Pizwell Bridge is a name used by both William Crossing (1909) and Eric Hemery (1983), and is still used by the locals today. Dury Bridge is also used apparently. The Bench Mark here is located on the outer wall on the upstream part of the bridge on the Western side, but there is another on the top of the bridge also on the upstream side to the East.
Pizwell Ford
SX 66948 78492
Jester Crags
SX 65100 78600
Also known as Arthurs Stone.
Steve Grigg kindly supplied the updated NGR.
‘In recent years the Manor of Spitchwick has had what appears to be a surplus gatepost with chamfered edges erected on the bank of the Wallabrook above Pizwell Ford’ (Brewer, 1986, p.19)
APPENDIX.
The Tors, Hills, and Streams of the Moor. As documented in 1901
The letter N.. S., E., or W. (North, South, East, West), following the name of a tor or hill, shows in which quarter of the Forest it is situated. When neither of those letters appear the tor is not in the Forest, but on one of the border Commons, the name of the parish in which the latter lies being inserted within brackets. The elevations of the more important are given in feet, and are according to the latest Ordnance survey.
An alphabetical arrangement has been followed, and the names of the hills are given in a separate list from those of the tors, such plan being deemed more convenient for reference. The streams are arranged in the same manner so far as regards the chief rivers. Tributaries, however, are named in the order in which they flow into the rivers, except when they do not unite with them until after leaving the Moor. In the latter case they are classed with the principal rivers. All that possess names are enumerated, but many of the smaller brooks on Dartmoor do not bear any.
THE TORS.
Aish Tor (Widecombe).—A small pile near the hamlet of Pound’s Gate.
Arch Tor, East.—A very small tor on the slope above Archerton, in the vicinity of Post Bridge.
Arms Tor (Lydford), 1,411.—In the neighbourhood of Bridestowe; not far from the source of the Lyd.
Ashbury Tor (Okehampton).—At the eastern end of that part of the Common known as Okehampton Park; beautifully placed above the wooded slopes of Halstock Cleave and Belstone West Cleave, and the Moor Brook and East Ockment.
Bag Tor (Ilsington).—On Bag Tor Down; below it, on the verge of the Moor, is Bag Tor House, a mansion formerly in the possession of the Ford family, to which belonged John Ford, the dramatist. The parish register shows that he was baptised at Ilsington, the 12th April, 1586.
Bagga Tor (Peter Tavy), 1,219.—On a small tributary of the Tavy called Bagga Tor Brook.
Bairdown Tor, W., 1,681.—Crowns the ridge between the West Dart and the Cowsic, and north of Bairdown
Farm.
Beacon Rocks (Ugborough), 1,233.—On the southern verge of the Moor. A fine bold pile on a commanding
height. Generally called Ugborough Beacon.
/
Bel Tor (Widecombe), 1,208.—A small tor near the road from Pound’s Gate to Dartmeet. On it are several curious hollows, formed by the action of the weather on the granite, which are known as rock-basins,
and were formerly ascribed to the Druids. Such are found on many of the tors.
Bel Tor (Widecombe), 1,319.—On the slope above the village of Widecombe-in-the-Moor.
Bellaford Tor, E., 1,456.—Always called Believer Tor by the Moormen. It is of fine proportions and a
conspicuous feature in the view from many parts of the Forest. There are two rocking stones of the kind
known as logans on the tor.
Belstone Tor (Belstone), 1,568.—One of a range of fine tors crowning a ridge to the south of Belstone village, on the northern border of the Moor. On the west side of the ridge, and extending by the borders
of Okehampton Common, is a rough wall, now partially ruined. This is known as the Irishman’s Wall,
and is said to have been erected by a native of the Emerald Isle, who imagined that among certain rights
which he possessed was one enabling him to enclose the Commons against the Forest. The men of Belstone
and Okehampton, 'however, convinced him to the contrary, for they met upon a given day and threw the
greater part of the wall down. Such is the story related by the Moor people around Belstone, but there
does not appear to be any documentary evidence to confirm it.
Bench Tor (Holne).—Overlooking a deep ravine, through which flows the Dart; called by the Moormen , Binjie Tor.
Birch Tor (North Bovey).—Not far from the road leading from Post Bridge to Moretonhampstead, and
in the neighbourhood of the Warren House Inn.
Black Tor (Okehampton), 1,646.—Below Yes Tor, on its west side, and overlooking the gorge of the
West Ockment. Beneath it, on the bank of the stream,is Black Tor Copse, an ancient oak wood, referred to
in a document of the 29th Elizabeth as Blacketers Beare. Not far from the copse is the Island of Rocks, one
of the gems of Dartmoor.
Black Tor (Brent).—On the right bank of the Avon, a short distance above Shipley Bridge.
Black Tor (Walkhampton).—Near the road from Princetown to Dousland; to the eastward of it.
Blackadon Tor (Widecombe).—On the verge of the Moor, near the little settlement of Leusdon.
THE TORS, HILLS, AND STREAMS OF THE MOOR.
H®
Black Alder Tor (Plympton St. Mary).—Above the left bank of the Torry, in the vicinity of the Lee Moor Clay Works.
Bonehill Rocks (Widecombe), 1,277.—On Bonehill Down, on the east side of the Widecombe Valley.
Boulters Tor (Peter Tavy), 1,000.—The eastern pile on the ridge of Smearn Down.
Bra Tor (Lydford), 1,511.—Possibly a corruption of Broad Tor; on the Lyd south of Arms Tor. On the summit is a granite cross erected by the late Mr. Widgery, the artist, in 1887, to commemorat Jubilee of Queen Victoria.
Broomedge Tor (Plympton St. Mary).—Usually called Brimage Tor; at the northern end of Crown Hill
Down, in the vicinity of the Clay Works.
Brouzen Tor (Peter Tavy).—A small pile not far from Bagga Tor.
Buckland Beacon (Buckland-in-the-Moor), 1,282.—On the Common above the church of Buckland; in the
immediate neighbourhood are the celebrated Buckland Drives, on the Dart.
Callisham Tor (Meavy).—A small tor on Callisham Down, not far from the village of Meavy.
Calves Lake Tor (claimed as being within the bounds of the parish of Shaugh, but in the south quarter
of the Forest according to the Perambulation).—Not far from the head of the Plym, and on a little tributary
of that river known as Calves Lake.
Chat Tor (Lydford), 1,774.—On Rattle Brook Hill, above the western bank of the stream of that
name—a tributary of the Tavy.
Chinkwell Tor (Widecombe), 1,505.—A very fine tor at the northern end of Bonehill Down, east of the
Valley of Widecombe.
Cleave Tor (Belstone).—High above the right bank of the East Ockment and Belstone West Cleave.
Opposite to it is Ashbury Tor and the entrance to Halstock Cleave. It is generally referred to as Cleave
Rocks
Click Tor (Sheepstor).—A small tor, not far from the Plym.
Cocks Tor (Peter Tavy), 1,452.—A frontier height of trap rock, above the Tavistock and Princetown
road, near where it enters the Moor.
Collard Tor (Shaugh).—A small tor on Shaugh Moor, near the road leading from the Lee Moor Clay
Works to Shaugh village.
Combe, or Combeshead Tor (Walkhampton).—An exceedingly fine pile on the bank of the Narrator Brook,
a stream which falls into the Mew north of Sheeps Tor.
Combe Tor, Great (Peter Tavy).—On the southern side of Peter Tavy Combe.
Combe Tor, Little (Peter Tavy).—A small tor on the northern side of the combe, and not very far
from the bank of the stream which runs through it.
Combestone Tor (Holne), 1,156.—Generally called Cumston Tor; overlooks the valley of the Dart below
Dartmeet.
Conies" Down Tor, W., 1,668.—On Conies" Down, near the head of the Cowsic, a tributary of the West
Dart, falling into that river under Bairdown Farm, near Two Bridges.
Corndon Tor (Widecombe).—On the hill above the hamlet of Ponsworthy. Near it are some very fine
cairns.
Chamber Tor (Walkhampton), 1,426.—In the vicinity of Black Tor; to the eastward of the Princetown
and Dowsland road.
Crip Tor (Walkhampton).—Beside the Princetown Railway
Crockern Tor, E., 1,295.—Although not of striking appearance, yet the most celebrated among the
Dartmoor Tors, consequent upon its being the site of the ancient Stannary Court.
Crow Tor, W., 1,646.—In the neighbourhood of Bairdown Tor, on the West Dart.
Crownhill Tor (Plympton St. Mary).—A small pile on Crownhill Down, not far from Broomedge Tor.
Devil’s Tor, W., 1,785.—A small tor in a remote part of the Moor, between the headwaters of the
Cowsic and West Dart.
Dinger Tor, N., 1,810.—On Dinger Plain; on the southern flank of High Willes. A small tor, con
sisting of a single mass of rock.
Doe Tor (Lydford).—South of Bra Tor; between the Doe Tor Brook and the Wallabrook, both
tributaries of the Lyd.
Down Tor (Walkhampton), 1.201.—Above the left bank of the Newleycombe Lake, a tributary of the
Mew.
The granite on its summit lies upon patches of turf and heather, presenting a contrast to the
piles of rocks usually seen composing the tors.
