The silver mines in Devon.

At the close of the medieval period the vast majority of manufactured and primary output in England came from small producers integrated into rural society. Mining has, in the past, been excluded from such a model by historians holding a view, coloured by post-medieval developments in certain sectors like copper and coal production, that its demand on capital and techniques was beyond the reach of the small producer . Burt and others (5, 6, 7, 8 and 9) have, however, argued convincingly for its inclusion; seeing the archetypal mine at the close of the medieval period as small scale, supporting increased production through a multiplicity of similar small operations. It created no great demand on either capital or technology and its workforce was integrated into its landscape, moving easily between agriculture and mining in tune with demands on production.

There was, neverthless, one sector of non-ferrous metal mining which had developed on a large, capital intensive, ‘industrial’ scale from the 13th century. The mining of silver-bearing ores was, prior to the 13th century, largely centred in northern England, regulated according to custom which allowed the participation of a multiplicity of small operators, and exploited rich shallow resources (see Claughton 2003). When, in the 13th century, the English Crown exercised a right of prerogative over silver-bearing ores and opened up mines in Devon, mining in this and later silver mining fields was divorced from customary regulation. In doing so the Crown embarked on a course of action which was unprecedented and not emulated in continental Europe until at least the 17th century.

The principal silver producer, at Bere Ferrers on the confluence of the rivers Tavy and Tamar in south Devon, was worked under the direct management of Crown officers from 1292 to 1349; a practice continued beyond that date by Crown lessees. Over 300 men were employed on wages and piecework, many being pressed into service and moved to Devon from other mining fields. By the early years of the 14th century a programme of capital expenditure on development was in place, taking the workings well below the water table with a requirement for well planned drainage. Processing of the ores mined was carried out at a number of sites around Bere Ferrers including a complex of smelting and refining furnaces at Calstock, on the Cornish bank of the Tamar, although subsequent developments in furnace technology led to a concentration of both smelting and refining in a water-powered fynyng mylls. The demand for timber in the mines, and as fuel for the smelting / refining processes, meant that woodland was exploited in a wide area around Bere Ferrers. Water transport was used to supply the mines and smelting sites with necessary expenditure on boat repairs; and a ropeworks was established to satisfy the requirements for haulage within the mines.

A continued demand for silver, particularly during the bullion crisis of the mid 15th century, encouraged deeper working of the Bere Ferrers mines. The attendant high costs in manual drainage stimulated the introduction of innovative mechanised pumping by 1480, along with the associated leat system to feed its water wheel. However, by 1500, the accessible silver-bearing deposits were worked out. The nature of the mineralisation, and the ability of the medieval miner to work at considerable depth, meant that it was not until the introduction of steam-powered pumps in the 19th century that modern miners could drain the old workings and exploit deeper deposits to the south under the River Tamar.

Recent work on the economic and social history of silver mining (2) has identified the organisational and technological changes affecting the Bere Ferrers mines. In the course of that work many aspects of mining were identified which could not be satisfactorily explained by the surviving documentation. In addition some physical features were noted which supported the documentary evidence but require further investigation.

A landscape archaeology study has been used to resolve some of the outstanding issues and identify sites for further investigation. The Bere Ferrers Project was funded by the Leverhulme Trust, carried out by the Department of Archaeology at the University of Exeter, and the results will shortly be published by the University of Exeter Press as Mining in a Medieval Landscape: The Royal Silver Mines of the Tamar Valley. More details are available on the Project web pages.

name,latitude,longitude,distance_km_from_fort
Calstock Roman fort,50.5017717,-4.2062468,0.000
Prince of Wales Mine,50.5130000,-4.2567100,3.787
Harrowbarrow cluster,50.5100000,-4.2620000,4.049

with the calstock roman fort discovery ,how would you assess the close proxmety of the following local mines Harrowbarrow & Prince of Wales Mines (Wheal Newton (Barnard); Harrowbeer; Harrowbarrow Consols; Wheal Goodluck; East Wheal Brothers; Wheal Pleasant; Calstock United; Calstock Mines ). This group of mines also included Wheal Fortune, Wheal George, Wheal Queen and West Edward, South Harrowbarrow. The minerals anatase, childrenite, molybdenite, ramsbeckite, schulenbergite, scorodite were found in the Prince of Wales. Only the Prince of Wales lode was developed to any great depth - to 193 fathoms below surface (353metres), for a length of about 200 fathoms (366metres). Development on the other lodes was to no more than a 50 fathom level below adit. Recorded output; 18000 tons of copper ore. 1110 tons of tin ore. 23 tons of lead ore. 27 tons of manganese. 10120 tons of pyrite... Pyrite, also known as fool's gold,is an iron sulfide mineral with the chemical formula FeS₂. It is characterized by its metallic luster and pale brass-yellow hue, which can resemble gold, leading to its nickname. Pyrite is the most abundant sulfide mineral and is commonly found in sedimentary rocks, coal deposits, and as small nodules orb and is known as "pyrite framboids".  Historically, it has been used by native tribes as a healing stone and was polished into mirrors for divination 6753 tons of arsenical pyrite (arsenopyrite) 532 tons of arsenopyrite. 2 tons of arsenic. 20 tons of silver ore. 421 oz silver. 1580 The first reference to the mines being worked as Wheal Goodluck. The lode was described as a great Margasly (pyrite) lode bearing silver. 1774 Harrowbarrow mine was offered for sale as a copper and tin mine. 1805 there is a record of the mine working, but was soon abandoned. 1825-6 Harrowbarrow was reopened as Wheal Goodluck again and produced 37 tons of copper ore. 1835 the mine was at work under two names one called East Wheal Brothers. This working lasted until 1848, and is believed some copper and tin, and £700 of silver was produced. The mine was drained by a Sims double cylinder (compound) beam engine 38inch/20inch (Higher pressure steam entered the small cylinder, and was then reused at a lower pressure in the larger cylinder). In about 1822-23 Prince of Wales may have been worked under the name Calstock mines, and produced 92 tons of copper ore. In 1850 Prince of Wales (Wheal Pleasant) with Harrowbarrow mine was included under the name of Calstock United. The group of mines continued to be reworked in various amalgamations and names until 1914. Prince of Wales was prospected in 1928 but no production resulted. The most recent activity was was around 1977 when a level was driven northward towards Hingston Down, again no production resulted. It would appear that most of the silver ore came from the Wheal Queen section, which was developed on a tracked of the Wheal Brothers lode. Another mine which was also rich for silver ore. The name pyrite is derived from the Greek πυρίτης λίθος (pyritēs lithos), 'stone or mineral which strikes fire', in turn fromπῦρ (pŷr), 'fire'. In ancient Roman times, this name was applied to several types of stone that would create sparks when struck against steel; Pliny the Elder described one of them as being brassy, almost certainly a reference to what is now called pyrite.

Spatial summary and quick verdict

Short answer:the Harrowbarrow–Prince of Wales group lies within a compact cluster about 3.5–4.0 kmfrom the Calstock / St Andrew’s church spur where the Roman fort was found. The Prince of Wales(the only deep-working lode) sits closest to the fort at roughly 3.5 kmand was developed to several hundred metres below surface, while the other named lodes were shallow (development generally ≤ ~91 m below adit). That proximity is close enough for the fort occupants to have had practical access to these lodes and their surface workings.

Evidence and numbers (what the sources say)

  • Calstock Roman fort location and significance.The fort sits on a spur above the River Tamar adjacent to St Andrew’s church; investigators have highlighted possible Roman military interest in Cornwall’s mineral resources.

  • Prince of Wales (Wheal Pleasant) coordinates and development.Modern locality records place Prince of Wales at about 50.5093°N, 4.2560°W; it was the only lode in the group developed to great depth — 193 fathoms (≈353 m)and a strike length of ~200 fathoms (≈366 m).

  • Harrowbarrow / associated lodes.Harrowbarrow village and the cluster of small workings (Wheal Goodluck, East Wheal Brothers, Wheal Fortune, Wheal Queen, Wheal George, West Edward, etc.) lie immediately around Harrowbarrow (OS grid SX4006 / ~50.510°N, -4.262°W). Most of these other lodes were developed only to about the 50-fathom level below adit(≈91 m).

  • Recorded historic output and mineral suite.The group’s recorded historic output includes ~18,000 t copper, 1,110 t tin, large pyrite/arsenical pyrite tonnages and small silver/lead/arsenic totals; Prince of Wales produced a range of accessory minerals (anatase, childrenite, molybdenite, ramsbeckite, schulenbergite, scorodite).

Proximity table (straight‑line estimates from Calstock / St Andrew’s spur)

Mine / clusterRepresentative coordinatesDistance from Calstock (km)Max developmentKey minerals / notesPrince of Wales (Wheal Pleasant)50.5093°N, 4.2560°W~3.5 km193 fathoms (≈353 m). Strike ~366 m.Cu, Sn, large pyrite/arsenical pyrite; anatase, childrenite, molybdenite, ramsbeckite, schulenbergite, scorodite. Harrowbarrow cluster (Wheal Goodluck, East Wheal Brothers, Wheal George, Wheal Queen, West Edward, etc.)~50.510°N, 4.262°W (Harrowbarrow)~3.9 kmGenerally to ~50 fathoms below adit (≈91 m)Copper, tin, pyrite; some silver-rich shoots (Wheal Queen). Calstock village / Roman fort (St Andrew’s spur)~50.497°N, 4.210°W (Calstock village)Fort interpreted as having potential links to mineral control/exploitation.

(Distances are straight-line approximations using published coordinates for the village/fort and the mines; local topography and river crossings make walking/haulage routes longer.)

Interpretation — archaeological and practical implications

  • Roman-era accessibility:a 3–4 km straight-line distance places the mines well within a single-day logistical radius for a Roman military detachment or civilian miners working under military oversight. The Prince of Wales lode’s depth and size would have been attractive if Romans had the motive and technology to exploit it; the fort’s location is consistent with strategic control of river access and nearby mineral resources. This makes a functional relationship plausible, not proven.

  • Why Prince of Wales matters:its exceptional depth and larger strike make it the most likely candidate for sustained, organized exploitation (later historic workings confirm deep, systematic mining). The accessory minerals and arsenical pyrite/arsenopyrite outputs indicate a complex ore assemblage that could yield multiple metals of interest.

  • Other lodes:shallower development on the other lodes suggests more limited historic extraction; they could still have provided easily accessible surface or near-surface ore in antiquity (outcrops, gossans, alluvial concentrations).

Practical next steps for testing a Roman–mining connection (archaeological / geo‑scientific)

  • Targeted survey and sampling:geochemical soil sampling and pXRF on spoil, gossans and stream sediments between the fort and the Harrowbarrow–Prince of Wales cluster to detect metal dispersion halos.

  • Artefact and slag search:systematic metal-detecting and fieldwalking around known shallow workings and along likely transport routes to the river for Roman-period artefacts or metallurgical debris.

  • Dating and provenance:radiocarbon or OSL dating of any mining-related features; lead‑isotope and trace-element fingerprinting of metal finds to compare Roman-period metal artefacts (if any) with ore from Prince of Wales / Harrowbarrow.

  • Landscape modelling:reconstruct likely Roman-era access routes (river vs. overland) and evaluate whether the fort’s position optimised control of ore movement to the Tamar. These approaches are standard archaeological/geochemical methods for establishing temporal and material links between a military site and nearby mineral sources.

Key takeaways

  • Proximity is close enough(≈3.5–4.0 km) for the Roman fort to have had practical access to the Harrowbarrow–Prince of Wales mines.

  • Prince of Walesis the standout target for any hypothesis of sustained exploitation because of its depth and larger strike; the other lodes are shallower but could have provided near-surface ore.

Would you like a short mapped sketch (coordinates plotted and distances calculated precisely) showing the fort, Prince of Wales and the Harrowbarrow cluster so you can visualise routes and likely access corridors?

yes a a short mapped sketch (coordinates plotted and distances calculated precisely) showing the fort, Prince of Wales and the Harrowbarrow cluster so you can visualise routes and likely access corridors would be excellent

See my thinking

Mapped sketch plan, precise distances and CSV

Computed great‑circle distances (WGS84, haversine)

  • Calstock Roman fort → Prince of Wales Mine:3.787 km.

  • Calstock Roman fort → Harrowbarrow cluster (centroid):4.049 km.

  • Prince of Wales Mine → Harrowbarrow cluster:0.498 km.

Coordinates used(decimal degrees):

  • Calstock Roman fort:50.5017717, -4.2062468.

  • Prince of Wales Mine:50.5130000, -4.2567100.

  • Harrowbarrow cluster centroid:50.5100000, -4.2620000.


TIN

The Phoenicians traded with England for more than 1100 years before the Christian era. Under the Saxons, our tin mines appear to have been neglected; but under the Normans, they produced considerable revenues to the earls of Cornwall, particularly to Richard,  brother of Henry III. A charter and various immunities were granted by Edmund, earl Richard’s brother, who framed the Stannary Laws {which see), laying a duty on the tin. Edward III. confirmed the tinners in their privileges, and erected Cornwall into a dukedom, with which he invested his son, Edward the Black Prince, 1337. Since that time the heirs-apparent to the crown of England, if eldest sons, have enjoyed it successively. Tin mines were discovered in Germany, which lessened the value of those in England, till then the only tin mines in Europe, 1240.— Anderson. Discovered in Barbary, 1640 ; in India, 1740; in New Spain, 1782. In 1859 783 tons; in 1860, 10,462 tons; in 1864, 10,108 tons; in 1865, 10,039 tons; in 1870, 10,200 ton ; in 1874, 9942 tons; in 1876, 8500 tons ; in 1879  9532 tons; 1882, 9158 tons; in 1884, 9,574 tons ; in 1887, 9,282 tons; in 1888, 9,241, in 1889, 8,912, in 1890, 9,602 tons, 1893, 8*837 tons of metallic tin were procured from British mines. Of tin plates 3,953,04


                                                                                                                                                         TIN. 
discovery of Great Britain by the Romans. The mercantile Phoenicians traded to the Scilly islands, the Cassiterides, or land of tin, from the port of Cadiz, four hundred years before Christ. The Romans, for a considerable time, could not discover the place from whence the former procured the precious metal. They attempted to detect the trade, by following the course of a Phoenician vessel; but the master, faithful to the interest of his country, voluntarily run his ship ashore in another place; preferring the loss of all, rather than sillier n. foreign nation to become partakers of so profitable a secret. The public immediately compensated Iris loss out of its treasury. This did but make the Romans more eager for the discovery; and after many trials they succeeded. Publius Crassus (father of Marcus Crassus the Triumvir) who was praetor, and governed Spain for several years, landed in the Cassiterides, and found the report of their riches verified1. As soon as the Romans made a conquest of the country, they formed in the tin province camps and roads, still visible; and left behind vases, urns, sepulchres, and money, that exhibit daily proofs of their having been a stationary people in those parts”


1; and that Dunmonium extended even to the Belerian promontory, or the Land’s-end; 1 Strabo, lib. iii. p. 240. 1,1 Borlase, Antiq. Cornwall, p. 278 to 309.



The History of Herodotus, parallel English and Greek: Book 3: Thaleia: 110Arimaspians These are the extremities in Asia and in Libya; but as to the extremities of Europe towards the West, I am not able to speak with certainty: for neither do I accept the tale that there is a river called in Barbarian tongue Eridanos, flowing into the sea which lies towards the North Wind, whence it is said that amber comes; nor do I know of the real existence of “Tin Islands” from which tin comes to us: for first the name Eridanos itself declares that it is Hellenic and that it does not belong to a Barbarian speech, but was invented by some poet; and secondly I am not able to hear from any one who has been an eye-witness, though I took pains to discover this, that there is a sea on the other side of Europe. However that may be, tin and amber certainly come to us from the extremity of Europe.
 αὗται μέν νυν ἔν τε τῇ Ἀσίῃ ἐσχατιαί εἰσι καὶ ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ. περὶ δὲ τῶν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ τῶν πρὸς ἑσπέρην ἐσχατιέων ἔχω μὲν οὐκ ἀτρεκέως λέγειν· οὔτε γὰρ ἔγωγε ἐνδέκομαι Ἠριδανὸν καλέεσθαι πρὸς βαρβάρων ποταμὸν ἐκδιδόντα ἐς θάλασσαν τὴν πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον, ἀπ᾽ ὅτευ τὸ ἤλεκτρον φοιτᾶν λόγος ἐστί, οὔτε νήσους οἶδα Κασσιτερίδας ἐούσας, ἐκ τῶν ὁ κασσίτερος ἡμῖν φοιτᾷ. [2] τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ὁ Ἠριδανὸς αὐτὸ κατηγορέει τὸ οὔνομα ὡς ἔστι Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ οὐ βάρβαρον, ὑπὸ ποιητέω δὲ τινὸς ποιηθέν· τοῦτο δὲ οὐδενὸς αὐτόπτεω γενομένου δύναμαι ἀκοῦσαι, τοῦτο μελετῶν, ὅκως θάλασσα ἐστὶ τὰ ἐπέκεινα Εὐρώπης. ἐξ ἐσχάτης δ᾽ ὦν ὁ κασσίτερος ἡμῖν φοιτᾷ καὶ τὸ ἤλεκτρον.
 Then again towards the North of Europe, there is evidently a quantity of gold by far larger than in any other land: as to how it is got, here again I am not able to say for certain, but it is said to be carried off from the griffins by Arimaspians, a one-eyed race of men. But I do not believe this tale either, that nature produces one-eyed men which in all other respects are like other men. However, it would seem that the extremities which bound the rest of the world on every side and enclose it in the midst, possess the things which by us are thought to be the most beautiful and the most rare.

  one intriguing question that arises is whether the tin islands described by ancient Greeks or Romans could be linked to this captivating land. Join us on a journey of exploration and uncover the secrets of Devon's historical connections to these ancient civilizations.

albion and Ivernia

Albion, the earliest-known name for the island of Britain. It was used by ancient Greek geographers from the 4th century BCE and even earlier, who distinguished “Albion” from Ierne now Ireland and from smaller members of the British Isles. The Greeks and Romans probably received the name from the Gauls or the Celts. The name Albion has been translated as “white land”; and the Romans explained it as referring to the chalk cliffs at Dover Latin albus, “white” . IERNE is a better form for the ancient name of Ireland than HIBERNIA, IBERNIA, IVERNIA, &c., both as being nearer the present Gaelic name Eri, and as being the oldest form which occurs. It is the form found in Aristotle. It is also the form found in the poem attributed to Orpheus on the Argonautic expedition, which, spurious as it is, may nevertheless be as old as the time of Onomacritus in the reign of the first Darius :- νήσοισινἸέρηισινἆσσονἴκωμαι. Aristotle writes, that in the ocean beyond the Pillars of Hercules “are two islands, called Britannic, very large, Albion and Ierne, beyond the Celtae.” In Diodorus Siculus (5.32) the form is Iris; the island Iris being occupied by Britons, who were cannibals. Strabo makes Ierne the farthest voyage northwards from Celtica. It was too cold to be other than barely habitable, the parts beyond it being absolutely uninhabited. The reported distance from Celtica is 500 stadia. The same writer attributes cannibalism to the Irish; adding, however, that his authority, which was probably the same as that of Diodorus, was insufficient. The form in Pomponius Mela is Iverna. In Iverna the luxuriance of the herbage is so great as to cause the cattle who feed on it to burst, unless occasionally taken off. Pliny's form is Hybernia 4.30. Solinus, whose form is Hibernia, repeats the statement of Mela as to the pasture, and adds that no snakes are found there. Warlike beyond the rest of her sex, the Hibernian mother, on the birth of a male child, places the first morsel of food in his mouth with the point of a sword .

oἵερα,writes:-- “Ast in duobus in Sacram,sic insulam Dixere prisci,solibus cursus rataest. Haec inter undas multa cespitem jacit Eamque late gens Hibernorum colit ”Ora Marit.109-113.) Avienus's authorities were Carthaginian. More important than these scanty notices, and, indeed, more important than all the notices of Ireland put together, is the text of Ptolemy. In this author the details for Ireland (Ἰούρνια) are fuller, rather than scantier, than those for Great Britain. Yet, as Ireland was never reduced, or even explored by the Romans, his authorities must have been other than Latin. Along with this fact must be taken another, viz., that of the earliest notice of Ireland (Ἰέρνη) being full as early as the earliest of Britain; earlier, if we attribute the Argonantic poem to Onomacritus; earlier, too, if we suppose that Hanno was the authority of Avienus.

