acquainted with the manner of obtaining it in other

places. Pliny, speaking of tin, says, that there is found in the gold mines of Spain and Portugal, a sort called Elutiah (which a Cornish man would call stream tin), being washed from the vein by

water, and gathered up in baskets along with the

gold0.

Strabo and Tacitus agree, that we had mines s i l v e r .

of silver. In the reigns of Edward I. and III. there were very considerable works at Comhmar-tin in Devonshired: three hundred and thirty-seven miners sent for out of Derbyshire, were em

ployed in them; and the produce was so great as to assist Edward the Third to carry on the war with France. In the beginning of this century,

much native silver was found on the estate of Sir John Ershine, in the county of Stirling; but the

vein was soon exhausted.

The Britons were acquainted with the uses of

gold and the art of coining before the arrival of the Romans; witness the golden sickles of the I triads, the coins found at Carnbre in Cornwall,

b Alluvial. Ed.

" liili. xxxiv. c. 16. To prevent antiquaries being further misled about tlio A mpthill gold mine, I must inform them, that it proved only a bod of mica aurea; or, to speak like a punster, turned out nothing but tale. A Camden, i. 47.

ANTIENT COINS.

and the coins of Cassivelaunus(l). They made use of different sorts of metals for the purpose of coining; but chiefly gold, as being the easiest fused, and most

capable of an impression. Doctor Borlase has

preserved a series of these very early coins, from

the rudest and most unintelligible impressions, to the period when the Britons made an attempt to

form a face on their coins. All these are unlettered; a proof of their antiquity, and of their having been struck before their intercourse with the

Romans. The first we know of, which is inscribed, is that of Caissvelaunus, cotemporary with

CcBsar. The next is of Cuvobeline, who had even

been at Rome. As soon as the Britons became acquainted with the Romans, they made an essay to imitate their manner of coining; they put letters on them, elephants, and gryphons; things

they were before unacquainted with. They were not suffered to make any progress in the art; for as soon as their conquest was effected, their coin was suppressed. The learned have endeavoured

<•

(*) The gold sickles do not seem to have had anything to do with coins, and they belonged to the Druids of Caul, not Britain; and as to Cassivollaunus, his name is not known on any coin. The coins of the Britons, like those of the Gauls, wore imitations of money current among the Greeks of Marseilles, and moro especially the gold stater of Philip II. of Macedon. It is remarkable that the Dumnonii and the people of the tin country had no coins of their own minting. The work to be consulted on tho subjoct is Evans’s ‘ Coins of the Ancient Britons.’ j .r .

ANTIQUITIES. 89

to trace these antient monies from the Phoenicians; but the comparison would not hold. The Gauls

alone had some pieces similar: nor is this to be

wondered at, since they and the Britons had a common origin, were neighbors, and might as well agree in the few arts they had, as in religion and

language6. I now return to the subjects which occasioned this digression; and to give some account of the various antique instruments and coins found near

Flint; and accompany the same by the more expressive description, a print. N° 1. tab. v. is a rich ornament of gold, in form of a button with a shank. It is composed elegantly with twisted wire, and studded with

little globular bits of solid gold. This seems to have belonged to the bracelet or necklace (it is uncertain which), whose fragment is represented at N" 2. This is also composed of gold links, with round beads of a rich blue glass placed between every second link. Something similar to this is preserved by count Caylus, which is entire, and iippears to have been a necklace'. N" ;i. is a cylindric fragment of glass, probably

pari of some ornament, being of a rich blue color, and perforated as if it was designed to be strung. Willi i! was found a thick piece of sea-green glass,

* Horlase's Antiq. Cornwall, 242. tab. xix. 1 Tom. iii. 312, tab. lxxxv.

ANTIQUITIES.

part of a vase. Glass was among the earlier im

ports into Britaing, when the wild natives were as much captivated with toys as the Indians of

new-discovered countries are at present. At first

they received these, and all their other vitreous

commodities, by means of the Phoenicians, whose capital, Tyre, was pre-eminent in that manufac

ture. The glain nadroedd, or snake-gems, were at first obtained by way of exchange for the British exports. They were originally made by the Britons of stone. I have such a one in my cabinet. I have seen another in possession of the Reverend

Hugh Davies, found in Anglesea. The traders

soon learned to imitate what was prized so highly in our island, in a more elegant material; and

imported them as a most captivating article of

commerce; in the same manner as circumnavigators often mimic, in shewy brass, the utensils and weapons of Indian nations, in order to engage their friendship.

N° 4. is a small brazen head, with the back pstrt affixed to iron. Perhaps this was one of the Sigillaria, or little images sold at the fairs,

and presented usually to children11: the fairs where these toys were sold went by the same name. A learned friend also supposes these to

g Strabo, lib. iv. p. 281. h Non cognoscis me? ego sum Felicio, cui solebas sigillaria afferre. S e n e c a , Epist. 12.

ANTIQUITIES. 91

I >e miniature likenesses, which friends presented to

each other as memorials.

N° 5. is a Stylus, or instrument for writing on the ceratce tabellce, or waxen tablets; which were

made of thin leaves of lead, brass, or ivory, and

covered with a thin coat of wax. The pen, if I may call it so, was usually of brass; one end pointed, in order to write; the other flat, in order to efface what was wrong, by smoothing or closing

the wax. Horace gives every writer most excel

lent advice, in alluding to this practice:

Ssepe Stylurn vertas, iterum quse digna legi sint, Scripturus.

Oft turn your style, when you intend to write Things worthy to be read.

N° G. is an instrument of very singular use: a

narrow species of spoon, destined to collect, at funerals, the tears of the relations of the deceased, in order to deposit them in the little phials which

were placed with the ashes in the urn, memorials

of I heir grief. Such are very frequently found: bnl the custom is far higher than that of classical antiquity,; for the Psalmist, in expressing his h o i i o w h , alludes to it; Thou tellest my flittings ; fin/ my tears into tliy bottle.

N" 7. is an instrument seemingly designed for I lie purpose of dressing the wicks of lamps.

N" 8. may possibly be destined for the same

UHOH.

The name derives from a Brythonic word Gobannia meaning

"river of the blacksmiths",

and relates to the town's pre-Roman importance in iron smelting.

The name is related to the modern Welsh word gof (blacksmith),

and so is also associated with the Welsh smith Gofannon from folklore.

The river later became, in Welsh, Gafenni, and the town's name became Abergavenny,

meaning "mouth of (Welsh: Aber) the Gavenny (Gafenni)".