Dunnagoat, Higher (Lydford), 1,845.—Very near the head waters of the Rattle Brook.
Dunnagoat, Lower (Lydford), 1,832.—Close to the former.
East Tor (Sourton).—One of the piles rising above Sourton Church.
Eastern Tor (Sheepstor).—On the right bank of the Plym, near Ditsworthy Warren House.
Feather Tor (Whitchurch).—South of the road leading from Merivale Bridge to Tavistock.
Fox Tor, S.—The only tor in the south quarter of the Forest. It is about three miles south-east of
Princetown, and southward of an extensive morass known as Fox Tor Mire. At its northern foot is Sand
Parks, the scene of the traditionary story of Childe the Hunter.
120
APPENDIX.
Frenchbeer Tor (Chagford).—Above the left bank of the South Teign, and in the neighbourhood of Chagford village.
Fur Tor, N., 1,877.—In a remote situation, near the head waters of the Tavy, and overlooking a wide valley formed by its slopes and those of Kneeset, Amicombe Hill, and Shannon. A fine pile; the rooks rise to a great height above the turf.
Ger Tor (Peter Tavy), 1,250.—A grand pile, on Nat Tor Down; towering above the lower entrance to Tavy Cleave.
Gidleigh Tor (Gidleigh).—More generally known as Princep’s Folly. Crowned with the ruins of a house, which a Mr. Princep commenced to build, but never completed; hence the name. The tor is within the bounds of Gidleigh Park, famous for its wild and romantic scenery.
Grea Tor (Ilsington).—On Hey Tor Down; eastward of the valley of the Becky Brook.
Grea Tor Rocks.—[See Leighon Tor.]
Green Tor, N., 1,774.—On Amicombe Hill, at the head of a little feeder of the Rattle Brook.
Grew Tor (Bridestowe and Sourton), 1,693.—On the hill, just below the springs of the Lyd; close to
the peat railway.
Gut, or Gutter Tor (Sheepstor).—At the north-eastern end of Ringmoor Down, and not far from
Eastern Tor, on the Plym.
Hall Tor (Harford).—On Burford Down, on the right bank of the Erme, a short distance above
Harford Bridge. Sometimes called Tristis Rock.
Hameldon Tor (Manaton).—At the northern extremity of Hameldon, a lofty ridge forming the western
side of the Widecombe Valley.
Hare Tor (Peter Tavy), 1,744.—A beautiful tor, rising above the confluence of the Tavy and the Rattle
Brook.
Hare Tor (Peter Tavy).—A small tor on the side of the hill to the south-east of Wapsworthy.
Hart Tor, N.—A small pile between the East Ockmeat and Black-a-ven Brook.
Neighbourhood of
Belstone.
Hart Tor (Walkhampton).—Near Black Tor, vicinity of Princetown. The Hart Tor Brook is a feeder
of the Mew, near its upper waters.
Hart Tor, Higher (Sheepstor).—On the slope of Eylesbarrow, half a mile from Plym Steps and about
a mile and a half from the source of that river.
Hart Tor, Lower (Sheepstor).—Very near the former.
Hartland Tor, E., 1,351.—On the left bank of the East Dart, a short distance above Post Bridge.
Hawks’ Tor (Shaugh).—On the hill to the east of the village of Shaugh. One of the rocks on the tor
is supported in a curious manner, which has caused some to imagine that it was placed in its position by
artificial means, and to regard it as a dolmen, or cromlech. Hawks’ Tor appears as Hauektor in a thirteenth
century deed, by which the Countess of Devon founded the Abbey of Buckland.
Hayne Down Tors (Manaton).—Two tors about a mile from the village of Manaton, the well-known
rock-pile of Bowerman’s Nose forming part of one of them. They are placed on the summit of the down,
and are connected by a trackline, or bank of stone and turf, and which by the Moor people are called reaves.
Heckwood Tor (Whitchurch).—On the Common north of the church of Sampford Spiney.
Hen Tor (Shaugh).—High above the left bank of the Plym, opposite to Ditsworthy Warren House. The
ruins of the habitation of a former settler are near it, and are known as Hen Tor House.
Hey Tor (Ilsington), 1,491.—Perhaps the most striking tor on the Moor. Consists of two distinct masses
of granite, with a stretch of turf between them. A very conspicuous object for many miles round.
Higher Tor (Belstone).—One of the range running southward from Belstone village, and crowning the
ridge between the East Ockment and the Taw.
Hisworthy Tor, North, W.—Always called Hessary. One of the Forest bounds, and named as Ysfother
in the Perambulation of 1240. 'A fine height, rising to the north-west of Princetown.
Hisworthy Tor, South, W.—Another boundary mark of the Forest, about a mile and a half south-east of
North Hisworthy. Usually called in the neighbourhood Look-out Tor.
Hockinston Tor (Widecombe).—In the defile through which the Dart leaves the Moor; opposite to
Bench Tor.
Hollow Tor (Walkhampton).—To the northward of North Hisworthy Tor, a short distance without the
line of the Forest boundary.
Hollow Tor (Widecombe).—On the hill east of Widecombe village.
Holwell Tor (Ilsington).—Not far from Grea Tor, above the eastern bank of the Becky Brook.
Honeybag Tor (Widecombe).—A remarkably fine tor, at the upper end of the Valley of Widecombe. This
tor, and Chinkwell and Bonehill Rocks, form an imposing range above the east side of the vale, the steep slope
of Hameldon rising on the other.
Hookney Tor (North Bovey).—A small tor, a little to the northward of the well-known Grim’s Pound.
Hound Tor, N., 1,622.—On the Forest boundary line, nearly two miles southward of the summit of
Cosdon
Hound Tor (Manaton).—On the Down to the westward of the Becky Brook Valley. A grand cluster
of rocks, towering to a great height.
THE TORS, HILLS, AND STREAMS OF THE MOOR.
121
HuccabY Tor, E., 1.067.—A small tor, near the road leading from Dunnabridge Pound to Dartmeet.
HuckEn Tor (Walkhampton Common).—A small tor below King Tor, and not far from the Princetown
Railway.
Hunt Tor (Bridestowe and Sourton), 1,843.—Close to the source of the Rattle Brook.
Inga Tor (Walkhampton).—The Princetown Railway passes at its foot.
Ivy Tor (South Tawton).—On the bank of the Taw, under Cosdon; not far from the village of Sticklepath.
Kss Tor (Chagford), 1,433.—Usually called Kes Tor Rock. On it is a very large rock-basin.
King Tor (North Bovey).—Eastward of Hookney Tor, vicinity of Grim’s Pound.
King Tor (Walkhampton).—A fine tor round which the Princetown Railway makes a very wide sweep to
ascend by an easy gradient to the high level necessary to be gained in order to reach Princetown.
King Tor, Little (Walkhampton).—A small pile near the former.
Kitty Tor, N., 1,920.—On the northern part of Amicombe Hill.
Leedon Tor (Walkhampton).—On the left of the road leading from Dousland to Princetown. A trackway
runs near it. In 1888 a spindle whorl was found there by Mr. Alexander, of the Convict Prison.
Leggis Tor (Sheepstor).—On the right bank of the Plym, about a mile and a quarter above Cadaford
Bridge.
Leigh Tor (Widecombe).—Above the left bank of the Dart, near New Bridge, and not far from Pound’s Gate.
Leighon Tor (Manaton).—Above the Becky Brook, not far from Hound Tor.
Lether Tor (Walkhampton), 1,250.—A bold conical-shaped tor, rising from an extensive clatter, on the slope eastward of Peak Hill.
Links Tor, Great (Bridestowe and Sourton), 1,908.—A bold, castellated pile, crowning the ridge between
the upper waters of the Rattle Brook and the Lyd.
Links Tor, Little (Bridestowe and Sourton).—North-westward of the former.
Lints Tor, N., 1,605.—On the right bank of the West Ockment, at the foot of the southern slope of High
Willes.
LittaFord, or Littleford, Tors, E., 1,460.—A group of tors on the hill, a little to the south-eastward
of Wistman’s Wood, near Two Bridges.
Longaford Tor, E., 1,595.—A pile of pyramidal form, boldly placed on the crest of the ridge to the north
eastward of Wistman’s Wood.
Lough Tor, E.—To the south-east of Bellaford Tor, and in the vicinity of Dunnabridge Pound. Often called
Lafter and Larter Tor. On the slope near it is a small oblong enclosure known as Lough Tor Pound, jocularly
reported to be a “ measure for sheep.” To avoid the trouble of counting, the animals were driven into the en
closure, and "as its capacity was known,” their number was easily ascertained!
Loughten Tor, E.—A small pile in the new take on Loughten Hill, belonging to Fernworthy Farm. The
South Teign flows between it and the farmhouse.
Lowery Tor (Walkhampton).—A small tor on Peak Hill, the bold frontier height above Dousland.
Lug Tor (Widecombe).—Often called Lucky Tor. Close to the bank of the Dart in the defile under Bench
Tor, but on the opposite side of the stream. The Moorland farm of Rowbrook is immediately above it.
Lydford Tor, W., 1,647.—In the vicinity of Bairdown Tor.
Lynch Tor, W., 1,697.—On the line of the Forest boundary, and on the ridge between the upper valley
of the Walkham and the Bagga Tor Brook.