If not Roman, the authorities for Ierne must have been Greek, or Phoenician,--Greek from Marseilles,Phoenician from either the mother-country or Carthage. The probabilities are in favour of the latter. On the other hand, early as we may make the first voyage from Carthage (viâ Spain) to Ireland, we find no traces of any permanent occupancy, or of any intermixture of blood. The name Ierne was native; though it need not necessarily have been taken from the Iernians themselves. It may been Iberian (Spanish) as well. Some of the names in Ptolemy--a large proportion--are still current, e. g. Liboius, Senus, Oboca, Birgus, Eblana, Nagnatae, &c.,--Liffy, Shannon, Avoca, Barrow, Dublin, Connaught, & c. Ptolemy gives us chiefly the names of the Irish rivers and promontories, which, although along a sea-board so deeply indented as that of Ireland not always susceptible of accurate identification, are still remarkably true in the general outline. What is of more importance, inasmuch as it shows that his authorities had gone inland, is the fact of seven towns being mentioned:--“The inland towns are these, Rhigia, Rhaeba, Laverus, Macolicum, Dunum, another Rhigia, Turnis.”

The populations are the Vennicnii and Rhobogdii, in Ulster; the Nagnatae, in Connaught; the Erdini and Erpeditani, between the Nagnatae and Vennicnii; the Uterni and Vodiae, in Munster; and the Auteri, Gangani, the Veliborae, or Ellebri, between the Uterni and Nagnatae. This leaves Leinster for the Brigantes, Coriondi, Menapii, Cauci, Blanii, Voluntii, and Darnii, the latter of whom may have been in Ulster. Besides the inland towns, there was a Menapia (πόλις) and an Eblana (πόλις) on the coast.

Tacitus merely states that Agricola meditated the conquest of Ireland, and that the Irish were not very different from the Britons:--“Ingenia, cultus que hominum haud multum a Britannia differunt.” (Agric.24.)

It is remarkable that on the eastern coast one British and two German names occur,--Brigantes, Cauci, and Menapii. It is more remarkable that two of these names are more or less associated on the continent. The Chauci lie north of the Menapii in Germany, though not directly. The inference from this is by no means easy. Accident is the last resource to the ethnographical philologist; so that more than one writer has assumed a colonisation. Such a fact is by no means improbable. It is not much more difficult for Germans to have been in Wexford in the second century than it was for Northmen to have been so in the eighth, ninth, and tenth. On the other hand, the root m-n-p seems to have been Celtic, and to have been a common, rather than a proper, name; since Pliny gives us the island Monapia==Anglesea. No opinion is given as to the nature of these coincidences. Of none of the Irish tribes mentioned by Ptolemy do we meet any separate substantive notice, a notice of their playing any part in history, or a notice of their having come in contact with any other nation. They appear only as details in the list of the populations of lerne. Neither do the Ierni appear collectively in history. They lay beyond the pale of the classical (Roman or Greek) nations, just as did the tribes of Northern Germany and Scandinavia; and we know them only in their geography, not in their history.

But they may have been tribes unmentioned by Ptolemy, which do appear in history; or the names of Ptolemy may have been changed. Ptolemy says nothing about any Scoti; but Claudian does. He also connects them with Ireland:-- “maduerunt Saxone fuso
Orcades; incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule
Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Ierne.
” (De Tert. Consul. Honorii,72-74.)

Again:-- “totumquum Scotus Iernen
Movit.
” (In Prim. Consul. Stilich.2.252.)

The extent to which the current opinions as to the early history of the Gaels of Scotland confirm the ideas suggested by the text of Claudian is considered under SCOTI At present it may be said that Scoti may easily have been either a generic name for some of the tribes mentioned in detail by Ptolemy, or else a British instead of a Gaelic name. At any rate, the Scoti may easily have been, in the time of Ptolemy, an Irish population.

Two other names suggest a similar question,--Belgae, and Attacotti. The claim of the latter to have been Irish is better than that of the former. The Attacotti occur in more than one Latin writer; the Belgae (Fir-bolgs) in the Irish annals only. [See ATTACOTTI and BELGAE OF BRITANNIA.]

The ethnology of the ancient Ierne is ascertained by that of modern Ireland. The present population belongs to the Gaelic branch of the Celtic stock; a population which cannot be shown to have been introduced within the historical period, whilst the stock of the time of Ptolemy cannot be shown to have been ejected. Hence, the inference that the population of Ierne consisted of the ancestors of the present Irish, is eminently reasonable,--so reasonable that no objections lie against it. That English and Scandinavian elements have been introduced since, is well known. That Spanish (Iberic) and Phoenician elements may have been introduced in the ante-historical period, is likely; the extent to which it took place being doubtful. The most cautious investigators of Irish archaeology have hesitated to pronounce any existing remains either Phoenician or Iberian. Neither are there any remains referable to pagan Rome.

And which it yielded in such plenty, as to receive from that circumstance the name.

So great was the intercourse that foreign nations had with the inhabitants bordering on Belerium , as to give them a greater sgavoir vivre, and more extensive hospitality, than was to be found in other parts of the island.

They were equally expert in working the mines, and preparing the ore, which lay in earthy veins within the rocky strata.

They melted and purified it, then cast it into rows of cubes ,and moved it to Ictis ,tut tut ,well whose sure Ictis some learned scholars say be Mountbatten , Plymouth devon the modern Mount St. Michael: from thence it was transported into Gaul ; conveyed from the place it was landed at, on horses’ backs, a journey of thirty days, to the mouth of the rhone, and also to the Massyl 'utns, and the town of Narbonne".


Did not Caesar and Strabo agree in their account, I should never have believed it possible that the Britons could have neglected their rich mines of copper, and have been obliged at first to import that metal. Perhaps the ore was less accessible, and the art of fusion unknown; for islands, from their very situation, must remain

” Diodorus Siculus, od. Wechcl, 1C04, pp. 209, 218.

TIN. COPPER and was not, as some writers imagine, limited by the western parts of Somersetshire.

It is not to be imagined, that they could neglect a corner of our island, productive of a metal so useful in mechanics as tin, and which it yielded in such plenty, as to receive from that circumstance the name. So great was the intercourse that foreign nations had with the inhabitants bordering on Belerium, as to give them a greater sgavoir vivre, and more extensive hospitality, than was to be found in other parts of the island. They were equally expert in working the mines, and preparing the ore, which lay in earthy veins within the rocky strata. They melted and purified it, then cast it into rows of cubes, and carried it to let is, the modern Mount St. Michael: from thence it was transported into Gaul; conveyed from the place it was landed at, on horses’ backs, a journey of thirty days, to the mouth of the Rhone, and also to the

Massylians, and the town of Narbonne".

Copper. Did not Caisar and Strabo agree in their account, I should never have believed it possible that the Britons could have neglected their rich mines of copper, and have been obliged at first to import that metal. Perhaps the ore was less accessible, and the art of fusion unknown; for islands, from their very situation, must remain no longer ignorant of arts than continents; especially ours, which lay far to the west of the origin of all science.

Strabo says, that the Britons imported works of brass; but it is as certain, that they afterwards did themselves fabricate that metal into instruments. The Celts, a British, instrument, was made in this island. Numbers have been found in Yorkshire, and Essex", together with cinders, and lumps of melted metal; which evince the place of a forge. The Romans had then-foundries of copper in our island; and cast the metal into regular forms. A mass was found at Caerhen, the antient Conovium, four miles above Conwy, which probably was smelted from the ore of the Snowdon hills; where of late years much has been raised. This mass is in shape of a cake of beeswax; and on the upper part is a deep concave impression, with the words Socio Romae; across these is impressed obliquely, in lesser letters, Natsoi. I cannot explain it, unless Nat. stands for Natio, the people who paid this species of tribute; and sol. for solvit, that being the stamp-maker’s mark. These cakes might be bought up by a merchant resident in Britain, and consigned Socio Romae, to his partner at Rome. The weight of this antiquity is forty-two pounds; the period in which the civil commotions would permit them to be carried on. That the Saxons worked the British mines as well as the Romans, appears from the frequent use made of lead in all works of ecclesiastical magnificence. The cathedral of Lindisfarnh was roofed with lead by its bishop Eadherct, about the year 652; that of York was covered with the same metal by its great prelate Wilfrid in 669; and after that, Egelric, who was elected abbot of Crowland in 975, roofed the infirmary and chapel of that famous abbey in a similar manner*. I mention these circumstances merely to shew, that the Saxons continued the business of smelting in the different parts of our island. We are assured that there have been, at different times, smelting-works for a century or two past in the parishes of Flint and I[ award,en; and at present there is one in use in each of them.I shall take this opportunity of mentioning incidentally the other minerals of Great Britain, taken notice of by the ancients , either as articles of trade or matters of curiosity.Tin was not only the first metal in these islands which we read of; but also the greatest object of commerce; and which originally led to the discovery of Great Britain by the Romans. The mercantile Phoenicians traded to the Scilly islands, the Cassiterides, or land of tin, from the port of Cadiz, four hundred years before Christ. The Romans, for a considerable time, could not discover the place from whence the former procured the precious metal. They attempted to detect the trade, by following the course of a Phoenician vessel; but the master, faithful to the interest of his country, voluntarily run his ship ashore in another place; preferring the loss of all, rather than sillier n. foreign nation to become partakers of so profitable a secret. The public immediately compensated Iris loss out of its treasury. This did but make the Romans more eager for the discovery; and after many trials they succeeded. Publius Crassus (father of Marcus Crassus the Triumvir) who was praetor, and governed Spain for several years, landed in the Cassiterides, and found the report of their riches verified1. As soon as the Romans made a conquest of the country, they formed in the tin province camps and roads, still visible; and left behind vases, urns, sepulchres, and money, that exhibit daily proofs of their having been a stationary people in those parts”; and that Dunmonium extended even to the belerian promontory, or the Land’s-end

       Devon , cornwall , and somerset have a rich history deeply rooted in the mining industry.

Historians will appreciate exploring the historical significance of various products mined in this region. While Devon is primarily known for its extensive tin mining, it's worth mentioning incidentally the other minerals found in Great Britain. The mining of copper, lead, and silver also played a crucial role in shaping the industrial heritage of this picturesque county. In addition to tin, the presence of other minerals in Great Britain cannot be overlooked . Copper, for instance, was highly prized for its malleability and durability. Lead mining, too, left an indelible mark on the history of Devon, as it was widely used for roofing and piping in ancient times. Moreover, silver mining added to the economic importance of the region, with its precious metal being utilized in various industries. Exploring the history of mining in Devon offers historians a fascinating glimpse into the wider context of mineral extraction throughout

"PHŒNICIANS IN DART VALE.

"Much interest, not only local but world-wide, was aroused a few months back by the announcement of a Phœnician survival at Ipplepen, in the person of Mr. Thomas Ballhatchet, descendant of the priest of the SunTemple there, and until lately owner of the plot of land called Baalford, under Baal Tor, a priestly patrimony, which had come down to him through some eighteen or twenty centuries, together with his name and his marked Levantine features and characteristics. "Such survivals are not infrequent among Orientals, as, for instance, the Cohens, Aaron's family, the Bengal Brahmins, the Rechabites, etc. Ball hatchet's sole peculiarity is his holding on to the land, in which, however, he is kept in countenance in England by the Purkises, who drew the body of Rufus to its grave in Winchester Cathedral on 2nd August, 1100.

"Further quiet research makes it clear beyond all manner of doubt that the Phœnician tin colony, domiciled at Totnes, and whose Sun Temple was located on their eastern sky-line at Ipplepen, have left extensive traces of their presence all the way down the Dart in the identical and unaltered names of places, a test of which the Palestine Exploration Committee record the priceless value. To give but one instance. The beautiful light-refracting diadem which makes Belliver the most striking of all her sister tors, received from the Semite its consecration as 'Baallivyah,' Baal, crown of beauty or glory. The word itself occurs in Proverbs i. 9 and iv. 9, and as both Septuagint and Vulgate so render it, it must have borne that meaning in the third century B C., and in the third century A.D., and, of course, in the interval. There are many other instances quite as close, and any student of the new and fascinating science of Assyriology will continually add to them. A portrait of Ballhatchet, with some notes by an eminent and well-known Semitic scholar, may probably appear in the Graphic; in the meantime it may be pointed out that hisname is typically Babylonian. Not only is there at Pantellaria the gravestone of one Baal-yachi (Baal's beloved), but no less than three clay tablets from the Sun Temple of Sippara (the Bible Sepharvaim) bear the names of Baal-achi-iddin, Baal-achi-utsur, and Baal-achi-irriba. This last, which bears date 22 Sivan (in the eleventh year of Nabonidus, B.C. 540), just two years before the catastrophe which followed on Belshazzar's feast, is in the possession of Mr. W. G. Thorpe,F.S.A.It is in beautiful condition, and records a loan by one Dinkiva to Baal-achi-irriba (Baal will protect his brother), on the security of some slaves."


One really wonders in reading such nonsense as this whether modern education is worth much, when a man could write such trash and an editor could admit it into his paper. Ballhatchet means the hatchet or gate to a ball, i.e. a mine. As it happens, there is not a particle of trustworthy evidence that the Phœnicians ever traded directly with Cornwall and Devon. The intermediary traders were the Venetiof what is now Vannes, and the tin trade was carried through Gaul to Marseilles, as is shown by traces left on the old trade route. In the next place, there is no evidence that our British or Ivernian ancestors ever heard the name of Baal. And finally, Belstone is not named after a stone at all, to return to the point whence we started. In Domesday it is Bellestham, or the ham, meadow of Belles or Bioll, a Saxon name that remains among us as Beale. Belstone is situated at the lip of Taw Marsh, once a fine lake, with Steeperton Tor rising above it at the head. Partly because the river has fretted a way through the joints of the granite, forming Belstone Cleave, and partly on account of the silting up of the lake-bed with rubble brought down by the several streams that here unite, the lake-bed is now filled up with sand and gravel and swamp. The military authorities coveted this tract for artillery practice. They set up butts, but woman intervened. A very determined lady marched up to them, although the warning red flags fluttered, and planted herself in front of a target, took out of her reticule a packet of ham sandwiches and a flask of cold tea, and declared her intention of spending the day there. In vain did the military protest, entreat, remonstrate; she proceeded to nibble at her sandwiches and defied them to fire. She carried the day.

Since then Taw Marsh has been the playfield of many children, and has been rambled over by visitors, but the artillery have abstained from practising on it.

The fact is that the military have made the moors about Okehampton impossible for the visitor, and those who desire to rove over it in pursuit of health have been driven from Okehampton to Belstone, and object to be moved on further.

What with the camp at Okehampton and the prisons at Princetown and encroachments on every side, the amount of moorland left open to the rambler is greatly curtailed.

The privation is not only felt by the visitor but also by the farmer, who has a right to send out his sheep and cattle upon the moor in summer, and in times of drought looks to this upland as his salvation.

A comparison between what the Forest of Dartmoor was at the beginning of this century and its condition to-day shows how enclosures have crept on—nay, not crept, increased by leaps; and what is true of the forest is true also of the commons that surround it. Add to the enclosed land the large tract swept by the guns at Okehampton, and the case becomes more grave still. The public have been robbed of their rights wholesale. Not a word can now be raised against the military. The Transvaal War has brought home to us the need we have to become expert marksmen, and the Forest of Dartmoor seems to offer itself for the purpose of a practising-ground. Nevertheless, one accepts the situation with a sigh.

There is a charming excursion up the East Okement from the railway bridge to Cullever Steps, passing on the way a little fall of the river, not remarkable for height but for picturesqueness. There is no path, and the excursion demands exertion.

On Belstone Common is a stone circle and near it a fallen menhir. The circle is merely one of stones that formed a hut, which had upright slabs lining it within as well as girdling without.

Under Belstone Tor, among the "old men's workings" by the Taw, an experienced eye will detect a blowing-house, but it is much dilapidated.