In Welsh, the shortened form Y Fenni may have come into use for a very short period after about the 15th century, although pronounced similarly in English or Welsh the English spelling Abergavenny is in general use.[7]

Roman period[edit]

Gobannium was a Roman fort guarding the road along the valley of the River Usk,[4] which linked the legionary fortress of Burrium (Usk) and later Isca Augusta or Isca Silurum, (Caerleon) in the south with Y Gaer, Brecon and Mid Wales. It was also built to keep the peace among the local British Iron Age tribe, the Silures.[citation needed]

Remains of the walls of this fort were discovered west of the castle when excavating the foundations for a new post office and telephone exchange building in the late 1960s.[citation needed]

11th century[edit]

St Mary's Priory Church

Abergavenny grew as a town in early Norman times under the protection of the Lords of Abergavenny. The first Baron was Hamelin de Balun, from Ballon, a small town and castle in Maine-Anjou called "Gateway to Maine", near Le Mans, today in the Sarthe département of France. He founded the Benedictine priory, now the Priory Church of St Mary, in the late 11th century. The Priory belonged originally to the Benedictine foundation of St. Vincent Abbaye at Le Mans. It was subsequently endowed by William de Braose, with a tenth or "tithe" of the profits of the castle and town. The church contains some unique alabaster effigies, church monuments and unique medieval wood carving, such as the Tree of Jesse.

Such was the Wales that confronted the Roman legions when, having subdued the English lowlands between AD 43 and $&, they were faced with the task of pursuing the most intrepid of the southern ‘kings’, Caratacus (or Caradog), into the western highlands, where he was organizing resistance. The social pattern was looser here than in the more settled regions of eastern and southern Britain. There was no powerful combination like the Brigantes or Boudicca’s Iceni – only a number of small tribes and a few wider groups like the Silures in the south and the Ordovices in the north; and no unifying force unless it came from the Druidical religion. On the other hand nature presented formidable barriers to the Romans, as to many later invaders. A hill-top village could not be overrun by a cavalry charge, and the western tribes clung fiercely to their independence.

By AD 51 Caradog had been defeated and captured, but it took another generation to subdue the Silures; in fact it would appear that the tribe was virtually wiped out in the struggle. Among the Ordovicesa Roman force, leaving many of the hill tribes still unconquered or only partially subdued, moved into Anglesey in AD 60 to make an end of the Druids. There followed a wholesale massacre of these troublemakers and the destruction of their sacred groves. there may be some reflection of this crisis in the rich deposit of Iron Age metalwork, mainly warlike but including specimens of Celtic art at its finest, which was discovered in the peaty margin of a lake in south-eastern Anglesey some thirty years ago ( in 1942 C ). the latest finds belong approximately to the age of the Roman invasion of the island; the earliest to a couple of centuries earlier. They are not of local workmanship, but originated in many distant parts of Britain. It has been suggested that they were votive offerings cast into the lake rather than mere spoils of war.

Before this, the work had begun of constructing strong legionary fortresses at Deva (Chester) and Isca (Caerleon) to contain the western tribes. These were linked by fine military roads, which were later extended by branch roads serving auxiliary forts and marching camps as far west as Segontium (Caernarvon) in the north and Moridunum (Carmarthen) in the south. The two great western promontories and (once the Druids had been wiped out) even the isle of Anglesey remained virtually outside the Roman sphere of influence, and in close touch with Ireland, which the Romans never invaded

Within these limits the conquest of Wales was completed by AD 80, and for some three centuries it remained an integral part of the Roman system, making its contributions in man-power and in kind to the occupying power. The Celtic aristocracy in the regions under effective rule, became largely ‘Romanized’ proud of its Roman citizenship and at home in the language of the conquerors and their methods of civil government. In the south-east, where the process was most complete, there appeared a Roman town, Caerwent, with all the familiar paraphernalia of Roman town urban life. Along the southern plain were several villae – houses built after the Roman style, surrounded by small estates or farms and inhabited by Romanized Britons of wealth and standing. Smaller settlements and hamlets which have been uncovered here and there also give evidence of occupation by natives with Romanized habits. But Roman rule in Wales was mainly military, and the farther west and north one looks, the thinner the Roman veneer becomes. Current excavations at Carmarthen, however, are bringing to light the existence of a civil settlement much farther west than hitherto thought.

Rome wanted corn from her new province, and there are signs that agriculture was extended and improved. From time to time groups of native farm buildings, or more extensive settlements of the Roman period, are turning up by the archaeologist’s spade; and one of the lasting domestic legacies was the use of the rotary quern instead of the primitive saddle quern for grinding corn. Rome also wanted metals, and there is plenty of evidence of the working of Wale’s neglected ores, with native settlements at hand to supply the labour force.

From the fourth century, Rome was unable to give effective protection to the western approaches, which had never really entered into her defensive system; for it is clear that Anglesey and the western promontories were increasingly subject to predatory raids and to permanent settlement from across the Irish Sea. The reoccupation of some of the deserted ‘hill forts’ testifies to Rome’s weakening grip, and reveals her increasing readiness to entrust the natives with their own defence. There were other threats to Roman power. In the north the province was under frequent attack from Pictish raiders, on the east and south from Saxon pirates; on the continent mass movements among the barbarian peoples, and recurrent civil wars, drained the Welsh garrisons for service elsewhere.

Marcus Cocceius Nerva Caesar Augustus;

8 November, 30 AD – 27 January, 98 AD

The origins of the name Gloucester can be traced to Caerloywin the modern Welsh.

There are various appellations in history such as Caer Glow, Gleawecastre, Gleucestre as an early British settlement is not confirmed by direct evidence.

However, Gloucester was theRomanmunicipality of Colonia Nervia Glevensium, orGlevum, built in the reign ofNerva.

Wales Brycheiniog
This small kingdom was founded as an offshoot of the Irish Déisi kingdom of Dyfed.

It was centred on Garth Madryn in the modern Brecon Beacons with a chief settlement at Talgarth or Talgar in the twelfth century, and it gained its name from that of its first independent king.

Its territory in south-east Wales was neighboured to the north by Powys, to the east by Gwent, to the south by Cernyw (and later Glywyssing), and to the west by Dyfed.

The modern word 'Brecon' is the English version of Brycheiniog.

As mentioned, the kingdom was named after King Brychen, which was taken from the word 'briych', meaning 'freckled'.

The '-iog' suffix is roughly equivalent to the English '-ed', so the people here were roughly (and amusingly) the 'freckled of the freckled' - in other words, Brychen's followers..

Traditionally, Brychen himself was born in Ireland, the son of a minor tribal king named Anlach, and moved with his parents to Wales. This ties in with the settling of the Irish Déisi in south-west Wales who took over command of the British territory of Demetia, although Anlach's pedigree would suggest that he was already in Wales, given that his grandfather had been the son of the leader of the Déisi exodus from Ireland.

