In Early Irish literature a
Bríatharogam "word ogham", plural Bríatharogaim is a two wordkenningwhich explains the meanings of the names of the letters of the
Oghamalphabet.
Three variant lists of bríatharogaim or 'word-oghams' have been preserved,
dating to theOld Irishperiod. They are as follows:
Bríatharogam Morainn mac Moín
Bríatharogam Maic ind Óc
Bríatharogam Con Culainn
The first two of these are attested from all three surviving copies of theOgam Tract, while the "Cú Chulainn" version is not in theBook of Ballymoteand only known from 16th-and 17th-century manuscripts.
TheAuraicept na n-Écesor 'Scholars' Primer' reports and interprets the Bríatharogam Morainn mac Moín.
Later Medieval scholars believed that all of the letter names were those of trees, and attempted to explain the bríatharogaim in that light. However, modern scholarship has shown that only eight at most of the letter names are those of trees, and that the word-oghams or kennings themselves support this. The kennings as edited (in normalized Old Irish) and translated by McManus (1988) are as follows:
Letter Meaning Bríatharogam Morainn mac Moín Bríatharogam Maic ind Óc Bríatharogam Con Culainn
ᚁBBeithe'Birch' féochos foltchain "withered foot with fine hair" glaisem cnis "greyest of skin" maise malach "beauty of the eyebrow"
ᚂLLuis'Flame' or 'Herb' lí súla "lustre of the eye" carae cethrae "friend of cattle" lúth cethrae "sustenance of cattle"
ᚃF Fern'Alder' airenach fían "vanguard of warriors" comét lachta "milk container" dín cridi "protection of the heart"
ᚄSSail'Willow' lí ambi pallor of a lifeless one" lúth bech "sustenance of bees" tosach mela "beginning of honey"
ᚅNNin'Branch-fork' costud síde "establishing of peace" bág ban "boast of women" bág maise "boast of beauty"
ᚆHÚath'Fear' condál cúan "assembly of packs of hounds" bánad gnúise "blanching of faces" ansam aidche "most difficult at night"
ᚇDDair'Oak' ardam dosae "highest tree" grés soír "handicraft of a craftsman" slechtam soíre "most carved of craftsmanship"
ᚈ TTinne'Iron Bar' trian roith"one of three parts of a wheel" smiur gúaile"marrow of (char)coal" trian n-airm"one of three parts of a weapon"
ᚉ CColl'Hazel' caíniu fedaib "fairest tree" carae blóesc "friend of nutshells" milsem fedo "sweetest tree"
ᚊQCert'Bush' or 'Rag' clithar baiscill
"shelter of a [lunatic?]" bríg anduini
"substance of an insignificant person" dígu fethail
"dregs of clothing"
ᚋ MMuin'Neck', 'Ruse/Trick' or 'Love;' How about 'breath?' tressam fedmae "strongest in exertion" árusc n-airlig "proverb of slaughter" conar gotha
"path of the voice"
the Ravenna Cosmography identifies a major regional Roman-era settlement as Nemetostatio in central Dumnonia identified with North Tawton , Devon , which would translate from Latin as
*The Outpost of the Sacred Grove*
The south-west
The first section of the Ravenna Cosmography to deal with Britain, covering 10546 to 1065, is obscure but nevertheless generally recognised as dealing with south-western England . Why it should have been separated out by the Cosmographer is not at all clear.
Rivet and Smith (1979, 197) see it as evidence for a special source covering this area in greater detail than the rest of Britain.
This does not seem a necessary hypothesis for reasons to be given.
Indeed, the words that introduce the next section, ‘Again, next to the aforementioned civitas Isca Dumnoniorum’ iterum iuxta superscriptam ciuitatem scadumnamorum , strongly hint that the Cosmographer is looking at the same map as he used as a source for this section.
We will see many instances of the Cosmographer duplicating names throughout his text, the most startling being *Moridunum* , Sidford, which is repeated no less than four times. However, they are not noticeably more common in this section than in those that follow. Had he employed a special and separate source for the south-west, it is difficult to see how he would have integrated the information he derived from it with that he derived from his main source without making many more such duplications. We would on this hypothesis also expect the following long section which covers the province or diocese of Britannia to contain a few names relating to the south-western peninsula which the Cosmographer had not noticed as duplications: we do not find them.
Arguments e silentio are never strong; more telling are the duplications within this section that cannot be the result of taking names from two different sources.
For instance, the name*Antiuesteum*appears twice, at , in both cases with virtually the same truncation.
This truncation may well have occurred if the first three or four letters of the name were written ‘in the sea’ on the Cosmographer’s postulated map source . The same error of reading is extremely unlikely to have occurred as a result of using two separate source documents.
There are thus no compelling reasons to believe that the Cosmographer was using a separate and fuller source for the south-west of Britain than for the remainder of the island. True enough, the density of names in the peninsula is high, but it is also high in Cumbria and between the Roman walls . The contrast is not so much with a low density in the remainder of the province, but with specific areas, such as Wales and East Anglia, very poorly represented.