The Taw and an affluent pour down from the central bog, one on each side of Steeperton Tor,and from the east the small brook dances into Taw Marsh. Beside the latter, on the slopes, are numerous pounds and hut circles, and near its source is a stone circle, of which the best uprights have been carried off for gateposts. South of it is a menhir, the Whitmoor Stone, leaning, as the ground about it is marshy. Cosdon, or, as it is incorrectly called occasionally, Cawsand, is a huge rounded hill ascending to 1,785 feet, crowned with dilapidated cairns and ruined kistvaens . East of the summit, near the turf track from South Zeal, is a cairn that contained three kistvaens. One is perfect, one wrecked, and of the third only the space remained and indications whence the slabs had been torn. From these three kistvaens in one mound start three stone rows that are broken through by the track, but can be traced beyond it for some way; they have been robbed, as the householders of South Zeal have been of late freely inclosing large tracts of their common, and have taken the stones for the construction of walls about their fields.

By ascending the Taw, Cranmere Pool may be reached, but is only so far worth the visit that the walk to and from it gives a good insight into the nature of the central bogs. The pool is hardly more than a puddle. Belstone church is not interesting; it was rebuilt, all but the tower, in 1881. Under Cosdon nestles Sticklepath. "Stickle" is the Devonshire for steep. Here is a holy well near an inscribed stone. A second inscribed stone is by the roadside to Okehampton. At Belstone are two more, but none of these bear names. They are Christian monuments of the sixth, or at latest seventh, century. At Sticklepath was a curious old cob thatched chapel, but this has been unnecessarily destroyed, and a modern erection of no interest.

Inscribed Stone, Sticklepath

beauty has taken its place. South Zeal is an interesting little village, through which ran the old high-road, but which is now left on one side. For long it was a treasury of interesting old houses; many have disappeared recently, but the "Oxenham Arms," the seat of the Burgoyne family, remains, the fine old village cross, and the chapel, of granite.Above South Zeal, on West Wyke Moor, is the house that belonged to the Battishill family, with a ruined cross near it. The house has been much spoiled of late; the stone mullions have been removed from the hall window, but the ancient gateway, surmounted by the Battishill arms, and with the date 1656, remains untouched. It is curious, because one would hardly have expected a country gentleman to have erected an embattled gateway during the Commonwealth, and in the style of the early Tudor kings. In the hall window are the arms of Battishill, impaled with a coat that cannot be determined as belonging to any known family. In the same parish of South Tawton is another old house, North Wyke, that belonged to the Wyke or Weekes family. The ancient gatehouse and chapel are interesting; they belong, in my opinion, to the sixteenth century, and to the latter part of the same. The chapel has a corbel, the arms of Wykes and Gifford; and John Wyke of North Wyke, who was buried in 1591, married the daughter of Sir Roger Gifford. The gateway can hardly be earlier. The house was built by the same man, but underwent great alteration in the fashion introduced from France by Charles II., when the rooms were raised and the windows altered intocroisées.

Touching this house a tale is told.

About the year 1660 there was a John Weekes of North Wyke, who was a bachelor, and lived in the old mansion along with his sister Katherine, who was unmarried, and his mother. He was a manof weak intellect, and was consumptive. John came of age in 1658. In the event of his death without will his heir would be his uncle John, his father's brother, who died in 1680. This latter John had a son Roger.

Now it happened that there was a great scamp of the name of Richard Weekes, born at Hatherleigh, son of Francis Weekes of Honeychurch, possibly a remote connection, but not demonstrably so.

He was a gentleman pensioner of Charles II., but spent most of his leisure time in the Fleet Prison. One day this rascal came down from London, it is probable at the suggestion of consumptive John's mother and sister, who could not be sure what he, with his feeble mind, might do with the estate.

Richard ingratiated himself into the favour of John, and urged him not to risk his health in so bleak and exposed a spot as South Tawton, but to seek a warmer climate, and he invited him to Plymouth. The unsuspicious John assented.

When John was cajoled to Plymouth, Richard surrounded him with creatures of his own, a doctor and two lawyers, who, with Richard's assistance, coaxed, bullied, and persuaded the sickly John into making a deed of settlement of all his estate in favour of Richard. The unhappy man did this, but with a curious proviso enabling him to revoke his act by word as well as by deed. Richard had now completely outwitted John's mother and sister, who had been conspirators with him, on the understanding that they were to share the spoils. After a while, when it was clear that John was dying, Richard hurried him back to North Wyke, where he expired on Saturday, September 21st,

1661, but not till he had been induced by his mother and sister to revoke his will verbally, for they had now learned how that the wily Richard had got the better of them.

Next day, Sunday, Richard Weekes arrived, booted and spurred, at the head of a party of men he had collected. With sword drawn he burst into the house, and when Katherine Weekes attempted to bar the way he knocked her down. Then he drove the widow mother into a closet and locked the door on her. He now cleared the house of the servants, and proceeded to take possession of all the documents and valuables that the mansion contained. Poor John's body lay upstairs: no regard was paid to that, and, saying "I am come to do the devil's work and my own," he drove Katherine out of the house, and she was constrained to take refuge for the night in a neighbouring farm. The widow, Mary Weekes, was then liberated and also turned out of doors.

The heir-at-law was the uncle John, against whom Mary and Katherine Weekes had conspired with the scoundrel Richard. This latter now sought Uncle John, made him drunk, and got him to sign a deed, when tipsy, conveying all his rights to the said Richard for the sum of fifty pounds paid down. Richard was now in possession. The widow thereupon brought an action in Chancery against Richard. The lawyers saw the opportunity. Here was a noble estate that might be sucked dry, and they descended on it with this end in view. The lawsuit was protracted for forty years, from 1661 to 1701, when the heirs of the wicked Richard retained the property, but it had been so exhausted and burdened, that the suit was abandoned undecided. Richard Weekes died in 1670.

The plan resorted to in order to keep possession after the forcible entry was this. The son of Richard Weekes had married a Northmore of Well, in South Tawton, and the North mores bought up all the debts on the estate and got possession of the mortgages, and worked them persistently and successfully against the rightful claimants till, worried and wearied out, and with empty purses, they were unable further to pursue the claim. In 1713 the estate was sold by John Weekes, the grandson of Richard, who had also married a Northmore, and North Wyke passed away from the family after having been in its possession since the reign of Henry III.

It was broken up into two farms, and the house divided into two. Recently it has, however, been repurchased by a descendant of the original possessors, in a female line, the Rev. W. Wykes Finch, and the house is being restored in excellent taste.

In South Tawton church is a fine monument of the common ancestor, John Wyke, 1591. The church has been renovated, monumental slabs sawn in half and used to line the drain round the church externally. With the exception of the sun-dial, bearing the motto from Juvenal, "Obrepet non intellecta senectus"and a Burgoyne monument and that of "Warrior Wyke," the church does not present much of interest at present, whatever it may have done before it fell into the hands of spoilers.

The West Okement comes down from the central bogs through a fine "Valley of Rocks," dividing and forming an islet overgrown with wild rose and whortleberry. Above it stands Shilstone Tor, telling by its name that on it at one time stood a cromlech, which has been destroyed. This valley furnishes many studies for the artist.

Hence Yes Tor may be ascended, for long held to be the highest elevation on Dartmoor. The highest peak it is, rising to 2,030 feet, but it is over-topped by the rounded High Willhayes, 2,039 feet. Between Yes Tor and Mill Tor is a rather nasty bog. Mill Tor consists of a peculiar granite; the feldspar is so pure that speculators have been induced to attempt to make soda-water bottles out of it, by fusing without the adjunct of other materials.

On the extreme edge of a ridge above the East Okement, opposite Belstone Tor, is a camp, much injured by the plough. Apparently from it leads a paved raised causeway or road, presumed to be Roman; but why such a road should have been made from a precipitous headland above the Okement, and whither it led, are shrouded in mystery. Near this road, in 1897, was found a hoard of the smallest Roman coins, probably the store of some beggar, which he concealed under a rock, and died without being able to recover it. All pertained to the years between A.D. 320 and 330.

Of Okehampton I will say nothing here, as the place has had a chapter devoted to it in my Book of the West—too much space, some might say, for in itself it is devoid of interest. Its charm is in the scenery round, and its great attraction during the summer is the artillery camp on the down above Okehampton Park. On the other side of Belstone, Throwleigh may be visited, where there are numerous prehistoric relics. There were many others, but they have been destroyed, amongst others a fine enclosure like Grimspound, but more perfect, as the inclosing wall was not ruinous throughout, and the stones were laid in courses. The pulpit of Throwleigh church is made up of old bench-ends. Bellever is a modern contraction of Bellaford, as Redever is Redaford.

Wheal Martha mine is at Luckett Village, on the River Tamar in Cornwall. The Wheal Martha Mine has worked a complex lode carrying copper, arsenic, silver, wolfram, tin and pyrite, intermittently and under a number of names. Wheal Martha (1836), Great Wheal Martha (1844-49), New Wheal Martha (1861), and in combination with other adjoining properties, New Great Consols (1867) and finally New Consols. The old mine was originally worked for copper, then for deep tin beneath shallow copper deposits. And later known as the New Consols Silver and Arsenic Works. 1848 The mine closed 1851 reopened but only worked sporadically for a few years. Another unsuccessful attempt, under the name New Consols, commenced a few years later. 1877 the abandoned mining machinery lay undisturbed from 1877 until it was broken up and sold for scrap in 1938.

The dumps were worked after World War I.

Re-opened unsuccessfully between 1946 and 1952 when it was reported that £400,000 had been invested with only a return of £100,000 of tin ore. In this last venture, electric power was provided from two generators driven by two large diesel engines, one Paxman and the other a Mirlees.

Harrowbarrow & Prince of Wales Mines (Wheal Newton (Barnard); Harrowbeer; Harrowbarrow Consols; Wheal Goodluck; East Wheal Brothers; Wheal Pleasant; Calstock United; Calstock Mines ). This group of mines also included Wheal Fortune, Wheal George, Wheal Queen and West Edward, South Harrowbarrow. The minerals anatase, childrenite, molybdenite, ramsbeckite, schulenbergite, scorodite were found in the Prince of Wales.

Only the Prince of Wales lode was developed to any great depth - to 193 fathoms below surface (353metres), for a length of about 200 fathoms (366metres). Development on the other lodes was to no more than a 50 fathom level below adit.

Recorded output;
18000 tons of copper ore.
1110 tons of tin ore.
23 tons of lead ore.
27 tons of manganese.
10120 tons of pyrite...

Pyrite, also known as fool's gold,is an iron sulfide mineral with the chemical formula FeS₂. It is characterized by its metallic luster and pale brass-yellow hue, which can resemble gold, leading to its nickname. Pyrite is the most abundant sulfide mineral and is commonly found in sedimentary rocks, coal deposits, and as small nodules orb and is known as "pyrite framboids".  Historically, it has been used by native tribes as a healing stone and was polished into mirrors for divination 6753 tons of arsenical pyrite (arsenopyrite)
532 tons of arsenopyrite.
2 tons of arsenic.
20 tons of silver ore.
421 oz silver.


1580 The first reference to the mines being worked as Wheal Goodluck. The lode was described as a great Margasly (pyrite) lode bearing silver. 1774 Harrowbarrow mine was offered for sale as a copper and tin mine.

1805 there is a record of the mine working, but was soon abandoned.

1825-6 Harrowbarrow was reopened as Wheal Goodluck again and produced 37 tons of copper ore.

1835 the mine was at work under two names one called East Wheal Brothers. This working lasted until 1848, and is believed some copper and tin, and £700 of silver was produced. The mine was drained by a Sims double cylinder (compound) beam engine 38inch/20inch (Higher pressure steam entered the small cylinder, and was then reused at a lower pressure in the larger cylinder).

In about 1822-23 Prince of Wales may have been worked under the name Calstock mines, and produced 92 tons of copper ore.

In 1850 Prince of Wales (Wheal Pleasant) with Harrowbarrow mine was included under the name of Calstock United. The group of mines continued to be reworked in various amalgamations and names until 1914.

Prince of Wales was prospected in 1928 but no production resulted.

The most recent activity was was around 1977 when a level was driven northward towards Hingston Down, again no production resulted. It would appear that most of the silver ore came from the Wheal Queen section, which was developed on a tracked of the Wheal Brothers lode. Another mine which was also rich for silver ore.


The name pyrite is derived from the Greek πυρίτης λίθος (pyritēs lithos), 'stone or mineral which strikes fire', in turn fromπῦρ (pŷr), 'fire'. In ancient Roman times, this name was applied to several types of stone that would create sparks when struck against steel; Pliny the Elder described one of them as being brassy, almost certainly a reference to what is now called pyrite.

Drakewalls Mine produced mainly tin, also some copper, wolfram, arsenic, molybdenum, lead, & silver, originally from a long "gunnis" or open cutting.

Worked from: 11th Century to 1905 (also 1909-10), with periods of closure.


1844 The first use of a method for separating wolfram from tin, devised by Doctor Robert Oxland.

1859 The mine employed 398 people. William Francis Tucker (15) was killed at the mine, buried 20 March.

1860s The management refused to employ members of a newly-formed Union, and there was a strike Eventually it ws only brought to an end by the use of troops and the employment of miners from other areas.

1861 The mine employed 350 people.

1869 Thomas Gerry, of Calstock, and John Adams, of Metherell, were killed in accidents at the mine.

1884 70 men were employed underground and 60 at the surface.

1891 48 people were employed below ground and 50 at the surface.

1895 53 people were employed below ground and 59 at the surface.

1889 - 5 February. A Mining Accident, . 4 men went underground at 7 a.m. to carry our maintenance. Henry Davis, John (Jack) Tucker, John Rule and William Bant. Rule and Bant were to release sand to fll a worked out area, and Tucker and Davis were positioned to tell them when to stop. The sand suddenly started falling too fast, Tucker and Davis, covered in sand, struggled out of the shaft, but Bant and Rule remained - entombed.

They remained there for 2 nights as resuce failed, until the arrival of H.M. Inspector of Mines (Archibald E. Pinching) on the 7 February. A second major rescue plan was led by Thomas Chapman, the 'pitman'.

Working in groups of three, the miners used small blasts of dynamite to excavate a channel down to the entombed men. By 10a.m.the following morning they made verbal contact with the two men. Renewed efforts were made, led by Moses Bawden (the purser), Captain Richards (the agent) and Albert Pinching, the Inspector. A small hole was finally blasted through to the men at 9 p.m. and food and water was lowered the 18 fathoms down. The rescuers were then able to enlarge the hole, Tom Chapman was lowered down and Bant and Rule pulled clear by midnight.The mine agent was censured for not reporting the matter to the Inspector immediately.

1901 20 people were employed below ground and 20 at the surface.

1908 The mine employed 2 people below ground and 4 at the surface..

1918 The mine employed 3 men below ground

The former mine site at Drakewalls, near Albaston is now managed by Cornwall County Council and is open to the public.

Holmbush is the oldest mine in the area. An mine which was active in the 1600s and produced lead and copper.

Much later it became part of the large Redmoor Mine complex which spread across Kelly Bray, and included the Kelly Bray mine, under the name of Callington United Mines.

Hichen's Shaft, dating from when the mine restarted in 1876 as Callington United. The centre building worked the 'Cornish rolls' or copper crusher.

Lead and Silver are found together in lodes running north and south above the Copper and Tin lodes running east and west.

Holmbush was a major producer of arsenical pyrites. The great majority of the pyrite producers were in the eastern district of the county and were led in the late 1870s and early 1880s by New Great Consols, Holmbush and Okel Tor, all three of which also sold refined arsenic.

East Holmbush Mine

Little is known about this now rather overgrown mine. It produced copper, lead and silver and during the early 1800s it had a 36-inch pumping engine. After 1845 it was incorporated into the first operation called Callington United, which reopened under the same name in 1876.

Redmoor

Redmoor, Holmsbush, Kelly Bray where commonly worked together. At times West Holmsbush, East Holmsbush, and South Kelly Bray where included. Tin, wolfram and arsenic mine worked as late as 1940-5. Redmoor mine area was prospected in the early 1980's, and was near to being brought into production, but the price of tin collapsed in 1985.

Wheal Langford (Baring & Langford; East Cornwall Silver Mine; St. Vincent Great Consols). The Wheal Langford mine included several smaller mines. (Wheal David, Mercer, Emily, Georgiana, Mexico and Wheal Virgin).

The mines appear to have opened sometime before 1824 under the name Wheal St.Vincent, the same lode was worked to the west as Wheal Mexico. Where it is recorded that it produced considerable amounts of chloride of silver (Chlorargyrite).

1835 these two mines and several others were amalgemated under the name East Cornwall Silver Mines. In this working most of the development appears to have been at Wheal Mexico, Georgiana, David and Wheal Virgin. At Wheal Mexico the silver bearing portion of the lode is recorded as being 15cms wide in a lode of 35cms.

At Wheal Virgin the lode was producing 50oz per ton. The mine also had its own smelter and refining plant. Of interest is that this small group of mines was pumped by a large 80inch Cornish beam engine.

1837 The mines closed in 1837, the engine was purchased for £7600 by the East London Waterworks at Old Ford (a print of this engine is in The Cornish Beam Engine by D.B.Barton). This was the first time a beam engine had been used in a waterworks.

1848 The mines where reopened under the name of Wheal Langford. Thay produced small parcels of mostly agentiferous galena. The majority of rich silver ores appear to have already been worked out by this time.

1856 The mines closed again, having been developed to a 40 fathom level below adit (10 fathoms) on the silver deposit. Most of the stoped out area is west of Engine shaft from above adit level to a 10 fathom level. Stopeing elsewere is small and very patchy.

1884-90 The last recorded working, when it was at work as New Langford.

Recorded output is small.
79 tons of lead ore
25 tons of zinc ore
10 tons of manganese
2530 oz of silver ( from 52 tons of lead ore)
3.5 tons of silver ore.

Brass and Bronze.

So much similarity is observable in the modes of working in the different combinations of copper with other metals, that the same description will apply pretty accurately to all of them.

In brass founding and working, for instance, the making of the moulds, the melting of the metal in furnaces, the casting and subsequent trimming and finishing, the rolling into sheets, the drawing into wire— all are conducted pretty nearly in the same way as for other metals. The making of the brass itself is, however, rather a delicate operation.