Instead, Anlach's own 'moving to Wales' should perhaps be seen more in the context of his recent ancestors having moved there and his own grandfather having migrated further east into Garthmadrun (although see an alternative at circa 450, below). When Brychen was made king upon the death of his father, the area of Garthmadrun (or Garth Madrun, both older spellings of the modern Garth Madryn) was renamed Brycheiniog in his honour. This suggests that Anlach himself was not the territory's king. Instead he was probably a sub-king, governing Garthmadrun for the core Déisi to the west.
The kingdom's early capital was on a crannog at Llangorse, built by an Irish master builder to display the king's proud Irish heritage. Crannogs were unknown at this time outside Pictland (modern Scotland) or Ireland, and this is the only one of its kind in all of Wales. Luxury goods from around the world were imported here, and the kingdom's treasure was discovered in the waters around the crannog as recently as the 1970s. Unfortunately, the settlement was destroyed by an Anglo-Saxon raid just two decades after being built, and was abandoned (if only temporarily).
(Additional information by Edward Dawson, from A Study of Breconshire Place-Names, Richard Morgan & R F Peter Powell 1999, from Llyfr Baglan (The Book of Baglan), from Welsh Genealogies AD 300-1400, Peter Bartrum, from the BBC documentary series, The Story of Wales, first broadcast 3 October 2012, and from External Links: St Catwg's Church, and Catholic Online, and Ancient Wales Studies.
Urb mac Aed
Son of Aed Brosc, leader of the Déisi in Demetia.
Cormac mac Urb /Cornac
Son. Migrated into Garthmadrun from Dyfed with his father.
c.420 Anlach marries Marchel, whom Celtic works describe as the 'heiress of Garthmadrun'. The same works give Anlach's father as Cornac or Coronac, who is generally linked to Cormac mac Urb of the Déisi. Given the calculation that the Déisi had arrived in Dyfed around AD 300, this would give them ample time to become integrated into the regional nobility and for their leading sons to marry the offspring of the surviving Brito-Welsh nobility, hence Anlach's marriage to Marchel.
Brecon Beacons
The fluctuating fortunes of the kingdom of Brycheiniog took place in the dramatic landscape of the Brecon Beacons in south-eastern Wales
Marchel's Her status as 'heiress' would suggest that Garthmadrun is a parcel of territory that has been assigned to her from a larger territory, most likely the 'Kingdom of Mid-South Wales'.
fl c.420
Anlach mac Cormac
Son. 'King'.
c.450
Anlach has probably not been a king in his own right in Garthmadrun, but a sub-king or regional governor for the core Déisi to the west. His death means that he is succeeded by his son, Brychen, and it is now that the territory seemingly becomes an independent kingdom. Garthmadrun is renamed Brycheiniog to show that it is now firmly the land of Brychen and his followers.
Celtic works generally state that Brychen is born in Ireland and that his father brings the family to Wales.

While this seems to be more of a generalised remembrance of the Déisi exodus from Ireland six generations previously, at least one large group of Déisi had remained in Ireland.

This is the Déisi of southern Munster, and some of those Déisi who had been expelled from Tara joined their southern cousins.

It is possible that links survived between them and the Déisi who migrated to Dyfed, and that families could easily pass between both settlements. That would certainly allow Anlach's father or grandfather to return to Ireland and for Anlach, and later Brychen, to be born there and yet still be in Wales at a later date.
c.450 - c.490
Brychen Brycheiniog (St)
Son.

Kingdom founder.