This does not solve the problem of why the Cosmographer should have seenIsca Dumnoniorum, Exeter, as a point at which to insert a break in his listing. The Peutinger Table may offer a clue: although Britain is severely truncated, with only East Anglia and Kent appearing on the surviving copy, Moridunum and Isca Dumnoniorum are also shown without any intervening south-coast places.
It is possible that Isca Dumnoniorum was depicted as prominent in some way, perhaps isolated on a promontory or, as seems more likely, as the gateway to .
In this way the Cosmographer might have decided to break his text at a point which appeared dictated by the geography of the region. He does so further north, where his listing of the Antonine Wall forts occurs ‘where that same Britain is seen to be narrowest from sea to sea’ubi et ipsa britania plus angustissima de oceano in oceanum esse dinoscitur.
Although this was not the primary reason for inserting a break at this latter point, the Cosmographer was clearly sensitive to the depicted shape of the island.
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On the other hand, we should perhaps take into account the curious fact that the Civitas Dumnoniorum (basically the Cornish peninsula west of Exeter) appears to have been a part of Britain virtually unaffected by those changes to élite behaviour usually termed ‘romanisation’. Is it possible that much of it lay outside provincial or diocesan control and that some kind of border was depicted on the Cosmographer’s map source as separating the south-western peninsula from the rest of Britain? In that case, Isca Dumnoniorum may have been prominent as a point of contact between the wilds of the far south-west and the more ‘civilised’ Durotriges (or Durotrages, following RIB 1673: the form of the name is very uncertain according to Rivet & Smith 1979, 352) to the east. Group 1: the Cornish Peninsula V ¶31 in qua britania plurimas fuisse ciuitates et castra legimus ex quibus aliquantas designare uolumus id est:
Giano Barnstaple 10546
Eltabo River Taw 10546
Elconio River Torridge ? 10547
Nemestotatio North Tawton 10547
Puro coronauis ? 10548
Pilais ? 10549
Vernilis Liskeard ? 10549
Ardua rauenatone River Dart 10550
Deuionisso Statio ? 10551
deuentia steno Buckfastleigh / Totnes ? 10551/10552
Duriarno Plymouth 10552
Vxelis Barnstaple ? 1061
Verteuia Land’s End 1061 = 1069
This group appears to take us on a general perambulation of the Cornish Peninsula and adjacent area
*Taua, the second name, is clearly the River Taw .
*Nemetostatio is probably the fort at North Tawton, which is in an area where a group of modern names containing the elementsNymetandNemetare found .
The identification of*Conio*with Ptolemy’s must therefore be questioned as the general progression seems to be from north-east to southwest.
It may refer theRiver Torridge, although this is a Celtic name, derived from a Brittonic *Torric-, ‘violent, rough’.
*Glano*should therefore be somewhere in north Devon, perhaps in the vicinity of Barnstaple.
Tamaris, this a site on the River Tamar , perhaps at the crossing at Launceston , not the river itself , as the name recurs in the list of river-names . *Durocornouio* and *Pilais*
Britannia in the Ravenna Cosmography: a reassessment K J Fitzpatrick-Matthews
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cannot now be identified. Charles Thomas (1966a, 87) originally identified the former with The Rumps, a pre-Roman defended enclosure.
More recently, he suggested that it might be Tintagel, the site of an important sub-Roman trading settlement, although its Romano-British status is not clear . *Vernilis* may be the , perhaps near Liskeard ; the correct RomanoBritish form may have been *Verleua.
The Cosmographer’s form would have arisen by way of a transposition of-l-and -u-, the latter being miscopied as -n-.
The next name must be for * Deruentione, the River Dart, so the Cosmographer’s eye may have moved from travelling along the spine of Cornwall, following the poorly known road along the centre of the peninsula, and he has possibly now turned his attention to the road south from Exeter, closer to the south Devon coast.
Deuionisso Statio and *Deruentio Statio (which are wrongly divided in the text) are probably unlocated Roman government establishments, perhaps tax offices. The latter may have lain in the Dart valley (Dart being Brittonic *Deruentiu: Ekwall 1928, 114), perhaps at Buckfastleigh or Totnes, and the former perhaps near Newton Abbot or elsewhere on the River Teign. The next name, Duriarno, is probably not the same as Durnouaria (Dorchester), as suggested by Rivet & Smith (1979, 345) following Horsley (1732, 490), since it is probably not corrupt (compare the Arnodurum quoted by Williams (Richmond & Crawford 1949, 32), which shows the more usual ‘continental’ ordering of elements). Instead, it may be the name of a site in the vicinity of Plymouth where the inhumation cemetery at Mount Batten and a sequence of coins attest a settlement of some importance (Thomas 1966a, 86). Uxelis is too far west to be the same as Ptolemy’s Οὔξελλα (II.3, 13), which must be on the River Parrett, his Οὐεξάλλα εἴσχυσις (II.3,2), and may be a site or river in Cornwall, perhaps the Fowey or the Fal, unless it is an example of a name written to the west of its symbol on the map source. If this is the case, then it may have been near Barnstaple (Strang 1997, 30). Group 2: the south Devon and Cornish coast Melamoni Sidford ? 1062 = 1064/1069/10613 Scadumnamorum Exeter ,TermoninMesteuia -Land’s End
The mention of Moridunum, Sidford , for the first time indicates a change of direction, and there are now hints of an ordering of names with a general progression from east to west. The -l- for -r- in Moridunum is also found in the next section; it may be that the name was very difficult to read in the Cosmographer’s source. It is unlikely to have occurred as a result of misreading two separate documents, further evidence for the essential unity of the Cosmographer’s sources. The unlocated *Terminum would have been somewhere between Exeter and Land’s End, an admittedly imprecise location. The River Gowy in Cheshire was formerly known as the aqua de Tervin (‘water of Tarvin’) in 1209, the name deriving from the Latin terminus, ‘boundary’, via Welsh Terfyn (Dodgson 1970, 26), which has been retained by a large parish and village. Although the origin of the latter name is generally sought in the post-Roman politics of the region (Bu’Lock 1972, 24), it is probable that the River Gowy was the eastern boundary of the prata legionis of the fortress at Chester. Could a similar origin be suggested for this name, at the western boundary of the prata legionis of the early fortress at Exeter or the territorium of the later capital of the CivitasDumnoniorum?