This metal consists of about two parts of copper to one of zinc; the proportion not being exactly equal in all specimens. In the first place the copper is melted, and poured into cold water, by which it is made to separate into small pieces varying from the size of a small shot to that of a bean, and known as “ shot-copper.” The zinc is produced from a carbonate of the metal, called “ calamine;” this is broken into small pieces, heated to redness in a furnace, reduced to a fine powder, and washed. Any quantity of the powdered calamine is then mixed with three-fourths of its weight of “ shot copper,” and an amount of charcoal equal in bulk to both. The mixture is exposed to a strong heat in earthen crucibles for several hours; at the end of which time the two kinds of metal have combined

together in a liquid state, and the charcoal has disappeared. The brass, formed by the union of the two metals, is poured either into large fiat granite moulds, or into smaller moulds of cast-iron, according as it is to be afterwards rolled into sheets or cast into small articles. Sometimes brass is made by the direct union of zinc and copper; but this is a more difficult process than when calamine is employed instead of metallic zinc.

Bronze, like bell-metal, is a mixture of copper and tin, but the proportions depend partly on the purposes to which it is to be applied, and partly on the opinions of the maker or artist. Bronze is a term frequently applied to the metal used for cannon, as well as for statues ; and under this designation the French founders are said to employ, for cannon, a ratio of 100 copper to 11 tin. Cymbals contain 78 copper to 122 tin ; medals, 100 copper to about 10 tin ; statues ; (on Mr. Westmacott’s plan), gun-metal, with 30 per cent, of pure copper added to it. The mode of proceeding in casting a bronze statue is much the same in principle as that of casting large bells, but with greater precautions in every part of the operation. The making of the original model belongs to the highest department of art; for it is here that the ; sculptor show's his consummate skill, by imparting to the lifeless clay almost a living expression : all beyond this, although requiring a very high degree of care, is still mechanical, and governed by mechanical rules. annoyance and disappointment. At length his labours seemed to be nearly at an end ; his mould was lowered into the pit, the furnace heated, and the metal thrown in. At this time, while a violent storm raged without, the roof of his study, as if to increase the confusion, caught fire; but, though ill and harassed, still directed the works and encouraged his assistants, till overcome by anxiety and fatigue he retired in a raging fever to lie down, leaving instructions respecting the opening of the mouth of the furnace and the running of the bronze. He had not, he

says, been reposing very long before one came running to him to announce evil tidings : the metal was melted, but would not run. He jumped from his bed, rushed to his studio like a madman, and threatened the lives of his assistants, who, being frightened, got out of his way, till one of them, to appease him, desired him to give his orders, and they would obey him at all risks. He commanded fresh fuel to be thrown into the furnace; and presently, to

his satisfaction, the metal began to boil. Again, however, it appeared thick and sluggish, and refused to run. He then ordered all the plates, dishes, and other articles of domestic use in his house to be brought to him, which he threw pell-mell on the metal; when it immediately became fluid, and the mould was spoon filled. He adds that he fell down on his knees, and poured forth a fervent thanks giving to Almighty

Iceni , Boudicca (died ad 61) ruled over a small tribe of Celt who challenged the colonization plans of the Roman Empire in England. The insurrection she lead almost succeeded in turning back the Roman colonizers. Very little historical evidence survives about the queen named Boudicca,

ruler of a small tribe of Celtic peoples known as the Iceni during the first century C.E. The Iceni made their home near what is now Norfolk, England,

and it is known that Boudicca inherited her crown upon the death of her husband. Not long afterward, she was integral in forming a pan-tribal alliance of Celtic warriors who carried through a decisive, bloody, and very nearly successful uprising against their despised Roman colonizers in C.E. 61.The revolt that bears Boudicca's name would be remembered in history as one of the most significant insurrections against the mighty Roman Empire during Europe's classical era.

The Iceni and Pre-Roman Britain

Boudicca, whose name is sometimes spelled Boadicea, may or may not have been of direct Icenian heritage; it is only known that she was married to the Iceni king, Prasutagus, and among royal Celtic houses marital alliances with other tribes were not unusual. Knowledge of Boudicca survives from the writings of two historians of the Roman empire, Tacitus and Cassius Dio. The latter penned his impression of the Iceni queen: Boudicca, wrote Dio as quoted in The Rebellion of Boudicca, "was huge of frame, terrifying of aspect, and with a harsh voice. A great mass of bright red hair fell to her knees: she wore a great twisted golden necklace, and a tunic of many colours, over which was a thick mantle, fastened by a brooch."

The Iceni held the territory in what is present-day Norfolk, England, and historians assume they migrated at one point in the late Bronze Age from the European continent. In England they established a farming economy, were weavers of cloth and also made pottery. Their stability was threatened by the arrival of the Belgae from Gaul (France). The Belgae had earned the enmity of the Roman emperor Caesar for providing help to their brethren back in Gaul who were resisting Caesar and Roman rule there. For this, Caesar began attacking Britain around 55 B.C.E.

Matters were further complicated by the superiority of the Belgae over their Celtic neighbours, such as the Iceni. The Belgae were skilled ironsmiths, more adept at farming, and most importantly, possessed a well-organized military force. They soon began taking over other tribes in the area. The Iceni built forts against them, but when the Romans launched a massive military invasion of the British Isles in C.E. 43, the Belgae capitulated. In total, eleven kings of varying Celtic tribes surrendered in a formal signing. The Arch of Claudius in Rome commemorates this historic surrender. Two kings, however, had engineered agreements with the Romans early on in exchange for retaining some power over their tribes. These rulers were Cogidubnus of the Regni tribe and Prasutagus, Boudicca's husband.

The Roman Empire in Britain

Over the next few years, Romans established a strong military presence in Britain, as they did elsewhere in Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East. Roman colonization meant financial hardship for the conquered peoples. Their economy was immediately forced to gear itself toward the production of food for the massive legions of Roman soldiers stationed in their lands. Also, Roman officials imposed heavy taxes for an array of services and goods, and Roman moneylenders arrived in Britain to take advantage of the situation by making loans. Britain's Rome-appointed governor, Suetonius Paulinus, was also dedicated to eradicating Druidism, the native Celt religion. Its priests retained a great deal of influence over both common Celts and royal lines.

The origins of Boudicca's revolt began when the despised Procurator Catus Decianus rescinded the terms of a financial agreement between the Emperor Claudius and Prasutagus. It had been called a grant, but then was renamed a loan. In response, Prasutagus left a stipend of half his kingdom in his will to Nero, Claudius's successor, to satisfy the debt. Roman officials under Catus Decianus arrived in Iceni lands and instead took the whole. Boudicca, who had inherited the kingdom since she and Prasutagus had no male heirs, was arrested and beaten, and her two daughters raped. The estates of wealthy Iceni were liquidated, and lesser relatives of the royal house sold into Roman slavery

the Ravenna Cosmography identifies a major regional Roman-era settlement as Nemetostatio in central Dumnonia identified with North Tawton , Devon , which would translate from Latin as

*The Outpost of the Sacred Grove*

The south-west

The first section of the Ravenna Cosmography to deal with Britain, covering 10546 to 1065, is obscure but nevertheless generally recognised as dealing with south-western England . Why it should have been separated out by the Cosmographer is not at all clear.

Rivet and Smith (1979, 197) see it as evidence for a special source covering this area in greater detail than the rest of Britain.

This does not seem a necessary hypothesis for reasons to be given.

Indeed, the words that introduce the next section, ‘Again, next to the aforementioned civitas Isca Dumnoniorum’ iterum iuxta superscriptam ciuitatem scadumnamorum , strongly hint that the Cosmographer is looking at the same map as he used as a source for this section.

We will see many instances of the Cosmographer duplicating names throughout his text, the most startling being *Moridunum* , Sidford, which is repeated no less than four times. However, they are not noticeably more common in this section than in those that follow. Had he employed a special and separate source for the south-west, it is difficult to see how he would have integrated the information he derived from it with that he derived from his main source without making many more such duplications. We would on this hypothesis also expect the following long section which covers the province or diocese of Britannia to contain a few names relating to the south-western peninsula which the Cosmographer had not noticed as duplications: we do not find them.

Arguments e silentio are never strong; more telling are the duplications within this section that cannot be the result of taking names from two different sources.

For instance, the name*Antiuesteum*appears twice, at , in both cases with virtually the same truncation.

This truncation may well have occurred if the first three or four letters of the name were written ‘in the sea’ on the Cosmographer’s postulated map source . The same error of reading is extremely unlikely to have occurred as a result of using two separate source documents.

There are thus no compelling reasons to believe that the Cosmographer was using a separate and fuller source for the south-west of Britain than for the remainder of the island. True enough, the density of names in the peninsula is high, but it is also high in Cumbria and between the Roman walls . The contrast is not so much with a low density in the remainder of the province, but with specific areas, such as Wales and East Anglia, very poorly represented.

This does not solve the problem of why the Cosmographer should have seenIsca Dumnoniorum, Exeter, as a point at which to insert a break in his listing. The Peutinger Table may offer a clue: although Britain is severely truncated, with only East Anglia and Kent appearing on the surviving copy, Moridunum and Isca Dumnoniorum are also shown without any intervening south-coast places.

It is possible that Isca Dumnoniorum was depicted as prominent in some way, perhaps isolated on a promontory or, as seems more likely, as the gateway to .

In this way the Cosmographer might have decided to break his text at a point which appeared dictated by the geography of the region. He does so further north, where his listing of the Antonine Wall forts occurs ‘where that same Britain is seen to be narrowest from sea to sea’ubi et ipsa britania plus angustissima de oceano in oceanum esse dinoscitur.

Although this was not the primary reason for inserting a break at this latter point, the Cosmographer was clearly sensitive to the depicted shape of the island.



14


On the other hand, we should perhaps take into account the curious fact that the Civitas Dumnoniorum (basically the Cornish peninsula west of Exeter) appears to have been a part of Britain virtually unaffected by those changes to élite behaviour usually termed ‘romanisation’. Is it possible that much of it lay outside provincial or diocesan control and that some kind of border was depicted on the Cosmographer’s map source as separating the south-western peninsula from the rest of Britain? In that case, Isca Dumnoniorum may have been prominent as a point of contact between the wilds of the far south-west and the more ‘civilised’ Durotriges (or Durotrages, following RIB 1673: the form of the name is very uncertain according to Rivet & Smith 1979, 352) to the east. Group 1: the Cornish Peninsula V ¶31 in qua britania plurimas fuisse ciuitates et castra legimus ex quibus aliquantas designare uolumus id est:

Giano Barnstaple 10546

Eltabo River Taw 10546

Elconio River Torridge ? 10547

Nemestotatio North Tawton 10547

Tamaris Launceston ? 10548 maybe know the plymouth isca and geography change , add 2 plympton and tamerton foliot

Puro coronauis ? 10548

Pilais ? 10549

Vernilis Liskeard ? 10549

Ardua rauenatone River Dart 10550

Deuionisso Statio ? 10551

deuentia steno Buckfastleigh / Totnes ? 10551/10552

Duriarno Plymouth 10552

Vxelis Barnstaple ? 1061

Verteuia Land’s End 1061 = 1069

This group appears to take us on a general perambulation of the Cornish Peninsula and adjacent area "Taua", the second name, is clearly the River Taw . Nemetostatio is probably the fort at North Tawton, which is in an area where a group of modern names containing the elementsNymetandNemetare found .The identification of*Conio*with Ptolemy’s must therefore be questioned as the general progression seems to be from north-east to southwest. It may refer the River Torridge, although this is a Celtic name, derived from a Brittonic *Torric-, ‘violent, rough’. Glano should therefore be somewhere in north Devon, perhaps in the vicinity of Barnstaple. Tamaris, this a site on the River Tamar , perhaps at the crossing at Launceston , not the river itself , as the name recurs in the list of river-names . *Durocornouio* and *Pilais*

Britannia in the Ravenna Cosmography: a reassessment K J Fitzpatrick-Matthews

15


cannot now be identified. Charles Thomas (1966a, 87) originally identified the former with The Rumps, a pre-Roman defended enclosure.

More recently, he suggested that it might be Tintagel, the site of an important sub-Roman trading settlement, although its Romano-British status is not clear . *Vernilis* may be the , perhaps near Liskeard ; the correct RomanoBritish form may have been *Verleua.

The Cosmographer’s form would have arisen by way of a transposition of-l-and -u-, the latter being miscopied as -n-.

The next name must be for * Deruentione, the River Dart, so the Cosmographer’s eye may have moved from travelling along the spine of Cornwall, following the poorly known road along the centre of the peninsula, and he has possibly now turned his attention to the road south from Exeter, closer to the south Devon coast.

Deuionisso Statio and *Deruentio Statio (which are wrongly divided in the text) are probably unlocated Roman government establishments, perhaps tax offices. The latter may have lain in the Dart valley (Dart being Brittonic *Deruentiu: Ekwall 1928, 114), perhaps at Buckfastleigh or Totnes, and the former perhaps near Newton Abbot or elsewhere on the River Teign. The next name, Duriarno, is probably not the same as Durnouaria (Dorchester), as suggested by Rivet & Smith (1979, 345) following Horsley (1732, 490), since it is probably not corrupt (compare the Arnodurum quoted by Williams (Richmond & Crawford 1949, 32), which shows the more usual ‘continental’ ordering of elements). Instead, it may be the name of a site in the vicinity of Plymouth where the inhumation cemetery at Mount Batten and a sequence of coins attest a settlement of some importance (Thomas 1966a, 86). Uxelis is too far west to be the same as Ptolemy’s Οὔξελλα (II.3, 13), which must be on the River Parrett, his Οὐεξάλλα εἴσχυσις (II.3,2), and may be a site or river in Cornwall, perhaps the Fowey or the Fal, unless it is an example of a name written to the west of its symbol on the map source. If this is the case, then it may have been near Barnstaple (Strang 1997, 30). Group 2: the south Devon and Cornish coast Melamoni Sidford ? 1062 = 1064/1069/10613 Scadumnamorum Exeter ,TermoninMesteuia -Land’s End

The mention of Moridunum, Sidford , for the first time indicates a change of direction, and there are now hints of an ordering of names with a general progression from east to west. The -l- for -r- in Moridunum is also found in the next section; it may be that the name was very difficult to read in the Cosmographer’s source. It is unlikely to have occurred as a result of misreading two separate documents, further evidence for the essential unity of the Cosmographer’s sources. The unlocated *Terminum would have been somewhere between Exeter and Land’s End, an admittedly imprecise location. The River Gowy in Cheshire was formerly known as the aqua de Tervin (‘water of Tarvin’) in 1209, the name deriving from the Latin terminus, ‘boundary’, via Welsh Terfyn (Dodgson 1970, 26), which has been retained by a large parish and village. Although the origin of the latter name is generally sought in the post-Roman politics of the region (Bu’Lock 1972, 24), it is probable that the River Gowy was the eastern boundary of the prata legionis of the fortress at Chester. Could a similar origin be suggested for this name, at the western boundary of the prata legionis of the early fortress at Exeter or the territorium of the later capital of the CivitasDumnoniorum?


Somerset Milidunum Sidford

Apaunaris Bath

Masona Camerton? 1065

Alouergium Shepton Mallett 1065

The Cosmographer returns to Moridunum, with the same peculiar -l-for -r-as in the previous group, and a similarly logical ordering of names this time jumping north-eastward and then working back to the starting-point identifyApaunariswithAquae Sulis, Bath, perhaps correctly, so the two remaining names may relate to sites between Bath and Sidford.

<Masona> suggests a name derived from that of a river, although which cannot now be ascertained; it perhaps refers to the small town at Camerton. The name is corrupt. *Alobergium should be in a hilly location, probably near the Mendip Hills at Shepton Mallett, where parts of a Romano-British small town have recently been identified.

The Use and Sourcing of Arsenic in Roman Metallurgy from AD 43 Onwards

The integration of arsenic into metalworking practices has a long and complex history that predates Rome and extends into the Empire’s heyday and beyond. By AD 43, the technological, economic, and environmental aspects of arsenic’s presence in Roman metallurgy had already evolved through interactions with earlier Etruscan and Greek traditions, and through the Roman Empire’s expanding reach into ore-rich provinces. This report explores—through archaeological evidence, historical texts, and modern scientific analyses—how, why, and from where Romans used arsenic in metal production around and after AD 43. It pays particular attention to the evidence from Italy (notably Campiglia Marittima and Populonia), considers Britannia and other provinces as possible sources, and examines the environmental and technological legacy of arsenic from Roman smelting sites. Throughout, the report critically reviews the relationships between ore geology, ancient texts, artifact chemistry, and the logistical dimensions of Roman trade and manufacturing.

1. Archaeological Evidence of Arsenic in Roman Metal Artifacts 1.1 Arsenic Content in Artifacts and Metallurgical Waste

Archaeological finds and systematic chemical analyses indicate that arsenic was present in a significant portion of metal artifacts—primarily but not exclusively in copper alloys produced during the Roman era. Intensive surveys reveal a marked decline in arsenic content in Roman alloys compared with those from the preceding Iron Age: arsenic is detected in approximately 15% of Roman copper alloys, in contrast to over 60% prevalence in Iron Age counterparts. This evidence, derived from a broad sample of objects recovered across Roman sites, implies that while intentional alloying was less common, arsenic remained a consistent, if diminishing, component within the metallurgical repertoire.

In the smelting debris profile, particularly in the Populonia region (Southern Tuscany), stratified slag deposits chronicle persistently high concentrations of trace metals, including arsenic, from the Etruscan through the Roman period. Geochemical surveys find that soils and sediments from these sites are enriched with arsenic up to several hundred times over natural background levels, pointing toward both direct and indirect inclusion of the element through processing polymetallic ore bodies rich in arsenopyrite, tennantite, and related minerals.

1.2 Object Types and Distribution

Artifacts with arsenic content span a wide typology: weapons, tools, vessels, brooches (fibulae), coins, and more decorative objects all show traces of arsenic, typically at <1% by weight but sometimes higher. Analytical classifications, such as those originally developed by Otto and Witter and refined by later studies, group Roman metals into: very pure copper; unalloyed copper with minor impurities; arsenical copper (deliberate or inadvertent); fahlore metals (Cu-As-Sb-Ag rich); and copper with nickel and arsenic as impurities. Notably, while the Roman period is characterized by relatively “cleaner” alloys with reduced impurity levels, both deliberate and accidental traces of arsenic continued to appear.