Manaton Tor (Manaton).—Close to the village of that name, in the midst of delightful scenery. Usually
referred to as Manaton Rocks.
Middle Tor (Chagford).—On the common near Frenchbeer Tor, neighbourhood of Kes Tor.
Mil Tor (Widecombe).—Above the defile below Dartmeet; not far from Rowbrook Farm.
Mil Tor, East, N., 1,683.—On the right bank of the Black-a-ven Brook, just within the Forest, and south
of Okehampton Park.
Mil Tor, West (Okehampton).—North-west of the former, and between Row, or Rough Tor, and Yes
Tor. The name is probably a corruption of Middle.
Mis Tor, Great, W., 1,760.—A tor of truly magnificent proportions, presenting quite a mountainous out
line.
On it is a large rock basin, sometimes referred to as Mis Tor Pan, and also known as the Devil’s
Frying-pan, from a tradition that his Satanic Majesty once used it as a cooking utensil. Great Mis Tor is
on the Forest boundary line, towards the northern end of Walkhampton Common.
Mis Tor, Little.—[See Wain Tor.]
Nat Tor (Peter Tavy).—On Nat Tor Down, above the right bank of the Tavy, and near the lower
entrance to the famous cleave.
New Warren Tor (Sheepstor).—Near the Plym, opposite Hen Tor.
Ock Tor, N.—A short distance south of the Beistone range. Overlooks Taw Plain.
Over Tor (Walkhampton).—In the vicinity or Merivale Bridge; on the left of the road leading from
that place to Princetown. Mrs. Bray, the authoress, having found a rock basin near it, and used it for
her ablutions, it was suggested that the hollow be called “ Mrs. Bray’s Wash-hand Basin.”
1, The Moor at the Beginning of the 19th Century.
AN AWAKENING HOPES AND EXPECTATIONS AN ANCIENT MILL, OLD ENCLOSURES
AND NEWTAKES ” IMPROVERS ” WAR PRISONS, SQUATTERS AND THEIR WAYS,
VENVILLE TENANTS, SUMMERING OF SHEEP A PIONEER ANTIQUARY.
Old Nature’s impress marks the moor
From Hey Tor to the Western shore;
Shaggy and stern and unreclaimed,
She could not, if she would, he tamed.
REVerend E W L DAVIES.
The changes which came upon Dartmoor during the 19th century were far greater and more important than any it had previously undergone in historic times. When the morning of the
1st of January, 1801, dawned upon the old Moor, the sun saw it awakening, as it were, from a protracted sleep. It had commenced to emerge from a condition in which it had remained for centuries.
From being a district only slightly regarded, and known but in little else than name, except to those who dwelt within or near its boundaries, it was about to become the object of no inconsiderable attention. That amid its tor-crested hills stirring events have taken place in days remote is very probable, and that its river valleys have been the scene of the labours of the tin-
streamer from early times to a comparatively recent date, and that a large trade in that metal was
done, we are well aware. Yet, whatever the effect upon Dartmoor its position as the chief seat of the mining of Devon may have had, it was not so great as that resulting from the attention
directed to it towards the end of the 18th century. Nothing productive of such far-reaching effects
as the undertakings then embarked upon has ever occurred in the history of the Moor, a period
extending back to the time when we first find it mentioned by name in a charter of King John.
These operations took the form of attempts to reclaim certain parts of the Moor, and though,
perhaps, not unqualified successes in themselves, and doing little to alter the appearance of the
great waste, which wears to-day, except over a comparatively small area, the same aspect it has
ever done, had yet an important bearing in bringing the district into notice.
The causes which conduced to draw attention to this wild district are not far to seek. The
first, and chief, was the making of a road across its whole breadth, to connect the towns of Tavistock and
Moretonhampstead, and the second the movement arising towards the close of the 18th
century, in many parts of the country, for the enclosing and cultivating of waste lands, and which
some years later was to assume great magnitude. Up to that time, and indeed for a long while
after, a deal of ignorance prevailed as to the character of the interior of Dartmoor. Very little had
been written about it, and except to the few dwellers in the villages on its borders who were in the
habit of pasturing cattle upon it, and whose duties brought them into occasional contact with its
inhabitants, it was mostly known only as a rocky, barren wilderness. But there were at the same
time a few who refused to regard it entirely in this light, and who saw, or thought they saw,
in Dartmoor a tract of land capable of being made productive, and, under a proper system of
cultivation, of yielding satisfactory results. These have certainly not justified the expectations
raised.
The soil and climate are alike unfavourable to the growing of grain on the Moor, which
can only be done at considerable expense and in certain sheltered spots. What Risdon said of it
early in the 17th century we find to be true: It is “ richer in its bowels than in the face thereof,”
for though the amount of minerals obtained from it now is insignificant, it is certain that it has
yielded far more tin than grain. But the Dartmoor farmer, whose ancestors in many cases had
lived on the Moor for a long period, was wiser in the conduct of his operations, and did not
forget the lesson he had been taught by those who had gone before him. They had recognised
the futility of attempting to cultivate the soil to any considerable extent, and had turned their
attention more to the pasturing of cattle and sheep. Some grain they grew for their own sustenance,
and this is conjectured to have been principally rye.
Charles Vancouver, referring to this grain in his Agricultural Survey, says that there
was then none of that kind cultivated anywhere in the county, but that an opinion prevailed from the quantity of rye-straw which was found to form the lower layer of the thatch
in old buildings, that it was formerly grown very largely, except upon the commons abutting on
Dartmoor. By these he means the purlieus of the Forest, but he does not speak of what was
done in the Forest itself, in the central portion of which the old enclosures are situated, and where
rye-straw was also to be found in the thatch of old buildings. Instances of such discoveries have
occurred in recent years, and a similar belief regarding these to that which Mr. Vancouver mentions
as existing in his time in other parts of the county still obtains on Dartmoor. That grain of
some sort was grown is also shewn by the fact of a mill being established in the Forest previous
to 1303. In that year mention of it is made in an account setting forth the profits arising from
Dartmoor, and it is therein stated that the mill was constructed by the King’s tenants at their own
cost, except for the timber, which was obtained in the King’s wood. The mill is again mentioned
in 1618, when it was said to be in the occupation of all the freeholders of the Forest.
The enclosures existing upon Dartmoor at the beginning of the present century were princi
pally those belonging to thirty-five tenements within the Forest, which were of very ancient date.
These were held, and most of them are still, by copy of court roll, and until 1796 the heir to each,
or the purchaser of the inheritance, on the death of the tenant, possessed the right by custom of
the Forest to enclose eight acres of land, paying for the same one shilling yearly. This was termed
the newtake, and was confirmed to the heir or purchaser at the Duchy Court held at Lydford Castle.
Up to the end of the 17th century this privilege does not appear to have been frequently exer
cised, for in their answer to a bill filed in the Exchequer by the rector of Lydford in 1702 claiming
tithes from the holders of these tenements, the defendants in their statement say that the number
of newtakes within the Forest was only about thirty. The cost of enclosing a newtake, it was said,
amounted to £20, and its value was not above £1 per annum. Later in the 18th century, how
ever, it is probable such had risen somewhat, for a greater desire to enclose was evinced by the
various incoming tenants. As the eight acres were to be “ exclusive of rock and bog,” a sufficiency
of ground was reckoned for such, and the newtakes consequently grew in size. To check this
abuse the Duchy in 1796 withheld the privilege hitherto enjoyed by the holders of these Forest
tenements, but continued, nevertheless, to permit the enclosing of land on a larger scale by making
grants to others who possessed no ancient rights.
The opening of the 19th century, therefore, saw upon Dartmoor a new class of settler,
working side by side with the older inhabitants, but with more ambitious aims. Still, the land
taken from the Forest was comparatively small in extent; no enclosures existed to compare in size
with those seen to-day. Besides the thirty-five ancient tenements there were also within the Forest
the estate of Fernworthy, on the South Teign, in the neighbourhood of Chagford, the enclosures
of which were of long standing, being mentioned in the Forest Perambulation of 1609; the farm
at Teign Head, of very much later date; the newly-formed estate of Sir Thomas, then Mr.
Tyrwhitt, known as Tor Royal; the extensions at Prince Hall, itself one of the ancient tenements,
and which were commenced by Mr. Gullet in 1780, the property being afterwards sold to Sir Francis
Buller; and Bair Down, enclosed by Mr. Edward Bray, of Tavistock. These, with several
smaller holdings, some in the occupation of “ squatters,” constituted the whole of the enclosed lands
within the Forest, and the long lines of stone walls, surrounding the great tracts, which are now
to be seen on each side of the Moreton road, and which interfere with the rights of the commoners
by forming a barrier across the Forest, did not exist.
The earliest of these “improvers'' of the Moor were Mr. Gullet, whose operations at Prince
Hall commenced, as stated, in 1780, and Mr. Bray. Mr. Gullet does not appear to have enclosed
a great deal of land, devoting himself principally to improving that which already belonged to the
old tenement of Prince Hall, and to the erection of suitable buildings. On the property passing
into the hands of Sir Francis Buller much ground was enclosed, the estate altogether comprising
some 2,000 acres, and as many as 40,000 trees were planted. Sir Francis also greatly improved the
house, as well as building the inn at Two Bridges. But though he has left his mark on Dartmoor
his efforts at cultivation and planting were not attended with great success, for before his death,
in 1800, nearly the whole of the trees, consisting largely of larch and firs, had perished.