Daughter married Gwynlliw of Gwynllg. c.470
It is said that the royal domain at Llangorse, built on a crannog that still survives in Brecenan Mere, is attacked by a Saxon raid and is destroyed. Brychen is forced to abandon it, probably for the better-known Talgarth (although it is later re-occupied by the royal family). However, Saxon raiders this far west in this century are extremely unlikely unless they arrive by sea and venture up the valleys from the direction of the Bristol Channel. The Britons are already fighting a war on the east coast, after losing Ceint, so there is little chance of Saxons being able to roam across the countryside. Much more likely is a raid by Irish warriors, who still roam the coastline picking off unwary victims. Even their raid up into the hills of Brycheiniog would be a considerable effort. (alternatively, this event could be a misremembering or confusion of the Mercian raid of 916 - see below).
Whilst the Catholic Church describes Brychen as a saint, relevant literature does not, instead referring to him as a patriarch. Even in the earliest sources he is credited as being the father of at least twelve children, with later sources claiming well over twenty, many of whom become saints with links to Manau or Cornwall.
fl c.480s?
Rein ap Brychan?
Son (?).
The timeline for the kings of Brycheiniog is largely calculated from a rough approximation of generation succession. Peniarth Ms 131, 299 contains the second known king, Rhain Dremrydd (or Dremrudd), but specifies him as Rhain son of an unnamed son of Brychen, inserting an extra generation between them. Brychen himself is given dates as variable as AD 400 and AD 490, so there seems to be plenty of room for an extra generation.
The researcher and genealogist Peter Bartrum (1907-2000) in his Welsh genealogies had removed this extra generation, thereby supplying the more normally-quoted pedigree for the kingdom. De Situ Brecheniauc does mention a Rein ap Brychan who is usually taken as Rhain Dremrudd but could equally be that Rhain's father, himself the son of Brychen. The appellation 'Dremrydd' could be used to distinguish the son from the similarly-named father.
fl c.495
Rhain Dremrydd (Red-Faced)
First son. Uncle of Cadwg, king of Gwynllg & Penychen.
fl c.510
Rigenew / Rigenau ap Rhein
Son.
fl c.540
Llywarch / Llowarch ap Rigenew
Son.
fl c.580
Idwallon ap Llywarch
Son.
fl c.620
Rhiwallon ap Idwallon
Son. Last male lineal descendant of Brychen.
c.640 - c.650
Ceindrych / Ceindrec ferch Rhiwallon
Daughter. Second marriage to Cloten of Dyfed.
c.650 - c.720
MapCeindrych (Ceindrec, modern Catherine) marries her distant cousin, Cloten king of Dyfed, and for the space of three generations the two kingdoms are united. During the mid-eighth century, Dyfed is invaded by Seisyll, king of Ceredigion. He takes Ystrad Towy, and the dual kingdom of Rhein ap Cadwgn is split in two. Rhain is forced to divide the territory and the king's (possible) younger brother is granted Brycheiniog.
fl c.715
Rhein ap Cadwgn ap Caten ap Cloten
King of Dyfed & Brycheiniog.
fl c.720
Awst / Aust ap Cadwgn
Brother? Granted Brycheiniog as his own domain.
fl c.730
Tewdos / Teuder / Tewdr ap Rhein
Second son of Rhein. Same as King Tewdos of Dyfed?
c.730
The precise status of the kingdom at this time is open to some question. Three of the sons of Rhein ap Cadwgn of Dyfed appear to divide Brycheiniog between themselves (probably following the death of Rhein himself). Some of their immediate descendants are referred to as 'king', but seem more likely to be lords of cantrefi (districts containing a hundred settlements) or commotes (one third or a half of a cantref).
Battle in Brecon
Cantref Selyf contains the small settlement of Battle, but despite misconception this was not named for the battle between the Norman lord, Bernard de Neufmarché, and three Welsh kings in 1070 but for the bequest of the land to Battle Abbey in Sussex
Naufedd Hen is known to hold Cantref Selyf and probably also has Cantref Talgarth, these forming the northern and eastern sections of Brycheiniog. Tewdos is more usually shown as the king of Brycheiniog (although in light of this division of territory he may hold no more right to such a grand claim than either of his peers and apparent equals), but may only hold Cantref Mawr, lying to the west of Talgarth and forming southern Brycheiniog. Elisse probably holds his father's manor plus scattered manors within the lordships of his brothers, making him the junior lord out of the three.
fl c.735
Naufedd Hen (the Old) ap Rhein
Brother. Cantref Selyf and probably Talgarth.
fl c.735
Elisse ap Rhein
Brother. Various scattered manors in Brycheiniog.
fl c.735
Elwystl / Elisse ap Awst
Cousin and rival claimant. Murdered by Teuder.
c.735 - c.750
Elwystl is a bit of a problem as he often seems to be confused with an Elisse ap Tewdwr, son of the King Tewdos shown above. There is also an Elisse ap Rhein, brother of Tewdwr, just to make matters even more confused. Which leaves the question of just what is held by Elisse ap Awst. An Elisse is shown in Jesus College MS 20 with a daughter named Sanant, but his father is not shown, meaning that he could be any of the three candidates (although more probably the two elder candidates only). Sanant marries Noe of Powys (born around AD 735), who has also been referred to as Nowy Hen ap Teuder (son of Teuder, or more probably son-in-law, given the marriage just mentioned).
Could both instances of an Elisse be one and the same man? This is the most likely explanation given the similarities in their dates. Both would have been old enough in 730 to already have a daughter who could marry the successor of all of the various ruling Dyfed kings and princes of their generation. Under Nowy Hen the kingdom seems to return to a single supreme ruler (if this had not already been the case under the sons of Tewdos, with one of them holding superiority over the others).
fl c.750
Nowy Hen (the Old) ap Tewdr
Son of Teuder. Descendant of Cadell Ddyrnllwg of Powys.
c.770
The son (with reservations - see c.735) of Tewdos ap Rhein, Nowy Hen is a ninth generation descendant from Cadell Ddyrnllwg of fifth century Powys, via his son Cyngen Glodrydd. Nowy has three sons by Sanant ferch Elisse, these being Gryffydd, Tewdos, and Cathen or Caten. The existence of three sons raises again the possibility of them being granted portions of the kingdom although nothing is mentioned in surviving texts. Nowy Hen himself certainly rules in Cantref Selyf and probably in Cantref Talgarth (as long as this isn't a confusion with the earlier Naufedd Hen, his uncle). As Gryffydd is the elder of the sons then he inherits Cantref Selyf and probably Cantref Talgarth (if such a division exists). Tewdos may be lord of Cantref Mawr, with Cathen holding the remaining portions.
fl c.770
Gryffydd / Gruffudd ap Nowy
Son.
fl c.800
Tewdr ap Gryffydd
Son.
c.840 - al.896
Elisedd / Ellis(e) ap Tewdr
Son. Asked Alfred of Wessex for aid against Anarawd Gwynedd.
848
King Ithael of Gwent is killed in battle against Elisedd, perhaps sparking a feud that soon draws in Glywyssing's king, Hywel ap Rhys. The feud develops further in the 850s.
856 - 886
In this period, Hywel ap Rhys of Glywyssing comes into conflict with Elisedd ap Tewdr over the districts of Ystrad Yw (Crickhowell, now in southern Powys but seemingly inside the border of Brycheiniog in the ninth century) and the remnant of Ewyas (adjoining Ystrad-Yw, Gwent had succeeded to Ewyas before its subsequent division as Ercing and then its loss to the Mercians by the ninth century).
The territories are claimed by Hywel as the rightful possession of Glywyssing (although the claim seems dubious, as only its eastern neighbour, Gwent, could lay any realistic claim to Ewyas, and Hywel's familial relationship to Gwent's kings should not change this). Brycheiniog has already transferred its claim to those lands to Cadell, the king of South Wales (probably Cadell ap Rhodri of Seisyllwg, who also holds Builth), so Hywel is forced to relinquish his right to them and has to set the boundary of his kingdom at Ystrad Yw. It is here that boundary stones have been raised and the town and castle of Cerrig Hywel (Gerrig Hywel, or 'the stones of Hywel') has been constructed. The latter is later considered to be in Brycheiniog. This forms the boundary between Hywel and Cadell during the former's lifetime.
896
Vikings have been wintering at Quatford (near Bridgnorth in Shropshire, part of western Mercia), but in the spring of this year they ravage the kingdoms of Brycheiniog, Gwent, and the Gwynllg region of Glywyssing. Asser records that Elisedd requests help from Alfred of Wessex, but another reason for this may also be due to pressure from Anarawd ap Rhodri, the powerful king of Gwynedd and Deheubarth who is keen on expanding his areas of control. Hyfaidd ap Bledrig of Dyfed may be another southern Welsh king who, during his lifetime, similarly appeals to Alfred for aid and support to ward off Anarawd.
Valley of the River Severn
The Vikings found quarters at Quatford in Mercia, occupying a commanding position over the valley of the River Severn (just half a mile from the view shown here), and building a burgh which may have formed the basis of the later Norman castle
fl c.900
Tewdr ap Elisedd
Son.
fl c.910
Gryffydd ap Elisedd
Brother.
916
Having submitted to Alfred of Wessex for help in the late ninth century, Brycheiniog has largely been seen as that kingdom's vassal. Now Deheubarth to the west is on the rise and Brycheiniog finds itself being tugged in both directions. Æthelflaed, lady of the Mercians, now invades and captures the royal domain at Llangorse, on 19 June. The queen and various others are taken, she presumably being the wife of Gryffydd, although precise dates for most of Brycheiniog's kings are unavailable. What happens to the captives is not known. This event could alternatively be placed in the reign of Gryffydd's successor, Tewdr Brycheiniog.
c.920
MapAfter being crushed by Mercia, the increasing supremacy of Deheubarth in South Wales forces Brycheiniog to submit some of its power and it effectively becomes a sub-kingdom. Tewdr Brycheiniog still exercises regional power though, being witness to an English charter of 934. There seems to be some confusion about his parentage however. Bartrum calls him the son of Elisse, but it is unclear whether this is the Elisse of the period before 885 or a son or grandson of his.
c.920 - aft 934
Tewdr Brycheiniog ap Gryffydd
Son. Witnessed an English charter in 934.
fl c.950
Gwylog ap Tewdr
Son.
fl c.970
Elisedd / Elisse ap Gwylog
Son.
? - c.1045
Gryfydd / Gruffudd ap Elisedd
Son. Last king of a united Brycheiniog.
c.1045
Upon the death of Gryfydd, his lands are divided between his three sons, as lords of Cantref Selyf, Cantref Tewdos and Cantref Talgarth. The eldest of those sons is, confusingly, named Selyf. Is he named for the cantref or vice versa, and if the latter then what has been the cantref's name until this point? Effectively, these three cantrefi are now part of the kingdom of Deheubarth.
c.1045 - ?
Selyf ap Gryfydd
Son. Lord of Cantref Selyf. Possibly also of Talgarth.
?
Dryffin ap Selyf
Son. Lord of Cantref Selyf?
1055 - 1063
Gruffydd ap Llywelyn of Gwynedd invades and conquers neighbouring Gwent, along with Morgannwg, subjugating them both and drawing them directly under his control along with Deheubarth as part of a united Wales. Following his death, united Wales breaks up, and independent control of Morgannwg and Gwent is re-established.
?
Maenrych ap Dryffin
Son. Lord of Cantref Selyf?
1066?
Apparently ruling at least part of Brycheiniog at this point in time (and quite possibly earlier) is a fairly mysterious 'King Bleddyn' of Brycheiniog. His pedigree as given by Llyfr Baglan shows a descent from the fifth century Caradog Freichfras (or Freich Fras) of Gwent. The presence of someone with links to Gwent is unexplained, but the most reasonable theory is that one or more of the three cantrefi of Brycheiniog has fallen into the hands of Gwent's nobility in the period after circa 1045. Despite the similarity in names, His father and grandfather, Maenrych and Driffin, should not be confused with the Maenrych and Dryffin who are lords of Cantref Selyf in the same century.
1066? - 1070
Bleddyn ap Maenrych ap Driffin
Son of (a) Maenrych. Not paternally related to the former kings.
1070
Earl William FitzOsbern of Hereford invades the kingdom and defeats 'three kings of South Wales', although none of these hail from Brycheiniog. 'King Bleddyn' of Brycheiniog is defeated by Bernard de Neufmarché (Newmark in its English form). It seems from claims made by Bernard in 1088 that he conquers the entire kingdom and sees it as his own domain (and he apparently goes on to slay Rhys ap Tewdwr Mawr of Deheubarth in 1093).
Normans
The Norman conquest of Britain owed much to good fortune, but once achieved it was enforced by military strength and a prolific castle-building programme
?
Rhiwallon ap Maenrych
Son of Maenrych. Lord of Cantref Selyf?
?
Madog ap Rhiwallon
Son. Lord of Cantref Selyf?
?
Einion ap Madog
Son. Lord of Cantref Selyf?
fl 1095/1100
Trahaearn Fawr ap Einion
Son. Lord of Cantref Selyf.
1088 - 1095
The Normans are gradually increasing their involvement in the affairs of southern Wales. By 1088 they have conquered the cantrefi of Selyf (under its last native lord, Trahaearn Fawr), Tewdos, and Talgarth, signalling the end of Brycheiniog. Talgarth is captured before 1088, although a precise date seems to be unknown. The region's lands and cantrefi are amalgamated into the lordship of Brecknock (the Anglo-Norman approximation of Brycheiniog) which itself is largely subject to the Mortimer family which dominates the Welsh Marches. Castle Dinas is an early Norman fortress which controls entry further into the lordship.
Brecknock later forms the larger southern section of the county of Brecknockshire (from 1535), although the Welsh form of its name, Sir Frycheiniog, is much closer to the original name ('sir' being the Welsh form of 'shire', this being the Old English word for the Norman 'county'). The 1974 reorganisation of county councils sees Brecknockshire merged with Powys, although after 1996 it exercises a degree of decentralised regional authority as the borough of Brecknock.