Roman slags and waste products are often equally telling. For example, in the Roman mining landscape of Tuscany, chemical analyses confirm residual arsenic as a by product of both copper and iron metallurgy, as well as from silver and lead extraction. In regions such as Populonia and Campiglia Marittima, the archaeological record consists of major assemblages of slags and disturbed soils noted for elevated arsenic levels—an imprint of continuous metallurgical activity throughout the Roman occupation.

1.3 Notable Archaeological Studies

Dungworth (Internet Archaeology):Detailed studies of copper alloys from Roman Britain revealed that moderate arsenic content (above 0.5%) could produce attractive patinas and surface finishes, even if most Roman alloys were “cleaner” than earlier periods. This finding is indicative of a shift towards purer metal usage in the imperial Roman era, achieved through hotter/oxidizing smelting, repeated refining, and possibly a greater selection of ore.

Benvenuti et al. (2000, 2013):Fieldwork in Populonia mapped the distribution of arsenic in metallurgical debris and concluded that the major source of enrichment was from the processing of polymetallic ores in Campiglia Marittima, coupled with environmental spread through river and marine sediment transport.

2. Chemical Analysis Techniques for Detecting Arsenic in Ancient Alloys2.1 Analytical Approaches

The evolution of chemical analytic techniques has transformed the study of ancient arsenic use:

Atomic Emission Spectrometry and ICP-MS/OES: Modern analyses often use atomic emission spectrometry and inductively coupled plasma mass or optical emission spectroscopy (ICP-MS/ICP-OES), which allow accurate measurement of arsenic in ancient metals and slag at detection limits down to parts per million (ppm). These methods are critical for both bulk elemental analyses and the identification of trace phase associations.

Electron Probe Microanalysis (EPMA), SEM/EDS: For in situ and phase-specific analyses, electron microprobe and scanning electron microscopy with energy dispersive spectroscopy (SEM/EDS) are used, often combined with X-ray diffraction to map the mineralogical context of arsenic in both artifact and metallurgical by products.

Lead Isotope Analysis: Crucially, lead isotope analysis, sometimes combined with trace element ratios including arsenic, is used for provenancing Roman metals and identifying ore fields or trade routes.

2.2 Challenges Unique to Arsenic Detection

Arsenic is volatile during roasting and smelting and readily forms oxides that may be lost to gases or captured in slags, complicating provenance analyses. Hence, while trace arsenic can be a fingerprint for certain minerals, significant losses during ancient metallurgy mean that only partial signals are transmitted to finished metal. Studies must therefore account for both environmental mobility and process volatilization when interpreting arsenic levels.

3. Roman Historical Texts on Arsenic Use in Metallurgy

3.1 Pliny the Elder and Technical Treatises

Pliny the Elder’s 'Naturalis Historia' (c. AD 77–79)is the most substantial surviving Roman-era source on metals and mining. While Pliny discusses a broad range of metals (including arsenic), his accounts often mix empirical observation with speculative or philosophical reasoning. For example:

Pliny documents smelting, alloying, and the manipulation of metals such as bronze, noting specific processes (roasting, cupellation, blending for colour and hardness) without always explicitly mentioning arsenic by name. However, he refers to “sandaraké” (likely realgar, an arsenic sulfide), “auripigmentum” (orpiment, another arsenic sulfide), and other minerals now known to be arsenic-bearing.

In discussing bronze alloys—including the prestigious hepatizon (a liver-colored alloy)—Pliny remarks on complex, often fortuitously developed blends used by Greek and Roman artisans. These would have almost certainly incorporated arsenic, given their probable derivation from arsenic-rich ores and the observed silvery sheen/patina of some artifacts.

3.2 Other Roman and Greco-Roman Authors

Greek physician Dioscorides, writing in the first century as physician to Nero, references arsenic (as a poison and a mineral) in his Materia Medica, though primarily focusing on medicinal and toxicological aspects. Roman and Greco-Roman mining and medical authors were aware of the hazards of arsenical fumes from mining and smelting, as seen in warnings about the toxicity of certain mining districts, though often these remarks refer to lead or more generally to “noxious exhalations”.

4. The Use and Properties of Arsenical Bronze in the Roman Empire

4.1 Metallurgical Functions of Arsenic

The blending of arsenic with copper, intentionally or as a by product of ore selection, produces arsenical bronze—an alloy superior to pure copper in terms of hardness, casting behavior, and resistance to corrosion. Arsenic also acted as a deoxidizer, improving workability and surface sheen, and could produce attractive patinas—for example, a recognizable silver-like finish—at levels as low as 0.5–2% As.

Mechanical properties: Arsenic content of 0.5–2% can result in a 10–30% improvement in hardness and tensile strength over pure copper; the alloy can be more easily work-hardened, and is less susceptible to embrittlement during hot or cold working. Ancient sources and modern metallurgical experiments confirm that these properties made arsenical bronzes attractive for weaponry and tools.

Aesthetic properties: When polished and treated, arsenical bronze could develop a silvery, lustrous sheen desirable in decorative and ritual objects.

4.2 Evidence for Intentional Alloying

While the Roman period saw a general trend toward purer copper and a growing reliance on tin bronze (due to the more predictable control over tin addition), there is strong archaeological and analytical evidence that arsenical bronze continued to be produced, particularly in areas with ready access to arsenic-rich ores, or where the technical advantages (surface finish, hardness) were especially valued.

Nevertheless, accidental inclusion remained common, and the overall prevalence of arsenic in Roman alloys declined relative to earlier (Bronze Age) practices, especially in regions where improved smelting and purification technologies were implemented.

5. Roman Ore Sources Rich in Arsenic 5.1 Principal Source Regions

The Romans exploited a wide array of mineral-rich territories, both within the Italian peninsula and across their vast provinces. Significant sources of arsenic, whether as primary or associated minerals, included:

Campiglia Marittima (Tuscany, Italy):Extensive geochemical and archaeological surveys establish this region as a key source of polymetallic (Cu, Sn, Pb, Zn, Ag, As) ores for both Etruscan and Roman metallurgy. Skarn-type deposits here famously contain abundant arsenopyrite, tennantite, enargite, and associated minerals: classic markers for arsenic-rich feedstock.

Populonia Metal District: While best known for iron, Populonia’s vicinity included copper and arsenic-bearing deposits—the processing of which left a permanent arsenical signature in the region’s soils and slags.

Paphlagonia (Phalagonia in ancient texts):Classical sources (referenced in modern syntheses) point to Phalagonia (Paphlagonia, in north-central Anatolia) as a major ancient supplier of arsenic-bearing “sandarache” (realgar), “auripigmentum” (orpiment), and arsenical copper ores. Mining and export of these arsenic compounds were reported through the port of Sinope.

Carmania (south-eastern Iran):Carmania is described in ancient texts and modern studies as another important provenance of arsenic and polymetallic ores.

Iberia (Hispania):The rich polymetallic mining districts of the Iberian Peninsula (e.g., Rio Tinto, Sierra Morena) yielded copper, silver, lead, and arsenic-rich ores. These became even more essential to Rome as mining intensified after conquest.

Britannia: While arsenic is not always explicitly cited as a product of British mines, the mineral suite of Roman Britain’s copper, lead, and tin producers would have inevitably included arsenic as an accessory (especially in Cornish and Welsh copper, as well as lead-silver ores).

5.2 Geological and Geochemical Markers

Roman metal production commonly sources copper from ores containing arsenopyrite (FeAsS), enargite (Cu₃AsS₄), tennantite (Cu₁₂As₄S₁₃), and other sulfarsenides—a fact confirmed by both geological mapping and bulk chemical/mineralogical analysis of ancient slags, which often contain residual arsenic, antimony, silver, and nickel in proportions wider than could have derived from pure copper ores alone.

6. Arsenic in Campiglia Marittima and Populonia Metal Districts6.1 Campiglia Marittima

Recent petrographic, isotopic, and geochemical studies have confirmed that over at least two millennia, Campiglia Marittima’s skarn-related polymetallic ore bodies supplied the nearby metalworking centers—including Populonia—with arsenic-rich copper and associated minerals. The spatial and stratigraphic relationships demonstrate that the mining and smelting of these ores, particularly from veins and disseminated deposits in and around the Temperino and Lanzi mines, contributed directly to the metallurgical signatures and environmental legacies of Roman Tuscany.

6.2 Populonia

Populonia’s archaeological profile is defined by an immense deposit of slags and metallurgical debris—testament to its long role as a Mediterranean smelting hub. Here, repeated analyses (using HH-XRF, electron microprobe, and bulk geochemistry) have identified the co-occurrence of iron, copper, lead, silver, tin, and high levels of arsenic. Marine and terrestrial cores taken from this region show extensive arsenic contamination in both soils and marine sediments, sourced from centuries of smelting arsenopyrite and associated minerals.

Notably, layers of copper smelting and iron slags can be radiocarbon-dated to Roman occupation, confirming ongoing activity until at least the first century CE and possibly later.

6.3 Environmental Legacy

Soils and sediments continue to show arsenic levels up to 10 times higher (or more) than average Upper Continental Crust values, providing both an environmental and archaeological record of the long-term impacts of Etruscan and Roman metallurgy on the region.

7. Britannia as a Potential Source of Arsenic for Rome

Roman Britain was famed for its mineral abundance, especially in copper, tin, lead, and to a lesser extent gold and silver. While tin mines in Cornwall and lead mines in the Mendips and Wales are prominent in classical and archaeological sources, it is important to recognize that British copper, lead, and tin ores often contain significant arsenic as a natural impurity, though outright commercial exploitation of arsenic in the Roman period is less well documented than for lead or silver.

Arsenic is not listed explicitly in the sources as Britain’s primary export in the Roman period. However, trace element and isotopic analyses of metal artifacts and slag from British sites reveal arsenic’s consistent, albeit typically minor, presence. Some scholars posit that arsenic-bearing ores from Cornwall and Wales could have supplemented the Roman supply, particularly as British mines reached their peak output in the first and second centuries AD, contributing to the Empire’s major lead, silver, and copper demands.

8. Environmental Legacy of Arsenic at Roman Smelting Sites

8.1 Contamination Traces

The environmental impact of Roman smelting is visible across the empire’s former industrial landscapes. As a volatile and mobile element, arsenic left an indelible mark on soils, watercourses, and marine sedimentsnear major metallurgical centers. In the Gulf of Baratti and coastal Tuscany, analyses of beach and marine sediments point to arsenic concentrations hundreds of times above pre-industrial levels, with clear stratigraphic attribution to Roman and pre-Roman phases.

In Spain (e.g., Rio Tinto), archaeologists and geochemists note centuries-long leaching of arsenic, antimony, and lead into rivers and ground water from massive mining and roasting waste dumps. This contamination persists in biota and continues to shape the ecological history of these regions long after active metallurgy ceased.

8.2 Health Implications

Ancient writers, including Pliny and Vitruvius, evince some awareness of pollution dangers—though they focus more often on lead toxicity. Still, the health consequences of arsenic release(via inhalation of fumes and ingestion of contaminated water or food) would have been severe for exposed workers and nearby populations, resulting in respiratory diseases, neuropathies, and in severe cases, cancers—a reality recently confirmed through osteological studies of affected burial populations.

9. Trade and Transport Routes for Arsenic-Bearing Ores

The imperatives of Roman industry and consumption connected mining centers to workshops via vast road and sea networks. As central Italy was not particularly rich in ores, the movement of metals—including arsenic-bearing products—was essential to supply the metallurgical needs of urban and military centers.

Imports into central Italy: Important ore and metal suppliers included Iberia, Britannia, Noricum, Paphlagonia, and Carmania. Materials were carried by ship and overland via major Roman roads such as the Via Aurelia and Via Egnatia.

Maritime corridors: Sites like Populonia, situated between Elba and Campiglia Marittima and proximate to the Tyrrhenian coast, were ideally placed for receiving shipments of raw ore and exporting finished goods.

Internal circulation: Ingots, coins, and recycled metal objects, many with traceable isotopic and chemical signatures, were systematically distributed within the Roman Empire, further contributing to the diversity of metal used in Roman workshops.

10. Roman Metallurgical Processes Involving Arsenic10.1 Smelting and Roasting

Roman metallurgists used sophisticated techniques inherited from earlier periods, including:

Roasting and smelting: Roasting of polymetallic sulfide ores (arsenopyrite, tennantite, enargite) at temperatures of 500–700°C would volatilize arsenic as oxide, some escaping to the atmosphere, some binding in slags, and some remaining in the reduced metal.

Cupellation and refining: Cupellation was a widespread process for separating silver from lead, but also saw use in the isolation of copper, gold, and possibly arsenic from alloyed sources, using oxidizing hearths to remove unwanted elements as oxides.

Co-smelting: Experimental studies suggest that co-smelting oxidic (malachite, cuprite) and sulfidic (arsenopyrite, tennantite) ores could reliably produce copper-arsenic alloys, sometimes with minimal toxic gas emission due to mineral reactions trapping arsenic as glassy or crystalline residues.

10.2 Deliberate Alloying vs. Incidental Inclusion

The degree to which Romans intentionally alloyed copper with arsenic remains debated. The low frequency of high-arsenic alloys in later Roman artifacts suggests that by the imperial period, intentional addition was secondary to the selective use of “clean” copper-tin bronzes and increased metallurgical understanding of the drawbacks of arsenic’s volatility and toxicity. However, the continued presence of arsenic in tools, weapons, and decorative objects underscores its functional and aesthetic appeal when available.

11. Isotope and Provenance Studies of Arsenic in Roman Metals

Isotopic fingerprinting, especially using lead isotopes, is the principal tool for correlating finished Roman artifacts and remnant metallurgical waste with specific ore sources.

Lead isotope analysis: Large databases of Pb isotope ratios, combined with trace element analyses (e.g., As, Sb, Ni), allow researchers to attribute provenance with increasing certainty, distinguishing metals from, for example, British, Iberian, Anatolian, or Tuscan sources.

Arsenic as a marker: Because arsenic is both volatile and mobile during smelting, its value as a provenance marker is supplemented—but not replaced—by isotopic and elemental “fingerprints” reflecting ore geology and processing history.

12. Temporal Patterns of Arsenic Use Around and After AD 4312.1 Early and Middle Roman Period

In the period surrounding AD 43—the Roman conquest of Britain— there is a well-documented expansion in the scale of mining and smelting across the western Empire, notably in Britannia, Iberia, and Mediterranean mining districts.

Archaeological finds, chemical analyses, and sediment records suggest a peak in environmental arsenic emissions during the 1st–2nd centuries AD, followed by a slow decline as extraction patterns shifted and large-scale mining waned in later centuries.

12.2 Later Roman and Post-Roman Trends

After the mid-3rd century, the intensity of ore extraction and metallurgy declined, as reflected in both the archaeological and environmental (e.g., ice core, peat bog) record. This shift may relate to broader social, economic, and political disruptions, including the decline of urban centers and changes in military logistics.

12.3 Regional Patterns

Populonia / Campiglia Marittima: Stratigraphic and geochemical records confirm intensive arsenic use and environmental dispersion from the Etruscan through late Roman periods, with upper slag layers keeping records of the Roman phase determined by radiocarbon dating of included charcoals.

Britannia: Metal production and exploitation in Britain rapidly intensified after AD 43, with large-scale mining and export of ores lasting into the late 2nd century AD before declining, a trend mirrored in trace-element and isotopic evidence.

13. Table: Known Uses of Arsenic in Roman Metallurgy and Possible Sources Use of Arsenic in Roman Metallurgy Description Evidence Type Possible Source Regions Alloying in bronze and copper Increased hardness, workability, sheen Artifact & slag analyses Campiglia Marittima, Iberia, Paphlagonia, Carmania, Britannia (incidental)Deoxidizer in metallurgy Improves copper quality Technological studies, artifact analysis Copper ores with arsenopyrite, tennantite Byproduct in smelting and roasting Released as oxide, retained in slag/ash Geochemical surveys of slag/soils Italy, Iberia, Britain, Carthage, Asia MinorEnvironmental contaminantSoil, water, and marine sediment pollution Sediment/soil analysis, osteology Campiglia, Populonia, Rio Tinto, Britannia Trace element for ore provenance Combined with Pb isotope ratios Lead isotope/trace element analysis All mined and smelted regions Trade material (as part of metal or mineral)Exported as part of ores and metal objects Historical texts, isotopic/geochemical Paphlagonia, Carmania, Iberia, Turkey Component in silver/lead production Associated with argentiferous galena ores Silver/lead ingot & coin analyses Iberia, Britain, Tuscany, Balkans Accidental inclusion through recyclingReuse of heavily doped scrap metal Segregation observed in re-alloy stages Pan-imperial (especially in times of shortage)Health and toxicity legacy Occupational and public poisoning Medical/historical, bioarchaeology Empires’ major mining/smelting centers14. Synthesis and Conclusions14.1 Continuity and Change in Practice

By AD 43, the Roman Empire retained and refined a metallurgical tradition in which arsenic played a significant—if sometimes inadvertent—role. While the frequency and intentionality of arsenic usage in alloys declined compared with earlier eras (notably the Bronze Age and Iron Age), its presence in copper, silver, and lead artifacts, as well as in the soils and sediments of Roman mining landscapes, is indisputable.

14.2 Sources and Movement

Sourcing of arsenic was closely tied to the mining of complex ore bodies in Italy (Campiglia Marittima/Populonia), Asia Minor (notably Paphlagonia), Iberia, and Britannia, with trade and transport routes ensuring the dispersal of both raw ores and finished products throughout the Empire. Intensive exploitation of these deposits, reflected in the arsenic signature of artifacts and environmental residues from Italy, Spain, and Britain, confirms the sustained demand for polymetallic ores and the pan-imperial movement of metal commodities.

14.3 Technological Adaptations

Roman metallurgy during and after AD 43 was characterized by:

Ongoing use of arsenic-bearing ores where economically or logistically necessary;Refinements in smelting and refining to reduce unwanted impurities when purer metals or tin bronzes were desired;

The adaptation of inherited alloying and deoxidation techniques, with recognition—if not always explicit caution—of the health and environmental dangers of arsenic and associated elements;

A tendency (over time) to prefer alloys with more tractable or less hazardous components.

14.4 Environmental and Health Consequences

The legacy of Roman arsenic usage endures in the pollution record of soils, sediments, and even human remains near ancient mining centers. The magnitude and persistence of arsenic contamination from Roman smelting testifies to both the technological prowess and the ecological limitations of ancient industry.