Somerset Milidunum Sidford
Apaunaris Bath
Masona Camerton? 1065
Alouergium Shepton Mallett 1065
The Cosmographer returns to Moridunum, with the same peculiar -l-for -r-as in the previous group, and a similarly logical ordering of names this time jumping north-eastward and then working back to the starting-point identifyApaunariswithAquae Sulis, Bath, perhaps correctly, so the two remaining names may relate to sites between Bath and Sidford.
<Masona> suggests a name derived from that of a river, although which cannot now be ascertained; it perhaps refers to the small town at Camerton. The name is corrupt. *Alobergium should be in a hilly location, probably near the Mendip Hills at Shepton Mallett, where parts of a Romano-British small town have recently been identified.
TIN
The Phoenicians traded with England for more than 1100 years before the Christian era.
Under the Saxons, our tin mines appear to have been neglected; but under the Normans, they produced considerable revenues to the earls of Cornwall, particularly to Richard,
brother of Henry III. A charter and various immunities were granted by Edmund, earl Richard’s brother, who framed the Stannary Laws {which see), laying a duty on the tin. Edward III. confirmed the tinners in their privileges, and erected Cornwall into a dukedom, with which he invested his son, Edward the Black Prince, 1337. Since that
time the heirs-apparent to the crown of England, if eldest sons, have enjoyed it successively. Tin mines were discovered in
Germany, which lessened the value of those in England, till then the only tin mines in Europe, 1240.— Anderson. Discovered in Barbary, 1640 ; in India, 1740; in New Spain, 1782. In 1859 783 tons; in i860,
10,462 tons; in 1864, 10,108 tons; in 1865, 10,039 tons; in 1870, 10,200 ton ; in 1874, 9942 t,ons; in 1876, 8500 tons ; in 1879 9532 tons; 1882, 9158 tons; in 1884, 9,574 tons ; in 1887, 9,282 tons; in 1888, 9,241,
in 1889, 8,912, in 1890, 9,602 tons, 1893, 8*837 tons of metallic tin were procured from British mines. Of tin plates 3,953,04
TIN. 81
discovery of Great Britain by the Romans. The mercantile Phoenicians traded to the Scilly islands, the Cassiterides, or land of tin, from the port of Cadiz, four hundred years before Christ. The Romans, for a
considerable time, could not discover the place from whence the former procured the precious metal. They attempted to detect the trade, by following the course of a Phoenician vessel; but the master, faithful to
the interest of his country, voluntarily run his ship ashore in another place; preferring the loss of all, rather than sillier n. foreign nation to become partakers of so profitable a secret. The public immediately
compensated Iris loss out of its treasury. This did but make the Romans more eager for the discovery; and after many trials they succeeded. Publius Crassus (father of Marcus Crassus the Triumvir) who was
praetor, and governed Spain for several years, landed in the Cassiterides, and found the report of their riches verified1. As soon as the Romans made a conquest of the country, they formed in the tin province
camps and roads, still visible; and left behind vases, urns, sepulchres, and money, that exhibit daily proofs of their having been a stationary people in those parts”
1; and that Dunmonium extended even to the Belerian promontory, or the Land’s-end;
1 Strabo, lib. iii. p. 240. 1,1 Borlase, Antiq. Cornwall, p. 278 to 309.
Rivers and navigable creeks, p. 36. Tamar, Lynher, p. 38. Tide, or Tidi, p. 40. Seaton, ib.
Loo, or Eaft-Loo, ibid. ProfpoCt of Loo Bridge," ib. Duloo, or Weft Loo river, p. 41. fawy, ib.
Fal, 42, and it’s harbour. Hel, or Heyl river in Kerricr, p. 43. Lo or Low river in Kerrier, p 44.
A1
Heyl in Penwith, ibid. Ganal creek, p. 45. River Alan, al Lamel, ibid. Wade navigable rivers in
may be made notbeneficial, p. 47. Subject: to obftrudtions, p. 49.