Mr Bray’s operations were on a smaller scale, but yet sufficiently ambitious. He built a house at Bair
Down, threw a bridge over the Cowsic, formed large enclosures, and planted a great number of
trees. It would not, however, appear that the undertaking was of a very remunerative character,
for we learn that in 1832 the estate was then let to a farmer named Hannaford for a very trifling
rent.
Five years after Mr. Gullet commenced his work at Prince Hall, namely, in 1785, Mr.
Tyrwhitt, afterwards member of Parliament for Plymouth, and Lord Warden of the Stannaries,
began his efforts to bring a part of the Moor into cultivation, choosing as the scene of his attempt
a fairly sheltered situation just within the western boundary of the Forest. This he named Tor
Royal, and his operations were conducted most judiciously, although not enabling him to realise
all he had hoped. He formed plantations and erected a house and farm buildings, the whole being
completed in 1798. Princetown, which is less than a mile from Tor Royal, owes its existence to
suggestions made by Mr. Tyrwhitt to the Government that a site near his newly-formed estate
would be well adapted for a war prison. The accommodation at Plymouth for the French prisoners
of war had been found to be insufficient, and Mr. Tyrwhitt’s plan was favourably received. On the
20th March, 1806, he laid the foundation-stone of the buildings destined to receive so many cap
tives, and close at hand a little settlement soon arose.
Thus the first step in the 19th century progress of the Moor was the result of the attention
shortly before directed to it as a region capable of being stripped in some parts of its wild aspect
and yielding to the hand of the cultivator.
In addition to those already named as having taken in hand the reclamation of a part of
Dartmoor, enclosures were also made a little later, with the same aim, by Messrs. Thomas and John
Hullett, the Rev. Mr. Vollans, who purchased their land on the death of the former, the Rev. J. H.
Mason, for many years vicar of the Moorland parish of Widecombe, and Mr. Thomas Sanders. To
these others have succeeded in more recent years, and although not proving particularly profitable
undertakings the practice of enclosing might, from a desire on the part of some to acquire extensive
tracts of land at a low price, have continued to the present time had not the attention of the
Duchy been called to the serious encroachments that were being made on the rights of the commoners.
The practice of“squatting”on the Moor had not been stopped at the beginning of the
19th century. The belief that formerly obtained in regard to it was that if a house could be erected
and a piece of land enclosed in a single day between sunrise and sunset, the builder could claim
such as his own. The last instance of such a proceeding occurred about 1835, when a small
house now known as Jolly Lane Cot, was built by the side of the road leading toHexworthy
Bridge, on the West Dart. Everything being in readiness, the labourers of the neighbourhood
met on the site, on a day when the farmers, who, as holders of the ancient tenements, had rights
on the Forest, and would, it was feared, have prevented their plans, had departed to attendAshburton Fair.
Work was commenced, all cheerfully lending assistance. Even before the
walls at one end of the house were up, the laying on of the thatch of the roof had begun at the
other. By evening all was done, and the “squatters” were in possession. But this attempt at
“ land cribbing ” was only partially successful. It is true no ejectment followed, but a small rental
was put upon the place by the Duchy. The cottage was inhabited until her death, in March,
1901, by the aged widow of its erector, who built it in order to provide a home for his parents.
These houses were, of course, very rudely constructed, as, indeed, were all the dwellings
of the Moor farmers a hundred years ago, though such as had been built under
different circumstances were of a more enduring type. the loft, or tallet, could be reached.
They were low erections, with thick walls of granite blocks, roughly squared, and roofs of thatch. The doorway, often
arched, gave admittance not only to the farmer and his family, but to the cattle
as well, one part of the house being apportioned to the former and the other to the latter.
Narrow, spiral, stone staircases sometimes led to upper apartments, and in the quarters of the
cattle, stones projecting from the wall, in the manner of a hedge stile, formed a means by which
Thus the cattle could be supplied with the fodder that was
there stored without the necessity of the owner leaving the house, a provision evidently intended
as a safeguard against the snowstorms and general inclemency of winter. Several old houses of
this kind are still to be seen on and around the Moor. The Moor farmer’s lot was a hard one,
and yet its free and independent character doubtless rendered him happy in his way. With no
luxuries, he was yet not deficient of many comforts; and though there was little cessation to
his labour, he knew that his work was directly for the benefit of his family and himself—that he
was the lord of his own little estate. Raising his scanty crops and attending to his cattle
pastured on the Moor, and in summer cutting and preparing peat for fuel, were his principal
occupations.
The implements he used were rude and primitive in style.
His plough was a clumsy-
looking contrivance of wood, yet doing its work well, and which he knew as a sull; while
for threshing he used the flail — drashel in the Devon vernacular — for although threshing
machines were coming into use in most parts of the county in the early years of the 19th
century, such were utterly unknown on Dartmoor. Wheeled conveyances he had none, everything
being carried on the backs of horses on crooks or in dung-pots, or drawn by oxen on a slide, or sledge.
The crooks were formed of curved poles, connected by bars, and being placed over a pack-saddle,
kept in position the load which was piled on the latter. A shorter kind were called crubs, which
were employed when they best suited the nature of the burden to be carried. By means of these
appliances, peat and furze, which formed the Moor farmer’s only fuel and kindling wood, and
dried ferns, which he used as litter for his cattle and horses, were conveyed, as well as other
articles of a similar kind.
fields.
In the dung-pots was carried the manure from the farmyard to the
Oxen were used both for ploughing and for draught purposes. It is stated that a team
of ten oxen was required to plough the fields of the now deserted farm of Hen Tor, in the Plym
valley, and twelve yoke were employed to transport the great flat stone from the despoiled
meeting-place of the stannators on Crockern Tor to Dunnabridge Farm. Oxen were also used
THE MOOR AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 19th CENTURY.
25
to remove from its original position Ouldsbroom Cross to Town Farm, nearly two miles distant,
where it was made to serve the purpose of a gate-post, and an old man living at the Higher Lodge,
Spitchwick, some thirteen years ago, was able to remember the names by which the animals were
know,n.
The timber used in the construction of Fox Tor Farmhouse, to which there is no
road, was also drawn by oxen, and their employment seems to have been as general on the Moor
as in the other parts of Devon. Very primitive was the contrivance for the hanging of gates,
by which hinges and posts were altogether dispensed with, some examples of which still exist. The
bottom of one of the stanchions of the gate was placed in a socket cut in a stone sunk level with
the ground, its upper end fitting loosely into another, drilled in a stone projecting from the top
of the wall. Doors of outbuildings were also hung in the same way. Another plan for securing
the entrance to a field was the use of bars, placed in sockets and slots, cut in posts standing in
the position of gateposts.
day.
Panniers were also in common use for the conveyance of certain
produce to the markets of the small Moorland border towns, and on the pillion rode the farmer’s
dame when she journeyed with her good man, sharing with him their single horse.
Besides the cattle and sheep pastured on the Moor by the holders of the Forest tenements,
there were also large numbers turned upon it by the occupiers of certain estates in the parishes
surrounding Dartmoor, who were known as Venville tenants, and this is the case at the present
In 1793 considerable pains were taken to ascertain the number of sheep summered on the
Moor, when it was found there were from 110,000 to 120,000 so pastured. In 1797 the number
had fallen to about 80,000, the decrease, it was considered, being brought about in large
measure by the action of the “improvers” of Dartmoor, who in forming their enclosures had
taken from the commoners the best parts of the Forest.
Mining on Dartmoor and on its borders, which for some time had not been in a flourishing
condition, began to revive somewhat towards the end of the 18th century, but several of the
mines working during the early years of the 19th have since been abandoned.
From the earliest times Lydford Castle has been connected with Dartmoor, and until the
Duchy Courts were removed to Princetown they were held there. The Castle is now a ruin,
but less than a hundred years ago it was in tolerable repair. The court was held in a large
apartment above-stairs, on three sides of which was a railing.
It was furnished with a seat,
called the judge’s chair, and with others for the accommodation of the members. The Lord of
the Forest of Dartmoor, whose courts here assembled, was during the closing years of the 18th
and opening years of the 19th centuries George Augustus Frederick, Prince of Wales, afterwards
George IV.
At the same time that modern agricultural efforts on Dartmoor were in progress, attention of
another kind was being paid to that interesting region. In 1802 the Rev. E. A. Bray, son of
the founder of Bair Down, entered upon his investigations of the pre-historic remains on the
Moor, a work, however, that had been begun by Polwhele several years previously. This has
been continued by others during the century, with the result that much light has been let in
upon the subject, and has enabled us to learn something of the meaning and uses of these
ancient monuments.
When the 19th century dawned Dartmoor, though crossed by a good road, still remained
to most a terra incognita. The rude houses of the settlers, with a few exceptions, were the
only habitations upon it, and agricultural improvements were in their infancy. Where Prince
town now stands was then a barren waste, and there was little on the Moor to show the change
that was impending.