14.5 Future Research Needs

While modern geochemical, isotopic, and archaeological techniques have advanced our understanding, further studies focused on:

Direct artifact provenance using cutting-edge isotopic and nano-analytical methods;

More granular stratigraphic and environmental monitoring at key Roman mining sites;

Expanded recovery and analysis of organic remains for evidence of arsenic exposure in ancient populations;

Deepened scrutiny of trade records and shipwreck cargos for clues to the movement of arsenic-rich materials;

Comparisons between ancient and post-Roman arsenic mining/usage traditions in Europe, for context and contrast.

will all build on the current foundation to clarify the nuanced role of arsenic in Roman technology and society.

In sum, arsenic use in Roman metallurgy after AD 43 was multifaceted, rooted in complex geological, technological, and economic realities. It left a legacy visible not only in museum artifacts and archaeological sites but also indelibly marked across the landscapes of the former Roman world.

Internet Archaeol. 2. Dungworth. 1
Provenance Determination of Archaeological Metal Objects
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In 1250 King Henry III.

had granted a charter of protection to the tinners of Devon, commanding all knights and others, of whom the tinners of Dartmoor held, that they should not exact from them other customs or services than they ought, and had been accustomed to do, nor to vex them contrary to the liberties they had before enjoyed under charters of the King's predecessors, but maintain them in the said liberties.(fn. n12)In 1337 the profits of the coinage of tin to the Earl of Cornwall, in the county of Devon, were 273l. 19s. 5¾d.(fn. n13)In the years 1373, 1374, and 1375, the coinage of tin produced, on an average, only 127l. per annum.(fn. n14)In 1471 the quantity of tin raised in Devon was 242,624 lb. the profit to the duke 190l. 17s. 11½d., being at the rate of 1s. 6¾d. per hundred weight. The quantity raised in Cornwall that year was 851,116 lb., the profit 1705l. 5d., the rate of duty in that county being at 4s. per hundred weight. In 1479 the weight of tin was, in Devon, 211,045 lb., the profit 166l. 9s. 5½d.; in Cornwall, 808,950 lb., the profit 1620l. 17s. 11d.(fn. n15)The profits in both counties, 15 Hen. VIII., were 2771l. 3s. 9¼d. In that year there were, in the county of Devon, 424 tinners, who paid what was called the white rent, 8d. per annum, to the duchy. In the year 1602 the profit of the coinage of tin in this county was only 102l. 17s. 9¾d.(fn. n16)

The average quantity of tin raised in Devon for six years, ending at Michaelmas 1820, was 1171 blocks, weighing 586 cwt. and 9lbs., and yielding a duty of 45l. 17s. 9d.(fn. n17)Of the tin-mines now worked, Vitifer, in the parish of North Bovey, Ailsborough, in that of Shipstor, and Whiteworks, in that of Lidford, are upon a large scale. The former has been rather productive, but is now on the point of being abandoned. Gobbets, in Widdecombe in the Moor, is, or was lately, working: Wheal Union, in Ashburton, and Bottlehill, in Plympton St. Mary, are, or were lately, working for tin and copper. There are also some stream-works and small mines near Dartmouth, worked by labouring miners on their own account.

There have been old tin-mines in most of the parishes bordering on Dartmoor(fn. n18), and stream-works on most of the rivers in its neighbourhood; the old stream-works at Plympton were renewed some years ago, but have not been worked since 1805.

Early in the sixteenth century the stream-works on all these and the Cornish rivers were worked to a great extent, whereby the principal southern ports and havens of the two counties were decayed and destroyed. The act passed for their preservation, in 1531, states in the preamble, that so great a quantity of sand, gravel, stone, rubble, earth, and filth, descending and coming down from the rivers near which the said works were carried on, had so filled and choked the said havens that whereas ships of 800 tons might heretofore have easily entered at low water, then ships of 100 tons could scarcely enter at half-flood. It was enacted, that no person should search for tin near the rivers connected with these havens, unless the searchers should make "hatches or tyes" to secure the said stone, sand, gravel, &c., from being carried down by the rivers, under a penalty of 10l. By another act passed four years after, the penalty was increased to 20l. It was enacted in the fourteenth year of Richard II., that tin should be exported from Dartmouth only; but this statute was repealed the following year. The tin concerns are regulated by the stannary laws(fn. n19), which have been already mentioned. The stannary towns of Devon are, Ashburton, Chagford, Plympton, and Tavistock. The tin was formerly smelted and coined in the county, but since the produce raised has been so much diminished, it has been taken into Cornwall to be smelted.

It appears that some copper-mines were worked in this county early in the last century; but it was not before the commencement of the present that they were worked to any extent. Mr. Polwhele, in his History of Devon, published in 1798, speaks of copper-mines at Ashburton, WoodHuish, in the parish of Brixham, Sampford Spiney, and a mine at Oakhampton, worked some years, but then long since deserted. Of these mines he promised to give a more particular account, but it is not to be found in the subsequent part of his work. By inquiry at Oakhampton, I cannot find that any copper-mine had been ever worked there with success. The history of mining, in the Cyclopædia of Dr. Rees, states that previously to 1800 it was supposed that the copper-mines of Devon, mostly situated within a few miles of the town of Tavistock, had not altogether, in any one year, yielded more than 100 tons of fine copper, and even this was then a recent occurrence. The rise of price of the metal gave a great stimulus to the exertions of the miners, and from this time the quantity of ore dug greatly increased.

n1. The annual average exportation from the port of Bideford for the years 1817, 1818, 1819, and 1820, was 2703 quarters of wheat, 3259 of barley, and 8492 of oats: considerable quantities of oats are exported from Ilfracombe.

n2. Quoted by Mr. Polwhele from the Portledge Collection, since dispersed.

n3. Prefixed to Holinshed's Chronicle.

n4. In modern times there have been some doubts upon this subject: the species of colic, called from its frequent occurrence in this county,colica Damnoniensis, or the Devonshire colic, has been attributed by Musgrave, Huxham, Sir George Baker, and others, to the free use of this liquor. Sir George Baker, having analyzed it, and detected small portions of lead in its composition, attributed its deleterious qualities to that circumstance, and he ascertained that lead had been used in the construction of several of the presses, a practice which, when discovered, it must have been easy to avoid.

n5. MS. Survey in the British Museum.

n6. The Devonshire hogshead contains only 63 gallons.

n7. This number is exclusive of what is shipped by the growers, and is not liable to duty. Affidavits are made before a magistrate that such cyder is made entirely of fruit of the owners' growth. Abraham Hawkins, Esq., of Alston, before whom great numbers of these affidavits have been made for many years, and to whom I am indebted for various particulars relating to the neighbourhood of Kingsbridge, informs me that between 400 and 500 hogsheads of cyder of this description are exported in a productive year.

n8. Marshall's Rural Economy of the Western Counties, i. 215.

n9. Campbell's Political Survey, vol. i. p. 340.

n10. Communicated on the authority of the principal butter-factor of Honiton, by C. Gidley, Esq., of Honiton, to whom I have been obliged for various information relating to that neighbourhood.

n11. Madox's History of the Exchequer.

n12. Pat. Rot. 35 Hen. III.

n13. Dodridge's Historical Account of the Principality of Wales, Duchy of Cornwall, &c. 2d edit. p. 97.

n14. Roll of the Revenues of Edward the Black Prince, 47—49 Edw. III. in the Tower.

n15. From the records of the duchy.

n16. Dodridge.

n17. The number of tons of tin raised annually, upon an average, in Cornwall and Devon, at the beginning of the last century, was 1600; about the latter end, 3245: but a small proportion of this has been raised in Devon. Rees's Cyclopædia, article Mining.

n18. The following table of abandoned tin mines was obligingly communicated by Mr. John Taylor.

Parishes. Name of Mines. Date when last worked. Ashburton Whiddon Down 1810. North Bovey Peckpits Lidford Bachelor's hall 1810. Huntington 1810. Widdecombe Brempts 1807. Walkhampton Nuns 1810.Keagles burrow 1810.God's Hall 1780.Whitemoor Mead 1790. Shipstor Ringmore Down 1809.Crown Hill 1809. Mary Tavy Wheal Jewell 1797.Wheal Unity 1795.Wheal Saturday 1809.Tavistock Devil's Kitchen 1795. Whitchurch Wheal Surprize 1795.Concord 1795.Concord East 1795. Walkhampton Wheal Mary1795. Shaugh Wheal Sidney 1795 .Buckland Furzehill 1798. Sampford Grimstone 1805.

These had all been abandoned before 1815; since that time East Poldice, in Buckland; Wheal Greenofen, in Whitchurch; and Wheal Lucky, in Sampford Spiney, have been abandoned. These were worked but a short time.

n19. See p. iv., and an account of its prison and parliaments, p. 313, 314. 414. More relating to the Stannaries may be seen in the account of Cornwall, and some general observations respecting the mines.

n20. In the list of mines about 1815, communicated by Mr. Taylor, is the following class of mines working for copper, which had not then become productive: the event of most of them is subjoined: —

Parishes. Mines. North Molton The old mine, since again given up. Mary Tavy Wheal Hope given up. Tavistock Little Dukesoon given up.North Wheal CreborWheal Georgina produced some copper, but not of importance. Bickleigh Wheal Henry unsuccessful.Tavistock Wheal BurnWilliam and Mary small produce, given up, but reopened last year.George and Charlotte given up.Wheal ImphamSouth Wheal Tamar

n21. The ore was plentiful in 1729, and sold then at 6l. 10s. per ton; a good price for that time. Woodward.

n22. Mr. Taylor has favoured me with the following list of abandoned copper-mines, drawn up in or about 1815: —

Parishes. Names of Mines. Date when last worked. Ashburton Awsewell Wood1810.MollandMolland Mine(fn. n65) 1770. Oakhampton Wheal Oak 1808. Bridestowe1809.Tavistock Wheal Bedford 1812.Wheal Peter1811.Wheal Adam1806.Great Duke1813.Wheal Tool 1812.Holming Beam 1810.Marquis 1812.Wheal Tavistock 1810.Wheal Smith 1810.Whitchurch Wheal Surprize1812. Buckland MonachorumVirtuous Lady1807.Crakern Beam 1807.Wheal Charlotte 1807. Whitchurch Wheal Carpenter 1803. Lamerton Wheal Capeltor1810.

Owlacombe mine, near Ashburton, was abandoned about the year 1815.

n23. Fuller's Worthies, who quotes from records at the Tower.

n24. Pat. Rot. 19 Edward II. m. 18.

n25. Pat. Rot. 12 Edward III.

n26. Pettus, p. 13. These were probably the lead and copper mines: the copper was supposed to contain, indeed, both gold and silver.

n27. Pat. Rot. 34 Edward III. pt. 1. m. 9.

n28. Pat. Rot. 35 Edward III.

n29. Pat. Rot. 44 Edward III. pt. 2. m. 2. dors.

n30. Pat. Rot. 1 Richard II. pt. 1. m. 2.

n31. The usual history of royal mines has been, that they were first worked at the king's expense; when they became less productive they were farmed out; afterwards, when abandoned by the lessees, permission was granted to individuals or companies, who were more enterprising, to work them: hence arose the company for working the mines royal. The power which this society once possessed having been much abused, was justly considered as highly injurious to the liberty of the subject, and has been abridged so as to render it nugatory.

n32. Pat. Rot. 8 Richard II.

n33. Pat. Rot. 7 Henry IV. and Pettus.

n34. Pettus.

n35. Ibid.

n36. Pat. Rot. 19 Henry VI.

n37. Pettus.

n38. Pat. Rot. 33 Henry VI.

n39. Pat. Rot. 34 Henry VI.

n40. Pettus.

n41. Cyclopædia; article Mining.

n42. Rot. Pat. 38 Henry VI.

n43. Rot. Pat. 1 Edward IV.

n44. From the information of Mr. Taylor. An article in the Cyclopædia states, that in one the portion of silver is 70 ounces in a ton, and in another 170. Mr. Jehu Hitchings speaks of 140 ounces as the greatest quantity occasionally occurring in the ore of South Hooe mine, at Beer Alston.

n45. From the information of John Hawkins, Esq.

n46. Cyclopædia.

n47. From the information of Mr. Taylor. The pig-lead is smelted at the mine: some of the produce is sent away in ore.

n48. Other mines now worked are Wheal Prosperous, in Hennock; Wheal Mary, in Mary Tavy; Birch and Cleve, Buttspile, and Wheal Ezenedge, in Beer Ferrers parish.

n49. From the information of John Hawkins, Esq.

n50. The following list of lead mines abandoned before 1815, was communicated by Mr. John Taylor: —

Parishes. Names of Mines. Date when last worked. Yarnscombe Unknown 1794. Berry Narbor Berry mine 1809. Lidford Wheal Mercy 1810. Beer Ferrers Wheal Resolution 1795.North Hooe 1795.Furzehill 1785.Whitsum 1785.Lockeridge 1785.Wheal Unity 1805.

n51.

Tons. In 1796 116.17971584. 1798 2336. 1799 1012. In 1800 2114. 1801 2025. 1802 106.

From the information of Walter Locke, Esq., of Ilfracombe.

n52. Upton Pyne, 30 tons; Ashton, 130; Doddescombleigh, 280; Christow, 16; Ilsington, 15; Milton Abbot, 250; Lamerton, 150; Brent Tor, 40; Coryton, 280; Maristow, 390; Lifton, 250; and Lew Trenchard, 80. From the information of Edward Williams, Esq.

n53. The vein has been discovered since the History of Cornwall was published.

n54. Twenty tons in 1819, 33 in 1820, and 79 in 1821.

n55. Except that about 1700 lbs. of an inferior quality, procured from a mine at Sampford Spiney, were sold about the year 1820.n56. In boring for coal some time ago in the parish of Ilsington, the bed of clay was found to be 230 feet in depth.

n57. From the information of the Rev. John Templer, to whom I have been indebted for various particulars relating to the neighbourhood of Teignmouth.

n58. This appears to have been culm: it was in small quantities, and did not pay the expense of digging.

n59. Rural Economy of the West of England, I. 18.

n60. It is probable that fish have been cured on the Devonshire coast from a very early period. Numerous salt-works near the coast are mentioned in the record of Domesday. About the middle of the last century, a brine for curing fish was made at Bideford, from rocksalt dissolved in sea-water, which they call salt upon salt.

n61. See the Appendix.

n62. From the information of Walter Prideaux, Esq., of Kingsbridge.

n63. The Hydra, of 731 tons; the Wanderer, of 428 tons; and the Prince of Wales, of 265 tons; have each made a successful voyage to the South Seas: the Prince of Wales is gone out on a second. The Countess of Morley is returned from a second successful voyage; the first having cleared sufficient for the outfit of the second.

n64. Printed in Hakluyt's Voyages, edit. 1599, vol. ii. pt.2. p. 123.

n65. This mine was worked by Mr. Courtenay so early as 1728.

🛠️ Metals and Alloys in Bronze Age Britain

Primary metals: Copper and tin were the defining ingredients. Britain had rich copper sources (notably in Wales and Cornwall) and tin (especially Cornwall and Devon), which made it a hub for bronze production.

Bronze composition: Standard British Bronze Age alloys were typically copper + 8–12% tin, though the ratio varied depending on intended use (harder alloys for cutting tools, lower tin for toughness in weapons).

Arsenical copper: Before tin bronze became dominant, arsenical copper(copper naturally alloyed with arsenic from ore) was widely used. This alloy:

Produced a silvery sheen or iridescent patina, much like what you noted in Pliny’s hepatizon.

Was often an accidental by-product of smelting arsenic-rich ores, though later it may have been deliberately exploited.

Had superior hardness compared to pure copper, making it desirable for tools and weapons.

 Comparison with Mediterranean Alloys

Hepatizon: Pliny describes this prestigious alloy as having a dark, liver-like sheen. Scholars think it was a complex bronze with copper, gold, and silver, sometimes with arsenic or other trace elements to deepen the patina.

British parallels: While there’s no direct evidence of hepatizon in Britain, the arsenical bronzes of early Britain would have had a similar lustrous or silvery appearance. This suggests that British smiths, like their Mediterranean counterparts, were experimenting with ore sources and alloying—sometimes intentionally, sometimes by accident.

Fortuitous blends: Just as Pliny notes “chance discoveries” in alloying, British Bronze Age metalworkers likely encountered unexpected results when smelting mixed ores, leading to alloys with unusual colors or properties.

 Archaeological Evidence

Trace analysis of Bronze Age British artefacts shows:

Arsenic, nickel, and lead often present in small amounts, indicating complex ore sources and recycling practices.

Regional variation: Some hoards and workshops show consistent alloy recipes, while others suggest opportunistic mixing of whatever metal was available.

Circulation of metals: Studies show that metal was recycled extensively, meaning artefacts could contain a patchwork of sources and alloying histories.

 Cultural Significance

In Britain, bronze was not just functional but prestigious—used in swords, ornaments, and ritual deposits.

The sheen or patina of an alloy (whether silvery arsenical copper or darker bronzes) may have carried symbolic or aesthetic value, much as hepatizon did in the Mediterranean.

 In short: Bronze Age Britain produced a range of alloys, from tin bronzes to arsenical coppers, some of which would have had the same shimmering or darkened qualities admired in Mediterranean alloys like hepatizon. While hepatizon itself wasn’t made in Britain, the principle of complex, sometimes accidental alloying was very much part of the British Bronze Age metallurgical tradition1.


Arsenical copper was Britain’s first alloy, often accidental but prized for its sheen and hardness. Tin bronze became the hallmark of the Bronze Age, enabled by Cornwall and Devon’s tin resources. Lead additions in the Middle Bronze Age show experimentation with casting properties.

Recycling in the Late Bronze Age led to complex, sometimes unpredictable alloys—echoing Pliny’s remarks about fortuitous blends like hepatizon. Iron’s arrival didn’t end bronze use; instead, bronze shifted to symbolic, decorative, and prestige roles, to also map this timeline to specific artefact types, flat axes, palstaves, swords, ornaments, so you can see how alloy choices shaped the evolution of British Bronze Age material culture,

What were the main uses of each alloy during this timeline? Let’s walk through the main alloys in Britain’s Chalcolithic and Bronze Age timeline and highlight what each was actually used for. This ties the chemistry of the alloys directly to the artefacts and social practices of the time.