Brycheiniog

This small kingdom was founded as an offshoot of theIrishDéisi kingdom ofDyfed.

It was centred on Garth Madryn in the modern Brecon Beacons with a chief settlement at Talgarth (or Talgar in the twelfth century), and it gained its name from that of its first independent king. Its territory in south-eastWaleswas neighboured to the north byPowys, to the east byGwent, to the south byCernyw(and laterGlywyssing), and to the west by Dyfed.

The modern word 'Brecon' is the English version of Brycheiniog.

As mentioned, the kingdom was named afterKing Brychen, which was taken from the word 'briych', meaning 'freckled'. The '-iog' suffix is roughly equivalent to the English '-ed', so the people here were roughly (and amusingly) the 'freckled of the freckled' -in other words, Brychen's followers.. Traditionally, Brychen himself was born in Ireland, the son of a minor tribal king named Anlach, and moved with his parents to Wales. This ties in with the settling of the Irish Déisi in south-west Wales who took over command of theBritishterritory ofDemetia, although Anlach's pedigree would suggest that he was already in Wales, given that his grandfather had been the son of the leader of the Déisi exodus from Ireland. Instead, Anlach's own 'moving to Wales' should perhaps be seen more in the context of his recent ancestors having moved there and his own grandfather having migrated further east into Garthmadrun (although see an alternative atcirca450, below). When Brychen was made king upon the death of his father, the area of Garthmadrun (or Garth Madrun, both older spellings of the modern Garth Madryn) was renamed Brycheiniog in his honour. This suggests that Anlach himself was not the territory's king. Instead he was probably a sub-king, governing Garthmadrun for the coreDéisito the west.

The kingdom's early capital was on a crannog at Llangorse, built by an Irish master builder to display the king's proud Irish heritage. Crannogs were unknown at this time outsidePictland(modernScotland) or Ireland, and this is the only one of its kind in all of Wales. Luxury goods from around the world were imported here, and the kingdom's treasure was discovered in the waters around the crannog as recently as the 1970s. Unfortunately, the settlement was destroyed by an Anglo-Saxon raid just two decades after being built, and was abandoned (if only temporarily).