That change has come, and although the progress of years can be plainly
marked to-day, yet is the face of the Moor altered but in a small degree. The vast tracts of
land to the north and south of the area to which attempts at reclamation have been confined are
still as remote as ever, and have lost nothing of their primeval aspect.
Since the time when Carrington wrote of Dartmoor at a wild and wondrous region, a mysterious
and untrodden land, it has forced it's claims upon the attention of many, and the antiquary, the
student of local history, and tbe lover of Nature are agreed that they cannot afford to neglect it.
Though little other than barren in an agricultural sense, it is by no means so in all; on the con
trary, it is found to be fruitful of much. Distinct in most of its characteristics, natural and other
wise, and with conditions vastly Afferent from the rest of the county, it is still no hermit region.
The railway has been carried into its capital, good roads cross it, many of the conveniences
of life are to be found in its settlements, and what b perhaps not the least interesting, this wild
land which in the first half of the 19th century could be referred to as almost unknown, now possesses
a literature, and that far from being scant. Though tins cannot be said to be entirely a creation
of the century, it is so in a great measure, for at its commencement there had been very little
written about the Moor; and, indeed, books and papers relating to it were not numerous even
fifty years later.
THE LITERATURE OF A WILD AND WONDROUS REGION.
107
There were references to Dartmoor in Camden and Prince, and other historical and topo
graphical writers, and very brief accounts of it in Risdon and Westcote. But the editions of
Risdon were incomplete, being those issued by the noted Curll and other piratical publishers, from
1714 to 1733, while Westcote’s “View of Devonshire” existed only in manuscript.
Two tracts in quarto, printed in London, in 1638, gave an account of the great thunderstorm
at Widecombe in the same year, and there were also lines descriptive of that place, which are
attributed to the Rev. George Lyde. In addition there were verses on Lydford by William Browne,
the author of “ Britannia’s Pastorals,” which shed some light on the state of that town and its
castle in the time of the civil wars.
Various enactments of the tinners at their parliaments on Crockern Tor had been set forth by
Pearce in his work on “The Laws and Customs of the Stannaries,” published in 1725, and the
antiquities of the Moor and its borderland had received some attention from Chapple and Polwhele.
The first-named wrote a “Description and Exegesis of the Drewsteignton Cromlech,” in 1779,
which, however, was left unfinished and is without a title-page, and the latter in his “Historical
Views of Devonshire,” 1793, and afterwards in his history of the county, described a number of
stone remains on the Moor.
Polwhele was indeed the first to give to these monuments an extended notice, and may be
regarded as the earliest Dartmoor antiquary. Though his conclusions respecting their uses are
contrary to those now generally accepted, his descriptions of them are none the less interesting, and
all who have made a study of the archaeology of the Moor will feel indebted to him for his investiga
tions conducted at a time when research was far more difficult than it is now.
In addition, there were Fraser's notice of the agricultural capabilities of Dartmoor in his
“General View of the County of Devon,” issued in 1794, and the article by Laskey, descriptive of
a ramble on the Moor, and one or two others. These writings, which, it will be seen, consisted
mainly of works in which brief notices of the Moorland region were incidental, with the addition, as
already stated, of some few references to it in the pages of various authors, constituted the litera
ture of Dartmoor when the century opened. As the books were, with scarcely an exception, difficult
of access, it is not to be wondered at that the Moor was then unknown, except to a few, and justified
the description of Carrington, as in his youth he looked upon its belt of distant hills.
During the first quarter of the nineteenth century the growth of Dartmoor literature was but
slow, for between 1800 and 1825 the books and pamphlets written on subjects connected with the
Moor might be counted on one’s fingers. The second quarter showed a slight increase in the
number, yet by 1850 there did not exist more than about one-tenth of the number of books and
articles that have been written since that time.
But while this was so, to the period between 1825 and 1850 belongs the honour of having produced
the most important books in the whole range of the literature of the Moor. Carrington’s poem,
with its valuable preface by Burt, the letters of Mrs. Bray to Southey, containing extracts from
the Rev. E. A. Bray’s journal, and the “Perambulation” of the Rev. Samuel Rowe, all saw the light
during that time. From 1850 to 1875 the number of publications was over sixty, owing, in a great
measure to the increase of papers on Dartmoor subjects read before the members of various
societies, and issued in their journals. From the same cause a still further growth has been wit
nessed during the past quarter of a century, the number of books, articles, and papers having more
than doubled that of the preceding 25 years.
But it is not on account of its fulness that those who take an interest in the literature of Dart
moor have reason to be proud, but rather that it includes several works of far more than ordinary
merit.
Indeed, not a few of the books of which the Moor has furnished the theme are, from the
want of a proper knowledge of it on the part of their writers, so disfigured with mistakes as almost to
108
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
make one wish they had not been written at all. It would appear as though a slight acquaintance
with the Moor had been so inspiring as to fill these authors with so strong a desire to describe its
beauties that they have not stayed to ask themselves whether their very superficial knowledge of
the district justified them in making the attempt.
“Fools rush in where angels fear to tread,” and there are those who have made some study of
the history and topography of Dartmoor who would yet hesitate before undertaking such a
task as others, with no qualifications of the kind, have entered light-heartedly upon. Like Cottle,
who could write a poem on Dartmoor and yet tell us in it that he had traversed it but twice, or Mrs.
Hernans, who accomplished a similar feat without, it is supposed, ever having seen the Moor at
all, they appear not to deem a full acquaintance necessary to their purpose.
And what is the result, as shown in more than one book professing to describe the Moor—to be
a guide to the stranger? The descriptions are found to be so bare, and the guidance so faulty
when put to the test, that the reader soon loses confidence in his author, and cannot but regard
him as a blind leader. This is unfortunate, but the Dartmoor book-collector who possesses a know
ledge of the country his authors deal with will know that it is true.
Some of the errors of these ill-equipped topograhpers are most deplorable, and evince not only
their lack of acquaintance with the district, but an utter want of care as well. Among the earlier
writers mistakes are much less frequent, though it is scarcely to be expected that they should be
wholly free from them. In the notes to Cottle's poem, published in 1823, there are, in fact, a
number, and one of a very glaring kind.
As the reader is directed to the first volume of the “ Archaeologia ” in the note -containing the
error referred to, the substance of it would seem to have been extracted from that journal. However
that may be, there was gross carelessness somewhere. The note states that several towers somewhat
similar to the round towers of Ireland, were then to be seen on Dartmoor. Now, it is certain that
nothing of the kind ever existed there, and were it not that the word “ tor ” is not dissimilar to
“tower” one would be at a loss to imagine how such an idea could have originated.
Glaring as this may 'seem, many of the mistakes of more recent writers are not less so. Thus
a hill has been transformed into a tree in the case of Watern Oke, an extensive tract to the south
of Amicombe Hill, the similarity of sound between the second part of the name and that of the
monarch of the forest having given rise to the error.
As showing how such may be perpetuated by those who will not search for themselves, we find
a writer telling us in 1889 of the existence of this mythical tree, “ which,” he says, “ has been so
often hailed with delight by the Moorman lost in a fog!” The book in which this appears
having been acknowledged by the compiler of a very recent hand-book as the storehouse from which
she drew much information we may be sure the latter is not a model of correctness. By such writing
is great confusion created, it being so difficult to overtake the rolling snowball or the three black
crows.
The actual number of books, large and small, on Dartmoor subjects does not exceed
forty, the bulk of its literature being made up of papers printed in the Transactions of the Devon
shire Association, the Plymouth Institution, and other kindred societies, and of magazine articles.
The subject which appears to be the favourite one is that of the antiquities of the Moor, the
papers on which far outnumber those on any other. Topographical works and articles come next,
and following these books and papers of a general character. The geology of the Moor is discussed
by about a dozen writers, while the prison has formed the subject for nearly as many. To these
succeed books and articles on the stannaries and mining, on Dartmoor history, poems, not
including the large number of fugitive pieces, and papers on ecclesiastical matters.
A few others treat of such subjects as botany, natural phenomena, legendary lore, agricul
tural improvement, the preservation of Dartmoor, the railway, and so on, and there are also
THE LITERATURE OF A WILD AND WONDROUS REGION.
109
several guide-books to the district. But among this voluminous literature there is only one book
of an authoritative character dealing with the Moor as a whole—the excellent ‘‘ Perambulation ” of
the Rev. Samuel Rowe—though this is far from being exhaustive.
Earliest among those who wrote upon Dartmoor in the present century was one whose name
has been seldom heard in connection with it. This was Mr. John Taylor, of Holwell, in the parish of
Whitchurch, an eminent mining engineer, who, according to Davidson, wrote the account of Dartmoor
in the Additions to Risdon’s “ Survey of Devon,” which supplement the edition of 1811, as well as the
introductory remarks to that volume. This account, though brief, is of considerable value, particu
larly as giving us an insight into matters in the neighbourhood of Princetown at the time when
prisoners of war were confined' there, and shows much knowledge of the Moor on the part of the
author. The climate, soil, and agricultural capabilities are touched upon among other matters, and
also the stannaries and the war prison.
The next in order to give us an account of Dartmoor was Mr. W. Burt, secretary of the
Plymouth Chamber of Commerce, whose admirable preface and notes to the first edition of Carring
ton’s poems, published in 1826, exhibit a great amount of research, and continued to be the best
historical record of the Moor until the publication by the Dartmoor Preservation Association of the
numerous documents brought to their notice in Mr. Stuart A. Moore’s Report.