⚒️ Main Alloys and Their Uses in Britain

Period Alloy Properties Main Uses Chalcolithic Copper Age, c. 2500–2200 BC Arsenical copper copper with natural arsenic impurities harder than pure copper; silvery sheen; brittle if arsenic too high Flat axes, daggers, awls, ornaments. Favoured for cutting edges and prestige items due to sheen .Early Bronze Age circa 2200–1500 BC)Tin bronze(copper + 8–12% tin)Stronger, more durable, easier to cast than arsenical copper Axes, spearheads, daggers, ornaments, early swords. Tin bronze becomes the standard alloy for both tools and weapons. Middle Bronze Age (c. 1500–1000 BC)Standard tin bronze; lead bronze(small % lead added)Tin bronze: tough and reliable. Lead bronze: improved fluidity for casting complex shapes Palstaves (flanged axes), socketed spearheads, decorative pins, razors, ornaments. Lead bronze used for intricate castings like ornaments and vessels. Late Bronze Age (c. 1000–800 BC)Complex bronzes(copper + tin + trace arsenic, nickel, lead)Mixed alloys from recycling; variable properties; sometimes unusual colours/patinas Leaf-shaped swords, socketed axes, cauldrons, shields, horse gear. Recycling led to alloys with symbolic or aesthetic qualities as well as functional ones. Transition to Iron Age (c. 800–600 BC)Bronze (prestige use alongside iron Bronze retained for symbolic/ritual items; iron cheaper and stronger for tools/weapons Bronze cauldrons, ornaments, ritual deposits; iron for everyday tools, ploughshares, and weapons. Roman Britain (after AD 43)Brass (copper + zinc), bronze, lead alloys Brass: golden colour, corrosion resistant. Lead: soft, easy to shape. Coins, military fittings, plumbing (lead pipes), roofing, decorative metalwork.

🔑 Patterns to Notice

Arsenical copper was Britain’s first “alloy technology,” prized for its sheen and hardness, but gradually replaced by tin bronze once tin supplies were exploited.

Tin bronze dominated because it was predictable, durable, and versatile—ideal for weapons and tools.

Lead bronze shows a shift toward specialised casting and more decorative or prestige objects.

Complex alloys in the Late Bronze Age reflect recycling and experimentation, producing artefacts with symbolic or aesthetic qualities (dark patinas, shimmering surfaces).

Iron’s arrival didn’t eliminate bronze—it simply pushed it into the realm of prestige, ritual, and ornamentation.

So, each alloy wasn’t just a technical step forward—it shaped what people could make, how they fought, how they farmed, and even how they expressed status and ritual.

 Bush Barrow dagger, Wilburton swords, Llyn Fawr cauldron, so you can see the alloys “in action” through famous finds?

information relating to metals produced by bronze age metals within that population within Britain bronze age artefacts ,discussing bronze alloys—including the prestigious hepatizon (a liver-coloured alloy)—Pliny remarks on complex, often fortuitously developed blends used by Greek and Roman artisans. These would have almost certainly incorporated arsenic, given their probable derivation from arsenic-rich ores and the observed silvery sheen/patina of some artifacts

Great question—you’re weaving together classical sources like Pliny with archaeometallurgical evidence from Britain, which makes for a fascinating comparison. Let’s unpack what we know about Bronze Age metallurgy in Britain and how it relates to alloys like hepatizon and arsenical bronzes.

🛠️ Metals and Alloys in Bronze Age Britain

Primary metals: Copper and tin were the defining ingredients. Britain had rich copper sources (notably in Wales and Cornwall) and tin (especially Cornwall and Devon), which made it a hub for bronze production.

Bronze composition: Standard British Bronze Age alloys were typically copper + 8–12% tin, though the ratio varied depending on intended use (harder alloys for cutting tools, lower tin for toughness in weapons).

Arsenical copper: Before tin bronze became dominant, arsenical copper(copper naturally alloyed with arsenic from ore) was widely used. This alloy:

Produced a silvery sheen or iridescent patina, much like what you noted in Pliny’s hepatizon.

Was often an accidental by product of smelting arsenic-rich ores, though later it may have been deliberately exploited.

Had superior hardness compared to pure copper, making it desirable for tools and weapons.

⚒️ Comparison with Mediterranean Alloys

Hepatizon: Pliny describes this prestigious alloy as having a dark, liver-like sheen. Scholars think it was a complex bronze with copper, gold, and silver, sometimes with arsenic or other trace elements to deepen the patina.

British parallels: While there’s no direct evidence of hepatizon in Britain, the arsenical bronzes of early Britain would have had a similar lustrous or silvery appearance. This suggests that British smiths, like their Mediterranean counterparts, were experimenting with ore sources and alloying—sometimes intentionally, sometimes by accident.

Fortuitous blends: Just as Pliny notes “chance discoveries” in alloying, British Bronze Age metalworkers likely encountered unexpected results when smelting mixed ores, leading to alloys with unusual colours or properties.

🔬 Archaeological Evidence

Trace analysis of Bronze Age British artefacts shows:

Arsenic, nickel, and lead often present in small amounts, indicating complex ore sources and recycling practices.

Regional variation: Some hoards and workshops show consistent alloy recipes, while others suggest opportunistic mixing of whatever metal was available.

Circulation of metals: Studies show that metal was recycled extensively, meaning artefacts could contain a patchwork of sources and alloying histories.

🌍 Cultural Significance

In Britain, bronze was not just functional but prestigious—used in swords, ornaments, and ritual deposits.

The sheen or patina of an alloy (whether silvery arsenical copper or darker bronzes) may have carried symbolic or aesthetic value, much as hepatizon did in the Mediterranean.

✅ In short: Bronze Age Britain produced a range of alloys, from tin bronzes to arsenical coppers, some of which would have had the same shimmering or darkened qualities admired in Mediterranean alloys like hepatizon. While hepatizon itself wasn’t made in Britain, the principle of complex, sometimes accidental alloying was very much part of the British Bronze Age metallurgical tradition1.

Would you like me to sketch out a timeline of alloy use in Britain(from early arsenical copper to later standardized tin bronze), so you can see how these metallurgical traditions evolved alongside continental practices?

—let’s lay out a clear timeline of alloy use in Britain, focusing on the Bronze Age but also touching on the transitions before and after. This will show how metallurgical traditions evolved from early experimentation with copper to the dominance of iron.

🗓️ Timeline of Alloy Use in Britain

Period Approx. Dates Key Alloys & Metals Notes Chalcolithic (Copper Age)c. 2500–2200 BC Copper, often with natural arsenic impurities First metal tools appear. Arsenical copper gives a silvery sheen and harder edge than pure copper. Flat axes and daggers common. Early Bronze Age c. 2200–1500 BC Tin bronze(copper + 8–12% tin) becomes dominant Cornwall and Devon tin sources make Britain a hub. Prestige items (swords, ornaments) emerge. Arsenical copper still used in some regions .Middle Bronze Age c. 1500–1000 BC Standardized tin bronze; occasional lead bronze Alloy recipes become more consistent. Palstaves, socketed spearheads, and ornaments widespread. Lead sometimes added for easier casting. Late Bronze Age c. 1000–800 BC Complex bronzes(copper + tin + trace arsenic, nickel, lead)Large-scale hoards suggest recycling and mixing of metals. Leaf-shaped swords and socketed axes dominate. Regional variation in alloying practices. Transition to Iron Age c. 800–600 BC (Britain)Iron begins to replace bronze for tools and weapons Bronze remains important for ornaments, ritual deposits, and prestige goods. Iron is cheaper and more abundant, but bronze retains symbolic value. Roman Britain AD 43–410Brass (copper + zinc), bronze, lead alloys Romans introduce brass coinage, large-scale lead use (pipes, roofs), and more sophisticated alloying. Medieval Period Post-AD 500Bronze & brass for bells, church fittings, decorative metal work Iron dominates for tools and weapons, but copper alloys remain vital for art, architecture, and coinage.

🔑 Key Takeaways

Arsenical copper was Britain’s first alloy, often accidental but prized for its sheen and hardness.

Tin bronze became the hallmark of the Bronze Age, enabled by Cornwall and Devon’s tin resources.

Lead additions in the Middle Bronze Age show experimentation with casting properties.

Recycling in the Late Bronze Age led to complex, sometimes unpredictable alloys—echoing Pliny’s remarks about fortuitous blends like hepatizon.

Iron’s arrival didn’t end bronze use; instead, bronze shifted to symbolic, decorative, and prestige roles.

Absolutely—let’s lay out a clear timeline of alloy use in Britain, focusing on the Bronze Age but also touching on the transitions before and after. This will show how metallurgical traditions evolved from early experimentation with copper to the dominance of iron.

🗓️ Timeline of Alloy Use in Britain Period Approx. Dates Key Alloys & Metals Notes Chalcolithic (Copper Age)c. 2500–2200 BC Copper, often with natural arsenic impurities

First metal tools appear. Arsenical copper gives a silvery sheen and harder edge than pure copper. Flat axes and daggers common.

Early Bronze Age c. 2200–1500 BC Tin bronze(copper + 8–12% tin) becomes dominant Cornwall and Devon tin sources make Britain a hub. Prestige items (swords, ornaments) emerge. Arsenical copper still used in some regions. Middle Bronze Age c. 1500–1000 BC Standardized tin bronze; occasional lead bronze Alloy recipes become more consistent. Palstaves, socketed spearheads, and ornaments widespread. Lead sometimes added for easier casting. Late Bronze Age c. 1000–800 BC Complex bronzes(copper + tin + trace arsenic, nickel, lead)Large-scale hoards suggest recycling and mixing of metals. Leaf-shaped swords and socketed axes dominate. Regional variation in alloying practices. Transition to Iron Age c. 800–600 BC (Britain)

Iron begins to replace bronze for tools and weapons Bronze remains important for ornaments, ritual deposits, and prestige goods. Iron is cheaper and more abundant, but bronze retains symbolic value. Roman Britain AD 43–410Brass (copper + zinc), bronze, lead alloys Romans introduce brass coinage, large-scale lead use (pipes, roofs), and more sophisticated alloying. Medieval Period Post-AD 500Bronze & brass for bells, church fittings, decorative metal work Iron dominates for tools and weapons, but copper alloys remain vital for art, architecture, and coinage.

🔑 Key Takeaways

Arsenical copper was Britain’s first alloy, often accidental but prized for its sheen and hardness.

Tin bronze became the hallmark of the Bronze Age, enabled by Cornwall and Devon’s tin resources.

Lead additions in the Middle Bronze Age show experimentation with casting properties.

Recycling in the Late Bronze Age led to complex, sometimes unpredictable alloys—echoing Pliny’s remarks about fortuitous blends like hepatizon.

Iron’s arrival didn’t end bronze use; instead, bronze shifted to symbolic, decorative, and prestige roles. flat axes, palstaves, swords, ornaments), so you can see how alloy choices shaped the evolution of British Bronze Age material culture?

Today

Explain the following text primarily based on the surrounding page content: The Devon Great Consols

The Devon Great Consols refers to a historic mining site in Devon, England, which played a major role in the 19th-century extraction of copper and arsenic. According to the surrounding page content, it was once part of the largest copper-producing region in Europe and later became the world's leading source of arsenic by the 1870s.

Today, the site is a public beauty spot and part of the Cornwall and West Devon Mining Landscape UNESCO World Heritage Site. It has been repurposed for leisure activities like walking and cycling. However, recent research by the University of Plymouth has revealed dangerously high levels of arsenic contamination across the area—some samples showing concentrations over 400 times the safe limit for recreational soil. This poses serious health risks to visitors, especially with repeated exposure through skin contact, inhalation, or ingestion.

The study highlights the urgent need for mitigation measures to protect public health, as only one of the 98 sample sites fell within safe UK guideline values.

1environmentjournal.online

where exactly are the devon consoles , where are nearest towns

The Devon Great Consols are located in west Devon, England, near the Tamar Valley. Specifically, they lie close to the village of Gulworthy and are part of the Cornwall and West Devon Mining Landscape UNESCO World Heritage Site.

🏘️ Nearest towns and villages:

Tavistock– The closest town, about 4 miles east of the site. It's a historic market town with strong ties to the mining heritage of the region.

Gulworthy– A small village just south of the Consols, often considered the gateway to the site.

Calstock– Located across the River Tamar in Cornwall, roughly 3 miles southwest.

Bere Alston– Another nearby village, about 5 miles south, also historically linked to mining.

The area is now popular for walking and cycling, with trails running through the former mining landscape. Let me know if you'd like a map or travel tips for visiting.

Tin, copper, silver-lead, and arsenic were all mined here. In places, engine houses and associated buildings are well preserved; elsewhere you’ll glimpse an occasional chimney or fragment of walling emerging through the trees.

Tavistock itself is unlike any other town within the Cornish Mining World Heritage Site. The dramatic remodelling of much of the medieval town by the 7th Duke of Bedford during the mid-19th century was achieved with profits from his mines, whilst a substantial proportion of the mining workforce was housed in model cottages built within the town, at the mines and across his estate.

There is also an exceptional mineral transport network here: you’ll find an unparalleled group of industrial mineral river quays (e.g. Morwellham), a mine railway, (which served Devon Great Consols), a mineral railway (East Cornwall Mineral Railway) and a mineral canal (Tavistock Canal). The Area also has numerous mine quays, mule tracks and mine roads, many of which have now been opened up as multi-use trails for visitors.


Stormsdown Mine

Early Mining

18th Century

20th Century

Stormsdown is at the head of Owlacombe a tributary valley of the the Langworthy Brook, which itself is a tributary of the River Lemon. The geology consists of shales, grits and chert otherwise known as killas by the miners. The mines are in the metamorphic aurole zone that surrounds the igneous mass and the lodes are all hydrothermal sulphide veins.
There are a number of generally east – west lodes that traverse the valley and seven of them have been productively worked. The four northerly lodes were worked by several mines both singularly and jointly and are collectively known as Owlacombe. Two Tin lodes only 25 yards apart known as North Beam and South Beam, were worked in the Medieval period forming one large openwork. These lodes underlie to the north and were also worked at depth in the 19th century, together with the Great North lode that underlies to the south. To the south of the beam a fourth lode which also produced copper was worked at Wheal Brothers and Wheal Union (Dines).
To the south of Wheal Brothers and Wheal Union there were three other tin lodes that were worked over a period of years, known as South Lode No.1, South Lode No. 2 and South Lode No. 3 and it is these that are generally referred to as Stormsdown.
There were also other lodes in the valley but these were unproductive.

Early Mining at Stormsdown

In the Ashburton/Chagford Stannery Court book, the following entry appears:
By virtue of which the said Elize Scoble claymeth all the tynworks in Alston Downe, Caton Downe and Stormes Down haveinge purchassed the same of the said Sir George Sonds and the said William Stowell.

Nothing now survives at Alston Down and Caton Down, but at Stormsdown there is an openwork which still survives, the site of another is known from early maps and a third survives in Hooks Plantation. These are all probably contemporary with Owlacombe Beam, which was probably worked throughout the Medieval period. The Stormsdown openworks are therefore at least sixteenth century and probably earlier.

Eighteenth Century

There is no documentary evidence of mining at Stormsdown during the eighteenth century but some development of the Owlacombe mines did take place.

Nineteenth Century

In the nineteenth century major development took place on the owlacombe lodes with a number of successive mining companies working the lodes at greater depths. These mining ventures required considerable capital for investment in pumping equipment (waterwheels and steam engines) and processing equipment, stamps and burning houses etc. The workings went below deep adit which had been brought up from the valley to unwater the beam as early as the sixteenth century. Branches from deep adit were taken to Union and Wheel Brothers. The lodes were eventually mined to a depth of 78 fms (468ft) below adit on the main beam lodes and 47 fms below adit on the Union Lode (Dines). Sometime before the 1840’s some shallow exploratory adits were driven at Stormsdown to trial the lodes previously worked in the medieval period, but no further development seems to have taken place.

On the main Owlacombe lodes the last major workings ceased in 1866, but at this time some interest was being shown in the lodes to the south, with deep adit being extended from Wheel Brothers to South Lode No 1, again to prove the lode (Dines).
At sometime a shaft known as South Shaft was sunk on South Lode No 1. (but at what particular date is uncertain). The only other development work on South Lode was undertaken in 1895 and 1896 when Stormsdown Mining Co Ltd is listed, employing 8 and 19 persons (Burt et al). It is possible at this time that deep adit was driven from South Shaft (which is South East of Owlacombe Farm), eastwards to Stormsdown.

Twentieth Century

The twentieth century sees the only significant mining on Stormsdown since the earlier medieval works

The mine itself is unusual in that it was totally financed by a private individual – namely a Mr Edward Herbert Bayldon, who had made his fortune as a stockbroker in London. At the age of 36 Mr Bayldon had retired and moved to Dawlish. In 1901 he was a member of a committee affiliated to the London Chamber of Commerce which was tasked with furthering mining interests in West Africa and the Gold Coast (Westaway). With a late nineteenth century boom in arsenic and a doubling of tin prices mining again became attractive. This early twentieth resurgence in mining was known as the The Great Electric boom, as new plant and machinery was being tried and developed.

The purchase on the lease or land took place in 1899, but it was not until 1905 that work started on sinking Main Shaft (Terrell). By 1906 work was progressing with the construction of the processing plant and dressing floors. The plant at Stormsdown was influenced by the highly successful modern plant that had been in operation in the Gunnislake Clitters re-working a few years earlier. The Stormdown plant however was even more sophisticated and was a highly efficient plant.

By 1906 the shaft had reached a depth of 200ft (WT 3rd Aug 1906). By 1907 the processing plant was nearing completion and in January of that year Ernest Terrell was appointed as Mine Manager (WBCA 24th Jan 1907). Ernest Terrell had previously worked at Gunnislake Clitters as Assistant Mine Engineer and at Stormsdown was charged with installing the new mine machinery and bringing the mine into production. The plant consisted of Holman pneumatic stamps, classifiers, Buss tables, spitkasten, Buss slimers, 3 Brunton revolving calciners, Holman pan grinders and magnetic separators. The plant was powered by electricity which was generated on site by a Campbell suction-gas plant. The processing floors were situated in the valley bottom and were connected to the shaft at Stormsdown by a 1800ft incline (Terrell)

The production of tin concentrate and arsenic commenced in July 1907 (TC 4th July 1907).