(Additional information by Edward Dawson, fromA Study of Breconshire Place-Names, Richard Morgan & R F Peter Powell 1999, fromLlyfr Baglan(The Book of Baglan), fromWelsh Genealogies AD 300-1400, Peter Bartrum, from the BBC documentary series,The Story of Wales, first broadcast 3 October 2012, and from External Links:St Catwg's Church, andCatholic Online, andAncient Wales Studies.)

BRECON CATHEDRAL

The former Priory Church of St. John the Evangelist at Brecon, counted the finest ecclesiastical edifice in Wales with the exception of the cathedrals of St. David’s and Llandaff,

now ranks with them as a cathedral—that of the new diocese of Swansea and Brecon.

It was fitting that the bishop's throne should be installed in the church of Brecon instead of in huge, busy and not very attractive Swansea,

quite apart from the fact that at the town beneath the towering Brecknock Beacons there was a building not unworthy of cathedral rank, that is to say as far as pretensions go in Wales, whose cathedrals are on a modest scale.

Brecon, as a town, probably dates from the vith century or even earlier, but the name by which it is now known is no older than the xith century,

being in fact the appellative given by the Norman barons who at the prompting of William I. set themselves lo the conquest of South Wales.

Its Celtic name is Aberhonddu, but it has always been one of the chief towns of the principality of Brycheiniog, now known as Brecknockshire.

The early history of Wales is extremely obscure

and the extant records are little more than the reflections of tradition.

Except in the extreme south-east, where Legio II. Augusta stood on guard atIsca Silurum orCaerleon, and at a few points along the coast, the Romans seem always to have allowed the tribesmen of wild and rugged Cambria to remain very much to themselves, as the Indian frontier clans have usually been left, except at such times as they violently abuse their privileges.

Situated as Wales was, it is likely enough that there was much cross-migration between it and Ireland, and there may have been a considerable Irish influx before the time of Irish hostility in the ivth and vth centuries!

The policy of Rome during the later period was decidedly to encourage settlements of warlike aliens within the bounds of the empire, and there is good reason to believe that this was the policy followed in Britain.

128

There is therefore, in default of better evidence, no reason to question the Welsh tradition that Bry-cheiniog was founded by an adventurous chief named Brychan, who, on his father’s side, was of Irish descent—not by a British Cambrian, or by one of the sons of the great Cunedda, who, about 400, expelled the Irish invaders from North Wales.

At the same time, Brychan had some kind of legal claim to rule the district in which his father had settled, since the latter had married a British woman, But in those wild days the only right respected ill Cambria was the right of the sword.

A great deal might be said about this founder of a local dynaniy which played its part in Welsh history for six centuries and more, but when so scholarly and painstaking an

The State of Brycheiniog

129

historian as Mr. Lloyd calls him one of the most shadowy figures in the annals of the country, the English writer may be pardoned for sparing his words. The pedigree of the lords of Brycheiniog has come down in a corrupt form, and the sequence of names is not very certain. But it may be accepted as a proven fact that the state was really founded by, and named after, a chief named Brychan.

During the Dark Ages the principality appears as involved in the customary Welsh dynastic quarrels and almost endemic civil wars as well as in the perennial struggle with the English enemy to the eastward. In the v11th century there is mention of a prince of Brycheiniog named Awst (Augustus or Augustinus), showing that even yet the influence of Rome was faintly felt by the wild mountaineers of Wales. Its capital seems generally to have been Talgarth, not Aberhonddu.

There is a tradition that Brychan himself was born at the Roman station of Gaer, three miles from Brecon, which is now in course of excavation, but it would not be quite safe to accept this as a fact. The Kymric princes of Wales seem to have been as little addicted to establishing themselves within Roman walls as die English, In any case Gaer was quickly abandoned for Talgarth.

Brycheiniog might appear to be tolerably well pro-tected by nature, but access into the mountains by the valley of the Usk is not difficult, and thus in the 1xth century the Vikings made their appearance there. This was in 896, when the Viking Great Army under the leadership of Haesten was endeavouring vainly 1

to overcome Alfred. The raid on Brycheiniog was probably made by a foraging column, for Haesten was, in 896, being chased hither and thither by the tireless Alfred and his energetic comrade Aethelred of Mercia, and in the end was beaten out of England. But doubtless the horde of half-starved pirates did much harm, even granting that mediaeval Welsh towns were mere collections of wattle-and-daub dwellings easily erected and easily repaired. Its prince at this time was probably Elise ap Tewdwr (Elisius son of Theodorus). About 900 or 905 he was succeeded by his son Tewdwr, who was unwise enough to provoke the hostility of Aethelflaed, the renowned Lady of Mercia, Alfred’s warrior daughter.

130

This was in 916; presumably Tewdwr had made one of those treaties with the Vikings which he and his fellows were too fond of concluding to their own confusion. But his action may have been due to mere restlessness.

At any rate he crossed the border, sacked a monastery, perhaps that at Hereford, and murdered the Abbot Ecgberht on 14th June. It was an ill thing to provoke the daughter of Alfred the Great. Within three days Aethelflaed had sent out her army and the capital of Brycheiniog was stormed.

Tewdwr himself seems to have escaped, but the victors carried off as hostages his wife and thirty-four notables of the little state.

Whether the captured capital wasAberhondduorTalgarthis not known, but it seems probable that it was the latter place. Whether Aethelflaed led her forces in person or not, is unknown; the chronicle simply says that she sent out her soldiers. There

131

is no doubt that this most remarkable woman did lead her army in the field, and if so, in 916 she may have been with the bands which came into the mountains of Brycheiniog to punish the murderers of Abbot Ecgberht.

Brycheiniog maintained its semi-independent existence for some five generations after Aethelflaed’s castigation in 916.

This was partly due to the troubles of England under Aethelred the Redeless .(commonly “the Unready”). Cnut's interests lay elsewhere than in Wales. Harold Godwinson was strong and determined, and it seems that it was really he who laid the plans for the conquest of South Wales which were taken up by William I.

In any case William had not been long on the throne before Norman lords began to press in upon the Welsh principalities. In 1081 William himself marched right through the country as far as St. David's. He was sufficiently politic and devout to pay his respects to the shrine of the Welsh saint, but his purposes were no doubt mundane and Rhys ap Tewdwr, the chief dynast in South Wales, agreed to pay a regular tribute.