Mr. Burt’s account, which extends over 74 pages of the preface to Carrington, though not in the
nature of an introduction to the poem, is yet most valuable, and conveys to the readers of the
latter much information regarding the region of which Carrington sings. In the notes of one hundred
pages at the end of the volume Mr. Burt has dealt with much of the topography of the Moor, and
has noticed many of its antiquities. As the first extended account of Dartmoor it will always remain
a monument to the ability of the author.
It was Mr. Burt who suggested to Carrington the writing of the poem on Dartmoor. Some
few years before its appearance, which was in 1826, the Royal Society offered a prize of fifty
guineas for the best poem on that subject, and this was adjudged to Mrs. Hernans. Carring
ton’s, however, was not one of those submitted for competition, but a comparison with that of Mrs.
Hernans’, or with Cottle’s which was rejected by the committee of examiners, will speedily reveal
that if a true description of the Moor was to count for anything he would, had he competed', cer
tainly not have been found wanting in that direction.
Mrs. Hernans and Cottle exhibit no knowledge of the Moor but what might have been gained
by reading. Their descriptions are couched in general terms, and would apply nearly to any moun
tainous region.
But it is impossible to read Carrington without feeling that the picture he is drawing is no
creation of the fancy, but one with which he is familiar, and which is indelibly imprinted on his mind.
Yet there are passages which show that his soul is not altogether with the vast solitudes of the
Moor. He sighs for the green fields and shady vales; and it is evident that he would have turned
his back upon the Moor to wander amid those without regret. He loved the great wild waste, but
he loved the pastures and the woods of the lowlands more.
That in his song he should express a hope that the time would come when the silent waste
should be clothed with sward, that cots should dor its slopes, and trees bend over fields of waving
corn, would be astonishing, and cause one to doubt whether he really breathed the spirit of true
poetrv did we not remember his taste for beauties of another kind than the grim old Moor can
show, and that he lived in a time when a rage for cultivating every open spot filled the minds
of men.
The same blemish occurs in Cottle’s lines, and is probably to be attributed to the latter cause.
One writer has rather unkindly cast a doubt upon Carrington’s right to rank as a poet, and styles
no
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
his lines “sadly clumsy and affected blank verses.” But as in the same sentence he accuses
Carrington of a mistake he never committed, it is evident he is not too careful a critic; and,
after all, his remarks only prove, if proof were needed, that an appreciation of the beauties of
poetry does not belong to all.
There is no affectation in Carrington’s verse; it is the natural outpouring of the man’s
feelings, and his word painting gives a true picture of what he saw. We may lament the
expression of certain of his hopes, and feel that they intrude, and could wish his muse had here
been silent, but we cannot deny him a place as a poet.
The similarity in style between Carrington’s “Dartmoor” and Thomson’s “Seasons' has
often been remarked upon. That he took the latter for his model there appears to be no doubt,
but he has never been accused of having imitated him. Many of the reviewers of Carrington
deplored the fact that he had no patron. Those who admire the man and his writings will
to-day rejoice to think that he was never unfortunate enough to find one. Carrington earned
for himself a name inseparable from Dartmoor, and he who loves that region will feel proud that
around its tor-crested hills there clings the memory of so sweet a poet.
When the first half of the nineteenth century had nearly expired, the literature of Dartmoor
was enriched by the appearance of the work of the Rev. Samuel Rowe. In 1828 Mr. Rowe
read an essay before the members of the Plymouth Institution, afterwards published in the first
volume of the Transactions of that body, on antiquarian investigations on Dartmoor, and the
researches of which it was the fruit were afterwards conducted at intervals.
Consequently it became possible to very considerably expand the original essay, and the
result was the publication in 1848 of the “ Perambulation of the Antient and Royal Forest of Dart
moor,” a book which has been recognised as one of the finest topographical works in the English
language. Though by no means exhaustive, it yet deals with all that is most important on the
Moor, and the information it contains is conveyed in so delightful a manner as to compensate
in a great measure for its want of fulness. Its correctness is a strong point: it is quite refreshing
when following the stumblings of some who have written on Dartmoor to turn to the “Peram
bulation,” and to feel one is standing once more on safe ground.
With its Druidic theories it is, of course, now impossible to agree, but in this the author only held
a belief in common with all the writers on Dartmoor, from Polwhele up to, and after, his time,
and they do not render his descriptions less correct.
The book, as its title would imply, is
written in the form of a perambulation of the Moor, and the starting point chosen is Cosdon, the
same whence the old perambulators set out to view the bounds of the Forest. The line that
they followed is departed from as occasion arises, in order to conduct the reader to various places
of interest, and in this manner he is led around the Moor.
A second edition of the book was published in 1856, but, like the first, was soon exhausted,
and copies of either are now scarce. A few years ago a new edition was prepared, containing
many additions, by Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, a nephew of the author, and issued in 1896. It is
most admirably done, and shows a great amount of care on the part of the editor.
The “Perambulation” is the only thing of its kind in the whole range of Dartmoor literature,
for while the latter includes several works of value, they deal with certain subjects only, and
with the exception of the guide-books and one other which is mainly a compilation, do not aim
at describing the whole Moor. No work on the Moor has yet been written, by an authority,
with such a scope as the truly valuable one by the Rev. Samuel Rowe.
The book referred to as being a compilation is the “Exploration of Dartmoor,” by Mr Page,
which, written in a pleasing style, and from the very nature of its subject interesting, makes
no pretensions, beyond what its title would lead us to suppose, of being authoritative.
The
VICARAGE BRIDGE, CORNWOOD.
THE LITERATURE OF A WILD AND WONDROUS REGION.
113
works of previous authors have saved the writer of it many hundreds of miles of Moorland
wanderings, and have enabled him to conduct a great part of his investigations in his study;
hence it can hardly fairly be called an exploration. The latter would have revealed to its author
a very large number of interesting objects previously undescribed, of which he apparently knows
nothing.
The guide-books to the Moor are most of them interesting, and give fairly good general
descriptions of the district, with notices of the scenery and principal groups of antiquities; but
none of them can be said to be really what their designation would imply. The visitor is told
what he should see or something of it, and the localities of the most noteworthy objects are
indicated and a brief description of them given, but precisely how he should reach them he
is not informed. He has to find a way for himself, perhaps by floundering over a couple of miles
of bog, which, if he had been directed aright, he might have avoided, and have arrived at the
desired point by a good path.
For instance, what guide-book can be named that tells, except in the vaguest manner, how
to get to Cranmere Pool, the one spot beyond all others that the explorer of the Moor is anxious
to visit ? They all unite in placing it in a dreary part of the Moor in the midst of bogs, but they
fail to tell the stranger what he principally wants to know—how these may best be crossed.
In the latest guide, although its writer refers to the lack in such publications of practical
details for finding the way to the various places, there are yet no proper directions furnished
for reaching the Pool. AU that is done is to giro an account of bow its author tried to discover it,
and would presumably have failed had not a companion, after a search, found the Pool and then
nearly lost himself. We are not told anything about the way further than that a southward
course was followed from Watern Tor, which, by the way, was altogether wrong.
Such instances are, however, only too common, a “ guide " to Dartmoor, in its truest sense,
does not exist. From a literary point of view there is little to complain of in any of them,
taut they are, without exception, full of mistakes.
One of the most graceful among the writers on Dartmoor, and one who has left us much that is
valuable, was Richard John King, who, even if he had contributed nothing more to its literature
than the fine poem of “The Forest of the Dart moors,” would have greatly enriched it. The
student of Dartmoor history, and the antiquary, is indebted to him in no slight degree,
for there are none of his writings that do not tend to throw a flood of light upon points hitherto
obscure.
In 1856 a small book from his pen appeared, and none who read it but will regret that it is
so brief. In the preface, which is in the form of a letter to Colonel Hamilton Smith, Mr. King
explains that his pages were written as the first two chapters of a book he had commenced
some years previously, in which it was proposed to trace the history of Devonshire from the
British period to our own time, but that the plan was early abandoned. The first chapter deals
with the Moor, and the second with the castles in the surrounding country, the title of the book
being “The Forest of Dartmoor and its Borders.” Mr. King also contributed articles on the
Moor to the “Quarterly Review” and the “Fortnightly Review,” and some of his poems appeared
in "Fraser's Magazine.”
The Rev. J. P. Jones, curate of North Bovey, and no mean authority on many matters per
taining to the Moor, issued in 1823 “A Guide to the Scenery in the Neighbourhood of Ashburton,”
and in the same year “Observations on the Scenery and Antiquities of the Neighbourhood of
Moretonhampstead, and on the Forest of Dartmoor,” and these are both of considerable interest.
Miss Sophie Dixon followed in 1830 with two smaller works, each being journals of excursions on
the borders of Dartmoor. This writer’s descriptions are very correct, and plainly show her great
L
114
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
love for the Moor. She also wrote several excellent poems on various Dartmoor subjects, which
are found in her “ Castalian Hours,” published in the preceding year.