The Main shaft was gradually deepened and in 1908 the Evans 7″ steam pump was replaced by a 200HP Hathorn Davey compound differential pumping engine – the only one to be installed in a west country mine. At the shaft head apart from the steam pumping engine, there was a Scott Mountain double drum 30HP electric winding engine (the use of electric winders was cutting edge technology) and a Bickle & Co straight line single cylinder 7″ by 14″ stroke horizontal steam air compressor (Terrell).
The shaft finally reached a depth of 360ft in 1909 with three levels – adit level at 30fms (180ft), No1 level at 42.5 fms (255ft) and No2 level at 57.5 fms (345ft) (Terrell).
In July 1909 work was suspended and the majority of the workforce were laid off. Pumping continued however while attempts were made to sell the mine as a going concern (Westaway).

In 1911 underground development re-commenced (instigated and financed by Mr Bayldon) and the ore extracted was stock-piled at the shaft head. In July 1912 a new company was formed – Sigford Mines Ltd – the directors of which were Edward Herbert Bayldon, Elsey Fradgley, George Higlett and Owen Bayldon. The limited company had 5000 shares half purchased each by Bayldon snr and Fradgley. Bayldon also provided a £10,000 debenture loan to the new company with the total new investment being £15,000 pounds. Unfortunately no future development took place at the mine as Mr Bayldon died in December 1912 (aged 58).

As before pumping continued while attempts were again made to sell the mine as a going concern, without success. In July 1913 the decision was made to re-activate the mill in order to process outstanding stockpiles of ore. Following treatment of the ore, the mine and mill were stripped out and all the materials auctioned in March 1914 (Westaway).

Recorded production for the mine is 21694 tons producing 158 tons of tin concentrate and 750 tons of arsenic (Paull). This gave returns of £13557 and £9888 respectively (Burt et al). Total investment in the mine was in the region of £70,000 the majority of which was financed by Mr Bayldon.

Bibliography

The Metalliferous Mines of South-West England Vol 2
H G Dines 1954

Report on the Stormsdown and Owlacombe Tin and Arsenic Mines, Ashburton, Devon
Ernest Terrell 1909

Stormsdown Mine Production and Manpower
D Westaway (unpublished)

Report on Stormsdowm and Owlacombe Mines
Josiah Paull 1913

Devon and Somerset Mines
Burt et al

The Life of Edward Herbert Bayldon
D Westaway (unpublished)

Abbreviations:

WT – Western Times
WBCA – West Briton & Cornwall Advertiser
TC – The Cornishman


🌄 Stormsdown

  • Location:Well established. Stormsdown Mine lay at the head of Owlacombe, a tributary of the Langworthy Brook , itself feeding the River Lemon, near Ilsington.
  • Survival: Medieval openworks still survive there, and the name “Stormsdown” is securely tied to Dartmoor tinworking.

❓ Alston Downe

  • The Stannary Court entry clearly groups it with Stormsdown and Caton, both Dartmoor tinworks.
  • “Alston” is almost certainly a local Dartmoor field or down-namethat has since been lost or absorbed.
  • Possibilities:
    • It may connect with Alston Cross, a hamlet between Ashburton and Chudleigh, just east of Dartmoor. That area has medieval tinworking traces, and the placename “Alston” survives on modern maps.
    • Alternatively, it could have been a smaller “down” near Ashburton whose name has since vanished from common use.

❓ Caton Downe


  • There is a Caton hamleton the eastern edge of Dartmoor, near Ashburton close to the River Lemon valley.
  • This fits perfectly with the Stannary Court context: Caton Down would have been the moorland or common ground above this hamlet, where tinworks were active.
  • The name survives today in “Caton Farm” and “Caton Lane” near Ashburton.

📍 Putting it together

  • Alston Downe→ very likely the downland near Alston Cross, east of Ashburton.
  • Caton Downe→ the moorland near Caton hamlet, just north of Ashburton.
  • Stormsdown→ confirmed site near Owlacombe valley, Ilsington.

So all three are clustered in the Ashburton–Ilsington–Chudleigh area, on the eastern fringe of Dartmoor — exactly where the Ashburton Stannary had jurisdiction.

That might help visualise how these tinworks formed a little cluster of operations under Elize Scoble’s claim.


 — it shows Alston Downe, Caton Downe, and Stormsdownin relation to Ashburtonand the River Lemon valley, so you can see how they cluster together as part of Elize Scoble’s claim:


🗺️ What the map shows

  • Ashburtonsits on the River Lemon, the central reference point.
  • Caton Downelies just north-west of Ashburton, above the Lemon valley.
  • Alston Downeis slightly further north-east, near Alston Cross.
  • Stormsdownis to the west, near Owlacombe valley and Ilsington.

🔍 Why this matters

  • The three sites form a tight cluster on the eastern edge of Dartmoor, all within a few miles of each other.
  • Their proximity to Ashburton — one of the four great Stannary towns — made them strategically valuable, since tin had to be brought there for weighing, stamping, and taxation.
  • This cluster suggests Scoble’s claim wasn’t scattered but concentrated in a productive corridor of tinworksfeeding into the Lemon valley system.

Would you like me to layer in the medieval tin-streaming gullies and known openworksaround these sites as well? That would give you a sense of how the landscape itself was reshaped by centuries of extraction.


Cassiterite

Owlacombe & Stormsdown Mine, Ashburton, Teignbridge, Devon, England, UK


Cassiterite, etc.

Owlacombe & Stormsdown Mine, Ashburton, Teignbridge, Devon, England, UK

Nearest Settlements:

Place Population Distance Ashburton 3,346(2018) 3.6km SSW Bovey Tracey 4, 729(2018)6. 7km NE Denbury 686(2018) 6.8km SE Broadhempston 672(2018) 7.6km SSE Buckfastleigh 3,631(2018) 7.8km SSW

Tin and arsenic, dumps reworked in 1937 and 1958. Aside from the large dump of 'slimes' there is little to pick over now. There are however 2 shafts from which large streams of iron laden water pour out (Dec 2003).

As of Nov 2020 the site has been further landscaped. The area known as Owlacombe Beams has been levelled as a parking area, this was I believe the site of the dressing floors etc. A very small ruin stands on the roadside immediately opposite. Beyond that was once an area of tips and shafts but that has been mostly levelled and a large pond dug. The tip of black slimes that was quite apparently in 2003 is still there but has become almost entirely grown over. Further on towards Sigford however the 2 iron rich tributaries continue to discharge into the main stream.

Intelligence of a pearl fishery, attracted their avarice In this single instance, the successors of Caesar and Augustus were persuaded to follow the example of the former, rather than the precept of the latter. The proximity of its situation to the coast of Caul seemed to invite their arms ; the pleasing, though doubtful, intelligence of a pearl fishery, attracted their avarice ;2 and as Britain was viewed in the light of a distinct and insulated world, the conquest scarcely formed any exception to the general system of continental measures. After a war of about forty years, undertaken by the most stupid,3 maintained by the most dissolute, and terminated by the most timid of all the emperors, the far greater part of the island submitted to the Roman yoke. The various tribes of Britons possessed 1 Germanicus, Suetonius, Paulinus, and Agricola were checked and recalled in the course of their victories. Corbulo was put to death. Military merit, as it is admirably expressed by Tacitus, was, in the strictest sense of the word, imperatoria virtus. - Caesar himself conceals that ignoble motive but it is mentioned by Suetonius, The British pearls proved, however, of little value, account of their dark and livid colour.  Tacitus observes, with reason , that it was an inherent defect. “Ego facilius crediderim, naturam margaritis deesse quam nobis avaritiam.”  Claudius, Nero, and Domitian. A hope is expressed by Pomponius Mela,he wrote under Claudius, that, by the success of I lie roman arms, the island and its savage inhabitants would soon be better known. It is amusing enough to peruse such passages in the midst of London. Be the admirable abridgment given by Tacitus, in the life of Agricola, and copiously, though perhaps not completely, illustrated by our own antiquarians, Camden and Horsley valour without conduct, and the love of freedom without the spirit of union. They took up arms with savage fierceness ; they laid them down, or turned them against each other, with wild inconstancy ; and while they fought singly, they were successively subdued. Neither the fortitude of Caractacus, nor the despair of Boadicea, nor the fanaticism of the Druids, could avert the slavery of their country, or resist the steady progress of the Imperial generals, who maintained the national glory, when the throne was disgraced by the weakest, or the most vicious of mankind. At the very time when Domitian, confined to his palace, felt the terrors which he inspired, his legions, under the command of the virtuous Agricola, defeated the collected force of the Caledonians, at the foot of the Grampian hills; and his fleets, venturing to explore an unknown and dangerous navigation displayed the Roman arms round every part of the island. The conquest of Britain was considered as already achieved; and it was the design of Agricola to complete and ensure his success, by the easy reduction of Ireland, for which, in his opinion, one legion and a few auxiliaries were sufficient. The western isle might be improved into a valuable possession, and the Britons would wear their chains with the less reluctance, if the prospect and example of freedom were on every side removed from before their eyes. But the superior merit of Agricola soon occasioned his removal from the government of Britain ; and for ever disappointed this rational, though extensive, scheme of conquest. Before his departure, the prudent general had provided for security as well as for dominion.He had observed that the island is almost divided into two unequal parts by the opposite gulfs, or, as they are now called, the Friths of Scotland. Across the narrow interval of about forty miles, he had drawn a line of military stations, which was afterwards fortified in the reign of Antoninus Ptus, by a turf rampart, The earliest bronze axes were flat plates of the shape of polished stone axes. More of these specimens are found in Ireland and England than anywhere in Europe, testifying to the importance of the Wicklow gold-field and the density of the population here in the early metal ages. Some years ago Mr. O. G. S. Crawford prepared a map of the finds of flat axes made in this country. Most discoveries were made in open chalk or limestone districts such as Salisbury Plain and Mendip, but further, many axes were strung out along lines of great length which appear to indicate ancient trade routes.One such route runs from the region of Southampton, through Winchester, Newbury, Cirencester, Worcester, and Shrewsbury, to Warrington, where other routes join it.

There is reason to believe that the chief port for the Irish gold-fields was in the neighbourhood of Warrington.

THE IRISH AND CARLYON
The place name Kelliwic occurs not only in the Arthurian legend but also , as the variant Kaellwig in later Cornish history and is therefore certainly an area of the county and probably one of the Moorland. Although its site is in dispute, the signs are that It will eventually be permitted to settle where it already hovers between the hill forts ofKillybury and Canyke-by-Callywith, that is in the Camel Valley. And this could be to the dismay of sceptics for Camlan also seems to fit this district.Charters clearly demonstrate that the present misnomer A| len, by which the RivoiCamel's tributary is known instead of by its correct name Laine, originally applied to the Camel itself and was accurately rendered ALAN . As this RiverAlan or Cameltwisted and turned, the Cornish epithet 'cam' meaning 'crooked' apparently prefixed not only theword 'heyle' meaning 'estuary' but also on occasion the name Alan. Thus, it would seemthat the present name Camel is a corruption of one or both of the Cornish names for thisriver - Camheyle and CAM ALAN. °It might therefore be interesting to seek the required conditions in the CamelValley. Of six known stones in Cornwall which are inscribed in the Irish script copiprising unconnected strokes and called Ogham, five are on Bodmin Moor and three of thesein the Camel area. Should the sixth seem curiously remote from the others at Truro, wemay be forgiven for remembering that one of Arthur's reputed battle sites was on the 'RiverTreuroit . However and regarding names on the three Camel Ogham stones, that at St.Endellion-which also bears the early Christian Chi Rho symbol, 'X P‘,the first two lettersof the Greek word for Christ - commemorates 'Brocagnus', identified^with the IrishmanBrychan who arrived in Cornwall via Wales. Both names on the WorthyvaleOgham stoneare Roman as is the one on the St. Kew memorial . xAn Irish incursion is certainly evident as is also a lingering Roman usage. Thelatter is hardly surprising in an area where Roman road stones at Boscastle and Tintagelland a 'camp of the legion' at Tregear have been found. Moreover, even AFTER the Romancavalry station at Nanstallon meaning 'Vale of Alan' was abandoned, it is apparent thatagents of Rome used the most accessible route to and from England across this north coastdistrict at least as late as the fourth century when the Tintagel stone was inscribed. Ami,
as some 300 years of contact with Roman custom appears to have influenced the local

Definition of medieval

The adjective medieval literally means “of the Middle Ages,” i.e., the period between antiquity (the Roman world) and the early modern era 

Common chronological range

Historians most often treat the Middle Ages as roughly the 5th century to the 15th century: from the collapse of the Western Roman Empire (commonly dated 476) up to the Renaissance and early modern transitions around 1400–1500 

Standard subperiods and their usual dates

  • Early Middle Ages: about 500–1000.
  • High Middle Ages: about 1000–1300.
  • Late Middle Ages: about 1300–1500.
    These are conventional labels; exact boundaries vary by region and by the historian’s focus 

What authors usually mean when they write “medieval”

  • Broad cultural sense: the social, political, religious, and material world shaped by feudal institutions, Christendom, and post‑Roman societies in Europe between Late Antiquity and the Renaissance 
  • In specialised works an author may narrow the term (for example, “medieval urban law” might mean 1100–1400), so check the author’s period definition in introductions or captions 

Origin and first use of the word

The English term derives from Latin medium aevum “middle age.” The modern English adjective (often spelled mediaeval earlier) was coined in the 19th century from that Latin phrase; recorded modern forms date from the early 1800s (commonly cited 1825 for the form medieval/mediaeval) 

Quick guidance for reading historical scripts

When you encounter “medieval” in a text, assume 5th–15th centuries unless the author states otherwise; for precise work always look for the author’s explicit chronological scope because usages and boundary years differ by topic and region 

Bronze Age time boundaries overview

The Bronze Age is a cultural-technical phase defined by the pervasive use of bronze (an alloy of copper with tin or arsenic), alongside associated changes in technology, trade, burial practice, and social organisation. Its absolute dates vary widely by region because metallurgy and associated cultural changes spread at different times. Below are commonly used regional ranges and practical guidance for tagging or labelling gazetteer entries.

Common regional date ranges

  • Near East and Anatolia
    Early Bronze Age: c. 3300–2100 BCE; Middle Bronze Age: c. 2100–1600 BCE; Late Bronze Age: c. 1600–1200 BCE.
  • Aegean (Greece and Cyclades)
    Early Bronze Age: c. 3000–2000 BCE; Middle Bronze Age: c. 2000–1600 BCE; Late Bronze Age: c. 1600–1100 BCE.
  • Central and Western Europe
    Broad Bronze Age: c. 2300–800 BCE; subdivided (Early/Middle/Late) roughly as Early c. 2300–1500 BCE, Middle c. 1500–1200 BCE, Late c. 1200–800 BCE.
  • British Isles (including Devon and Cornwall)
    Broad Bronze Age: c. 2500–800 BCE; Early Bronze Age often starts c. 2500–2000 BCE (after Late Neolithic/Beaker horizons), Late Bronze Age ends c. 800 BCE.
  • South Asia (Indian subcontinent)
    Indus-related Bronze Age/Harappan: c. 3300–1300 BCE (mature Harappan c. 2600–1900 BCE); local Bronze-using traditions continue and overlap with early Iron use.
  • East Asia
    Bronze Age in China: roughly c. 2000–771 BCE (Xia-Shang-Zhou sequences; Shang c. 1600–1046 BCE is strongly bronze-rich).
  • The Americas and parts of Sub-Saharan Africa
    No true widespread Bronze Age phase comparable to Old World sequences; metallurgy often appears much later and in different forms.

Practical guidance for mapping and gazetteer work

  • Use region-specific ranges rather than a single global boundary.
  • For ambiguous or single-site reports, prefer relative labels: Early Bronze Age, Middle Bronze Age, Late Bronze Age, or Bronze Age (broad)with a numeric range (e.g., Bronze Age c. 2500–800 BCE).
  • Where chronology is uncertain, record both: cultural label(Bronze Age) and confidence/precision(e.g., high if radiocarbon dated; low if typological only).
  • Include key local markers in metadata: metallurgy present; Beaker/urnfield/bronze-ritual features; radiocarbon dates range; typology links.
  • Allow fields for overlapping phases (e.g., “Late Neolithic / Early Bronze Age transitional”) and for caveats like reuse or later disturbance.

Why ranges differ and how to communicate that

  • Start and end dates depend on: first local alloy production; availability of tin or copper sources and trade; cultural adoption of bronze technologies; and the arrival of ironworking.
  • Use wording that communicates variability: “Bronze Age (regional: c. 2500–800 BCE)”or “Bronze Age — British Isles convention: c. 2500–800 BCE”.
  • When precision matters, attach dating evidence: radiocarbon ranges, stratigraphic context, or diagnostic artefact types.

Short recommended labels for database fields

  • Period label: Bronze Age
  • Region qualifier: e.g., British Isles
  • Numeric range: e.g., c. 2500–800 BCE
  • Subdivision: Early / Middle / Late (if known)
  • Dating confidence: High / Medium / Low
  • Dating evidence: Radiocarbon; typology; stratigraphy; historical reference


The suffix ‘ton’ constitutes a sort of test word,” says Mr. Isaac Taylor, “ by which we are able to discriminate the Anglo-Saxon settlements.”1 “A tun or ‘ton ’ was a place
surrounded by a hedge, or rudely fortified by a palisade”

The passage you quoted is part of the author’s argument that Plympton’s name is unmistakably Anglo‑Saxon, and that the key to recognising this lies in the suffix ‑ton. The PDF you have open confirms this discussion in its treatment of early Plympton history .

🏰 What ‑tonActually Signifies

The core point is that ‑ton(Old English tūn) originally meant:

  • An enclosed place— literally a fenced or hedged area

  • A defended homestead or settlement— often with a palisade

  • A farmstead that could grow into a village or manor

So when you see a place‑name ending in ‑ton, you are almost always looking at:

  • A Saxon foundation, or

  • A Saxon renamingof an older site they took over.

This is why Isaac Taylor calls it a “test word”: it reliably marks Anglo‑Saxon occupation or administrative control.


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