The conquest of Brycheiniog was undertaken by Bernard de Neufmarche. His wife was Nest, the daughter of Osbern FitzRichard by a Welsh princess of the same name. He could thus put forth a kind of claim to the principality, though the barons of Normandy rarely troubled themselves about such matters

with them might was right. In 1093 he penetrated to Aberhonddu, and was beginning to build a castle when he was attacked at Eastertide by Rhys ap

Brecon Cathedral

Tewdwr, who came to make a last desperate attempt to stay the invading trickle before it should become a flood. Bernard, however, withstood the onslaught victoriously, and Prince Rhys himself fell in the battle. The Welsh chronicle mournfully says that with his death the kingdom of Wales was overthrown; and it is certain that the spasmodic efforts of the Welsh were never able to shake the hold of the invaders on Brycheiniog.

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Bernard de Neufmarche ruled his newly-won fief until about 1125, with his capital at Aberhonddu, which he called Brecon. There he built a castle, using for the purpose, as is probable, the materials from the Roman station at Gaer, as well as those of the “ Vetus Villa” at Aberhonddu itself. Whether this Vetus Villa were a posting station or a private manor (“villa”) is unknown. Since Brecon lies upon a well-marked Roman road, the name indicates the existence of a settlement of some kind as far back as Romano-British times and perhaps earlier. At some time before 1106 he established a borough there and also founded a priory. With him in his new castle was residing a monk of Battle Abbey named Roger. To him the baron granted the church of St. John the Evangelist without the walls of the new settlement, and as its endowment the site of the Roman station called “Vetus Villa.” Roger called to his assistance .1 brother monk named Walter, and the two rebuilt the church, put up some domestic quarters and collected more endowments. Baroness Nest (“Anneis"), after recovering from a dangerous illness, gave to the new establishment her manor of Tenbury. More

A Revengeful Bishop

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monks joined the rising community and presently, with the consent of Henry I., Bernard constituted the priory of Brecon as a cell of Battle Abbey, with Walter as its first superior.1

Bernard’s son Mahel quarrelled, rightly or wrongly, with his mother Nest, and was disinherited. The popular belief was that the lady was guilty of perjury. In any case Bernard’s heritage passed to his daughter Sybil, who was married to Miles of Gloucester.

The charter shows that when Baron Bernard gave the first endowment to Father Roger a church already existed upon the site. It was presumably a poor and rude construction of the ordinary Welsh type—very probably of wood—and was pulled down to make way for a stone edifice of worthier dimensions. Of this church some fragments survive in the walls of the nave near the western arch of the tower. The font is also of this date.

Early in the xiith century, following the example set elsewhere, Giles de Braose, Bishop of Hereford, and his brother William, Lord of Brecknock, began to reconstruct the church in the prevalent Early English style. Their work was presently interrupted, lor the de Braoses became involved in hostilities with their tyrannical master John. William fled to France, and his wife and son were starved to death by the savage monarch. Bishop Giles, in revenge, intrigued with the independent Welsh, and the result was that in 1231 Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, Prince of North

' The charters which illustrate its first beginnings and growth are reprinted in Archaeologia Cambrensis, vols. xiii. and xiv. (series IV.).

A Fortress-like Church

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consequence, except that the south-eastern chapel has disappeared.

In dimensions the building is modest—smaller than many English parish churches—but herein it re-winbles its fellows in Wales, of which even St. David’s is only of the second or even third rank as regards size. It is also very simple as regards its exterior, in this respect resembling Carlisle, but despite this it possesses considerable dignity of an unadorned description.

It has more of the charac-imsiics of a Norman building than one of the Early

English period of architecture; it reminds one of Romsey Abbey, though it is very much less imposing.

The plan is simple, consisting of nave with aisles, transepts, and a chancel without aisles, their place bring partially taken by a large chapel on the north

side and a smaller one on the south. There is a north porch and the entire structure is crowned by a low massive tower.

The situation of the little cathedral adds considerably to its attractiveness.

It stands on a wooded hill, round the foot of which the Honddu flows or rages, according to climatic conditions, to join the larger but no less turbulent Usk.

When last the writer saw honddu she was in an angry mood, rushing along between her-banks in a succession of swirling rapids to the accompaniment of a dull roar which boded ill for Brecon if the rains continued—as they did.

One sees that St. John’s was almost as much fort-ress as church, set high upon a hill, protected by A rushing stream, and with good stout walls as well. Such bulwarks were necessary in the days when

Venta was established by the Romans in around AD 75  as an administrative centre for the defeated Silures tribe in Roman Wales.

Venta Silurum seems to mean "Market town of the Silures" This is confirmed by inscriptions on the "Civitas Silurum" stone, now on display in the parish church. The town, which was located on the Roman road between Isca Augusta (Caerleon) and Glevum (Gloucester)

and close to the Severn Estuary, was - in contrast with nearby "Isca" - essentially established for civilian administration rather than for military purposes.  Initially Venta had a forum and basilica. By the early part of the 2nd century, during the reign of Hadrian, the civitas had begun construction work on a market place and developing centre of local government. Public baths and shops, including a blacksmiths, were built about the same time.  Remains of farms and dwellings, some with courtyards, have also been excavated. A Roman temple, perhaps dedicated to Mars and the Celtic god Ocelus, have been identified on the site.  A bowl with a chi-rho symbol shows that the worship of early Christian worship had begun in the late 3rd century.
Following the withdrawal of the Roman legions from Britain, the town remained occupied until at least the mid-5th century Early Christian worship was still established. The town might have had a bishop. A monastery was founded by Saint Tatheus in the 6th century. The site of the present church occupies part of an early Christian cemetery. The name Venta gave its name to the emerging Kingdom of Gwent (called initially "Kingdom of Guenta"), and the town itself became known as Caerwent or "the castra/fort of Venta/Gwent".

Tradition holds that Caradog Freichfras of Gwent moved his court from Caerwent to Portskewett around the 6th century.
Archaeology

The Civitas Silurum Stone, which refers to the "council of the Silures." Remains of a Roman Basilica and Forum The town lacked substantial defences until the mid 4th century when stone town walls were built. A small garrison may have been based in the town during this period. Large sections of the defensive walls are still in place, rising up to 5 metres in height in places. The walls have been described as "easily the most impressive town defence to survive from Roman Britain, and in its freedom from later rebuilding one of the most perfectly preserved in Northern Europe."[4] In 1881 a portion of a highly intricate coloured floor mosaic or Tessellated pavement, depicting different types of fish, was unearthed during excavations in the garden of a cottage.  In 2008, a dig involving Wessex Archaeology and volunteers from the local Chepstow Archaeology Society, found a row of narrow shop buildings and a villa with painted walls, frescoes of Roman art and mosaic floors.  Among the artefacts excavated were a bone penknife hilt depicting two gladiators fighting, coins, Roman glassware, ceramics, human and animal bones, lead patches used for repairing and pieces of mosaic. These excavations featured in Channel 4's Time Team programme, broadcast on 25 January 2009.  Modern houses are built on top of half the site of the old Roman market place.  The ruins of several Roman buildings are still visible, including the foundations of a 4th-century temple. The fact that most of the houses lacked mosaic or hypocaust-heated floors, however, suggests that despite its size, Caerwent never achieved the cultural level of other Romano-British tribal capitals.  In 2010 a programme of archaeological work was carried out, by Monmouth Archaeology, as part of the construction of a new garage, at Museum Cottage. A number of finds were made. The Brythonic group, on the other hand, is now represented by Welsh, and the Armoric dialects of Brittany or ILydaw. To this group also belonged old Cornish, which has been extinct as a spoken language for somewhat over a century.