Mrs Bray in the well-known letters to Southey on the Tamar and Tavy, has done good service
in preserving many bits of Moorland history and legendary lore, and also in giving us, in the same
work, the extracts from her husband’s journal before referred to. Not a little that is descriptive
of the borders of Western Dartmoor is contained in Miss Rachel Evans’ * Home Scenes,” a truly
delightful book, issued in 1846.
In 1859 Dr. Croker published “ A Guide to the Eastern Escarpment of Dartmoor,” and he also
wrote a pamphlet, published at Chudleigh and undated, entitled “ Dartmoor: Its History and
Antiquities.” The first-named and also the two by the Rev. J. P. Jones, though styled “guides,”
have nothing in common with the modern guide-book.
The poem of “ Dartmoor Days; or, Scenes in the Forest,” by the Rev. E. W. L. Davies, is
interesting, and introduces not only many of the gallant sportsmen of Devonshire of a former
generation, but others in humbler walks of life well known on the Moor. Many passages of the
poem, descriptive of the chase, are very stirring, and for those who know the district and can in
imagination follow the hounds from place to place as these are named possess a special attraction.
In the second part occurs the song, “The Rugged Dartmoor,” which has been quoted by several
writers on the old Moor.
Perhaps one of the most interesting little books that have been written on the Moorland
region is that of Mr. E. Tozer, who, under the nom de plume of “ Tickler,” wrote a series of pleasant
“Devonshire Sketches.” These appeared first in the columns of a journal, and were afterwards
reprinted, one portion of them forming the book in question, to which was given the title “ Dart
moor and Its Borders.” The articles principally embrace descriptions of places in the eastern
part of the Moor and its confines, but there is one that deals briefly with Princetown and its neigh-
bourhood.
Nor should mention be omitted of the interesting articles of Mr. J. D. Prickman, well known
as a lover of the Moor; nor of the little book, containing much of value, by the Rev. E. Spencer, “ A
Few Remarks on Dartmoor.” We would also name the “Dartmoor Sketches” of Mrs. Prior, a
pamphlet bearing the initials “A.Z.,” full of information conveyed in a pleasing manner.
Of the books having for their subject the Prison at Princetown, the chief are those of Charles
Andrews and M. L. Catel. The first, which was published at New York in 1815, and is entitled
“The Prisoner’s Memoirs; or, Dartmoor Prison,” contains an account of the American prisoners
detained on the Moor, and also of their revolt in April, 1815, when several were killed. M. Catel’s
book, “La Prison de Dartmoor,” is, according to Davidson, “an absurd mixture of narrative,
personal adventure, and the most improbable fiction.”
It is in two volumes, and was published
in 1847 in Paris.
Captain Vernon Harris, sometime governor of the Prison, wrote about 1880 an account of it.
which he has called “Dartmoor Prison, Past and Present.”
The book is illustrated with photo
graphs and contains much information respecting the old war prison and the modern convict depot.
Articles on the Prison have also appeared in the “Democratic Review,” “Fraser’s Magazine,
“Temple Bar,” and other publications.
The principal writers who have contributed papers on Dartmoor subjects to the journals of
various societies are C. Spence Bate, G. W. Ormerod, Robert Dymond, W. F Collier, Francis
Brent, R. N. Worth, R. H. Worth, Robert Burnard, and Dr. A. B. Prowse. Manx of these papers
have been the means of adding considerably to the store of facts regarding the history and antiqui
ties of the Moor, and also much respecting its geology.
Among Mr. C. Spence Bate’s papers may be mentioned those on Prehistoric Dartmoor, on
Grim’s Pound, on the Etymology of Dartmoor Names, the old map of the Moor, and on some ancient
THE LITERATURE OF A WILD AND WONDROUS REGION.
115
tumuli. Mr. Ormerod has written a good deal on the stone remains in the neighbourhood of Chag-
ford, on rock basins, hut circles, tin streaming, Grim’s Pound, wayside crosses, and Chagford
history.
Several of the papers were reprinted and issued in book form under the title “Archae
ology of Eastern Dartmoor.
Mr. Robert Dymond’s paper on historical documents relating to Dartmoor is particularly
valuable, while the book on Widecombe, which he edited, contains much information
relating to that Moorland parish of a most interesting character. It was issued in 1876, and
was the expansion of a publication of a year earlier. This was a sheet sold at a bazaar at Torquay
in aid of the funds for restoring the parish church of Widecombe. It was in the form of a news
paper, and bore the title, “Widecombe Chronicle and Dartmoor Gazette.” The papers by the
other writers named include such subjects as the Duchy of Cornwall on Dartmoor,
Flint Implements, Lydford Castle, The Druids, Antiquities near White Tor, Taw Marsh, the Plym
and the Erme, the Great Central Trackway, and the Antiquity of Mining.
Mr. R. H. Worth’s papers on some of the streams of the western side of the Moor and the
remains on their banks are especially noticeable, and are the result of much careful investigation.
Mr. Robert Burnard has also devoted a great deal of attention to the antiquities of the Moor,
and, among other subjects, has written several papers on the mining remains. His “ Dartmoor
Pictorial Records,” consisting of reproductions of his own photographs, with accompanying descrip
tions, are most accurately done. - All Mr. Burnard’s work is characterised by a thoroughness and
care that is most gratifying to notice.
Among the journals, other than those already named, in which articles relating to the Moor
are to be found, we may mention those of the British Archaeological Association, the Anthropo
logical Institute, the Geological Society, Society of Antiquaries, Cornwall Polytechnic Society, Exeter
Naturalists’ Society, and the Torquay Natural History Society, though these are by no means all.
Articles are likewise to be found in the reviews.
Dartmoor also figures to no slight extent in fiction, many authors since the time of Mrs. Bray,
who led the way in that direction, having laid the scenes of their stories in and around the Moor.
The Rev. S. Baring-Gould, who has lately made an addition to the literature of the Moor by the
publication of his “Book of Dartmoor,” is one among those who have done this. A French author,
M. Jules Poulain, has also given us a story in which Dartmoor figures. It is called “Les Deux
Soeurs,” and was published in Paris in 1852. From the descriptions of certain places on the Moor
it is evident either that the author had some acquaintance with it, or that he gathered his informa
tion from someone to whom the region was well known.
What, perhaps, renders many of the books and papers on Dartmoor of less value than they
might have been is the amount of speculation indulged in by their writers on the uses of the various
objects of antiquity on the Moor. Had the space been given over to a record of facts instead of being
employed to advance theories more good would have resulted. Yet it is impossible, in looking over
a catalogue of Dartmoor books, not to feel that valuable work has been done. And this still
continues, and will continue, for Dartmoor can never cease to furnish a variety of themes that shall
prove attractive.
A bibliography of Dartmoor would be most interesting, and if carried out on the plan of the
“Bibliotheca Comubiensis” of Messrs. Boase and Courtenay would be a step towards the desirable
work advocated by Mr. W. H. K. Wright, of providing Devonshire with a similar book. A list of
a few titles of Dartmoor publications appeared in the third volume of the “ Western Antiquary,
and Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, in the new edition of the “Perambulation,” has given a very ex
tensive lift, which comprises every book, pamphlet, or paper of any importance on the subject.
“Of making many books there if no end,' And as certain at the rivers will ever roll down
from the hills of the old Moor, so sure it is that men will continue to add to its records. Of what
116
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
value would these be could but the rocks tell us their whole story, or the winds that sweep over the
heather-grown slopes, where the stone circle stands solitary, whisper a tale of old time so that we
could set it down. But man has striven, still strives, to make the desert break its silence and to
unlock its secrets. And little by little the light is being let in, and as a fact is gathered here and
another there, so are they written down, and men prize the record. The poet, the local historian,
the archaeologist, and the writer who turns his gaze towards the realms of fancy have found work
for their hands to do on Dartmoor, and shall continue to be its chroniclers, that those who love
it shall read something of its story.
The Moorland Roads
ANCIENT WAYS, EARLY SETTLEMENTS, THE LICH PATH, CUT LANE, THE ABBOTS’ WAY,
OLD DIRECTING POSTS, THE FIRST TURNPIKE ROAD: ITS BRANCHES, THE KINGWAY, GIBBET HILL.
How they winde
Along the bending heath! and now they climb
The rocky ridge, where ’mid the broken crags
The whortle’s purple berries peep.
by the ReverendJOHN VINCENT.
Previous to the making of the first turnpike road over Dartmoor, the Act for which was obtained in 1772, the Moorland region, though difficult of access, was by no means the trackless wild it has been generally supposed. Many ancient paths existed upon it, and though they were not such as might be calculated to entice the traveller from the lowlands far into the recesses of the Moor, they served the purpose of its inhabitants sufficiently well.
That they were rough is only to say of them what could have been said of many of the roads of Devon a hundred years ago; the chief difficulty a stranger would have found in traversing them was their lack of continuity. plain and well worn in certain places, in others they were ill-defined, and not infrequently were impossible to be traced. This was owing to the nature of the ground over which they passed. Where such was boggy, or unusually bad, it was not unlikely to find the road made with some degree of care, such as removing the peat to ensure a hard surface; but where it passed over solid ground there was little to indicate its direction. To those well acquainted with the Moor, this was not of great moment, for knowing where they would strike it again—at a ford, or miry place, as the case might be—they would be able without much difficulty to make their way to that point.