Definition of medieval

The adjective medieval literally means “of the Middle Ages,” i.e., the period between antiquity (the Roman world) and the early modern era 

Common chronological range

Historians most often treat the Middle Ages as roughly the 5th century to the 15th century: from the collapse of the Western Roman Empire (commonly dated 476) up to the Renaissance and early modern transitions around 1400–1500 

Standard subperiods and their usual dates

• Early Middle Ages: about 500–1000.
• High Middle Ages: about 1000–1300.
• Late Middle Ages: about 1300–1500.
  These are conventional labels; exact boundaries vary by region and by the historian’s focus 

What authors usually mean when they write “medieval”

• Broad cultural sense: the social, political, religious, and material world shaped by feudal institutions, Christendom, and post‑Roman societies in Europe between Late Antiquity and the Renaissance 
• In specialised works an author may narrow the term (for example, “medieval urban law” might mean 1100–1400), so check the author’s period definition in introductions or captions 

Origin and first use of the word

The English term derives from Latin medium aevum “middle age.” The modern English adjective (often spelled mediaeval earlier) was coined in the 19th century from that Latin phrase; recorded modern forms date from the early 1800s (commonly cited 1825 for the form medieval/mediaeval) 

Quick guidance for reading historical scripts

When you encounter “medieval” in a text, assume 5th–15th centuries unless the author states otherwise; for precise work always look for the author’s explicit chronological scope because usages and boundary years differ by topic and region 

Bronze Age time boundaries overview

The Bronze Age is a cultural-technical phase defined by the pervasive use of bronze (an alloy of copper with tin or arsenic), alongside associated changes in technology, trade, burial practice, and social organisation. Its absolute dates vary widely by region because metallurgy and associated cultural changes spread at different times. Below are commonly used regional ranges and practical guidance for tagging or labelling gazetteer entries.

Common regional date ranges

• Near East and Anatolia
  Early Bronze Age: c. 3300–2100 BCE; Middle Bronze Age: c. 2100–1600 BCE; Late Bronze Age: c. 1600–1200 BCE.
• Aegean (Greece and Cyclades)
  Early Bronze Age: c. 3000–2000 BCE; Middle Bronze Age: c. 2000–1600 BCE; Late Bronze Age: c. 1600–1100 BCE.
• Central and Western Europe
  Broad Bronze Age: c. 2300–800 BCE; subdivided (Early/Middle/Late) roughly as Early c. 2300–1500 BCE, Middle c. 1500–1200 BCE, Late c. 1200–800 BCE.
• British Isles (including Devon and Cornwall)
  Broad Bronze Age: c. 2500–800 BCE; Early Bronze Age often starts c. 2500–2000 BCE (after Late Neolithic/Beaker horizons), Late Bronze Age ends c. 800 BCE.
• South Asia (Indian subcontinent)
  Indus-related Bronze Age/Harappan: c. 3300–1300 BCE (mature Harappan c. 2600–1900 BCE); local Bronze-using traditions continue and overlap with early Iron use.
• East Asia
  Bronze Age in China: roughly c. 2000–771 BCE (Xia-Shang-Zhou sequences; Shang c. 1600–1046 BCE is strongly bronze-rich).
• The Americas and parts of Sub-Saharan Africa
  No true widespread Bronze Age phase comparable to Old World sequences; metallurgy often appears much later and in different forms.

Practical guidance for mapping and gazetteer work

• Use region-specific ranges rather than a single global boundary.
• For ambiguous or single-site reports, prefer relative labels: Early Bronze Age, Middle Bronze Age, Late Bronze Age, or Bronze Age (broad)with a numeric range (e.g., Bronze Age c. 2500–800 BCE).
• Where chronology is uncertain, record both: cultural label(Bronze Age) and confidence/precision(e.g., high if radiocarbon dated; low if typological only).
• Include key local markers in metadata: metallurgy present; Beaker/urnfield/bronze-ritual features; radiocarbon dates range; typology links.
• Allow fields for overlapping phases (e.g., “Late Neolithic / Early Bronze Age transitional”) and for caveats like reuse or later disturbance.

Why ranges differ and how to communicate that

• Start and end dates depend on: first local alloy production; availability of tin or copper sources and trade; cultural adoption of bronze technologies; and the arrival of ironworking.
• Use wording that communicates variability: “Bronze Age (regional: c. 2500–800 BCE)”or “Bronze Age — British Isles convention: c. 2500–800 BCE”.
• When precision matters, attach dating evidence: radiocarbon ranges, stratigraphic context, or diagnostic artefact types.

Short recommended labels for database fields

• Period label: Bronze Age
• Region qualifier: e.g., British Isles
• Numeric range: e.g., c. 2500–800 BCE
• Subdivision: Early / Middle / Late (if known)
• Dating confidence: High / Medium / Low
• Dating evidence: Radiocarbon; typology; stratigraphy; historical reference

The suffix ‘ton’ constitutes a sort of test word,” says Mr. Isaac Taylor, “ by which we are able to discriminate the Anglo-Saxon settlements.”1 “A tun or ‘ton ’ was a place
surrounded by a hedge, or rudely fortified by a palisade”

The passage you quoted is part of the author’s argument that Plympton’s name is unmistakably Anglo‑Saxon, and that the key to recognising this lies in the suffix ‑ton. The PDF you have open confirms this discussion in its treatment of early Plympton history .

🏰 What ‑tonActually Signifies

The core point is that ‑ton(Old English tūn) originally meant:

• An enclosed place— literally a fenced or hedged area

• A defended homestead or settlement— often with a palisade

• A farmstead that could grow into a village or manor

So when you see a place‑name ending in ‑ton, you are almost always looking at:

• A Saxon foundation, or

• A Saxon renamingof an older site they took over.

This is why Isaac Taylor calls it a “test word”: it reliably marks Anglo‑Saxon occupation or administrative control.