As the traffic over these paths was by no means great, and as a particular line was seldom kept by those in the habit of using them when riding over a plain tract of ground, there was
frequently nothing to prevent the stranger from losing his way.
These ancient ways may be seen to-day, and are, indeed, still used by the Moormen in driving
their cattle across the waste.
It is obvious that some are of early date, when we remember that
the Forest tenements have been in existence for several centuries, and that such paths formed,
until comparatively recent times, the only means of communication the holdem of the latter
possessed with the ingrounds, as the cultivated country around the Moor was termed. As early
as 1260 two small settlements in the Forest, named Balbeny and Pushyll, were partially trans-
ferred by Bishop Bronescombe from the parish of Lydford (in which the whole of the Forest lies)
THE MOORLAND ROADS.
27
to that of Widecombe in consequence of their distance from the parish church proving
inconvenient to the inhabitants.
journey would be shortened.
By this arrangement they were to worship at the latter place,
to which they were comparatively near, making suitable offerings there three times a year,
together with the tithe of lambs, and rendering their other tithes to Lydford. That place is
spoken of in the document setting forth this regulation as being eight miles distant in fair weather
and fifteen in foul, meaning that only in certain states of the weather could a direct line across
the Moor to Lydford be pursued.
This shows that there then existed some kind of path from the part of the Moor in which the
Forest tenements are situated to the village named, and it is interesting to note that there are
now two tracks to be seen leading to that place from the neighbourhood in question. One is
known as the Lich Path and the other as Cut Lane, or Fur Tor Cut. The former would have
served the Forest tenements lying in the valley of the West Dart, and the latter those situated
near the eastern branch of that stream and on the Wallabrook. The Lich Path crosses the Cowsic
and the Walkham near their sources, where there are fording-places, and pursuing a north
westerly direction, points towards Hill Bridge, on the Tavy, whence Lydford Church is but three
miles distant.
Some way above Hill Bridge there is a ford, which in all probability was used in place of
the former when the state of the water permitted it, as by crossing the stream at that spot the
It is not far below Stannon Farm on the eastern bank,
and on the west side there is a road leading from it to Willsworthy Farm. From that
place, or from Hill Bridge, this ancient path passed over Black Down, and its direction
is indicated by a tradition still existing in the neighbourhood. This states that an avenue
of trees formerly extended from Yellowmead Farm to Watervale, which are situated one
on each side of the Down, and as such would point directly to Lydford, there is little doubt that the
Lich Path, which may in this part of its course have been marked by an occasional tree or bush, is
here intended. Cut Lane, the more important track of the two, would not only have formed a means
of communication between Lydford village and the Forest tenements, but also between that place
and Chagford, and it leads, too, towards another track which runs from the remote parts of the
Forest to the extreme northern borders of the Moor near Okehampton.
Cut Lane extends from the upper valley of the East Dart to that of the Tavy, and is the only
means by which horses and cattle can pass from one to the other.
It consists of a strip of solid
ground crossing a lofty ridge, otherwise wholly boggy.
Portions of it may at some distant time
have been artificially made by the removal of the peat, but the greater part of it is natural. Two
slabs of granite, placed one on each side of the path, near its highest point, and visible for some
distance, indicate its position, or, in misty weather, act as an assurance to such as may pass them
that they are not straying from their way. Other stones also show its direction as it descends
towards the river under Fur Tor. From the Tavy the path passed over a hill known as Watern
Oke, crossed the Rattle Brook, mounted the ridge running northward from Hare Tor, and descended
to the Lyd. From this stream it passed over High Down to the Moor gate, within a very short dis
tance of Lydford village.
Another important road was that known as the Abbots’ Way, an old monks’ path, in the southern
quarter of the Moor. It served as a means by which communication was maintained between the
Abbey of Buckfast on one side of Dartmoor, and those of Buckland and Tavistock on the other,
and is still in many places well defined. Among other ancient ways may be mentioned one leading
from Walkhampton Common to Widecombe, from which another diverged to Holne, near a paved
ford on the Wobrook, a tributary of the Dart; a road from Buckfast to Plympton, passing over a
portion of Brent, Ugborough, and Harford Moors; besides numerous tracks made by the peat-cutters,
running from the border villages out to the Forest. The banks of turf and stone occasionally met
28
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
with, which have been termed trackways, and regarded by some as roads of a very early period, do
not need our consideration here.
The direction of the paths across the Moor was sometimes indicated by a granite cross, and
in other instances by upright posts, on which was cut the initial letter of the name of the town to
which the road led. A row of these rude directing posts may be seen near the well-known stone
remains above Merivale, each bearing the letters A and T, denoting that they point the way to Ash
burton and Tavistock. On the path referred to as running from Buckfast to Plympton may be
seen stones of a similar character, and also on the road between the Moor and Moretonhampstead.
An entry regarding such stones is found in the Municipal Records of Plymouth, where £2 is
entered as having been paid for putting up stones on Dartmoor for the purpose of guiding travellers
from that town to Exeter, under date 1699-1700. Other allusions to old roads are met with in
various documents. In a conveyance of a sett of tinworks, dated 1654, “ the Horsepath ” is named
as one of the bounds; in a deed relating to the Forest tenement of Brownberry, of the date 1701,
paths near Brimpts and Dunnabridge are referred to; and in a certificate as to Cator tin-bounds,
presented in the Stannary Court at Chagford in 1754, mention of “the cross-roads” near Grendon
is made.
But the most important track on the Moor was one which ran from Tavistock across the Forest
to Moretonhampstead and Chagford, with branches to Ashburton and Widecombe, and joined, it
would appear from the entry in the Plymouth Municipal Records, by one from that town. Upon
the line of this the present highways between the several places named were made. It not only
connected those towns, but ran through that part of the Moor where were situated the
ancient Forest tenements. It was carried over the streams by means of clapper bridges, many of
which still exist in a more or less good state of preservation. These have no arches, the waterways
being formed by huge slabs of granite laid from buttress to pier, which latter are composed of blocks
of the same durable material. Rude and massive, and venerable in appearance, their age has fre
quently been over-estimated, but it is not probable that the oldest of them dates further back
than mediaeval times. Of the existence of the track in question there does not appear
to be any early documentary evidence, but it is doubtless that referred to in the
Municipal Records just mentioned. It is also plainly shown, and the various
points on it marked with some detail on a map, or rather plan, contained in a work
published in 1720, entitled “Britannia Depicta; or, Ogilby Improv’d.”
On the title-page it is
stated to be a correct copy of an actual survey made by a Mr. Ogilby of all the direct and principal
cross-roads in England and Wales. The road over Dartmoor is shown as a portion of one running
from Exeter to Newbridge, on the Tamar, and which, on another of the plans, is continued
to Truro.
At fifteen miles from Exeter it passes through Chagford; and two miles further on enters upon
the Moor, and here the name “Dart Moor” is marked upon it. In its course across the Forest
branches to Lydford, Moretonhampstead, Widecombe, Ashburton, Plymouth, and other places are
marked, as well as bridges, houses, and other objects. The clapper at Post Bridge, on the
East Dart, is marked “Post Stone Bridge, 3 Arches,” and bridges are also shown over the Cherry
Brook, the West Dart, at the spot now known as Two Bridges, and at Merivale, on the Walkham
That these bridges were clappers there is little doubt; at all events, it used to be stated by old
people earlier in the century that the one at Two Bridges was such, and we know it was so in the
case of Post Bridge. Two Bridges evidently took its name from the fact that two structures were
to be seen there; one, replaced by the modern county bridge over the West Dart, and the other
not far above it, spanning the Cowsic, which, in a restored state, is to be seen to-day.
It was mainly through the exertions of Mr. Turner, who at that time was steward to the Duke
of Bedford, that the Act of 1772, for the making of a road across Dartmoor was passed, considerable
THE MOORLAND ROADS.
29
opposition to it having been shown by the towns of Bodmin, Launceston, and Okehampton. In the
title of the Act reference is made to the road we have just described, as it was “ for repairing and
improving the roads from the town and borough of Tavistock to Cherrybrook in the Moor through
Moreton, and also from Two Bridges to Dunnabridge Pound, on the road from Tavistock to Ash
burton, and other places.” This road, which was to do so much for Dartmoor, was the first by
which wheeled vehicles were able to conveniently enter the Forest, the traffic across the waste
previous to its construction being entirely conducted by means of pack-horses, and, indeed, princi
pally so for many years after its formation. Even in the lowlands carts and carriages were then
rare, it being only about that period that the first coachmaker appeared in Plymouth. Crooks
continued to be used on the Moor for a very long time after, particularly for the purpose of
conveying peat.
The making of a portion of the road from Tavistock to Moretonhampstead was contracted
for by an aged Moorman named Carter, who lived in a rude hut near Rundle Stone, and
who, with his sons, carried out the work. The road enters the Moor from Tavistock at the top of
Pork Hill, and passing over the common, descends to the Walkham, which it crosses at Merivale
Bridge, where was formerly a toll-gate. Then a long ascent leads to the Rundle Stone, which has
disappeared within the last few years, and it enters the Forest. Its next point is Two Bridges,
where it is joined by the road from Plymouth, which, entering upon the Moor at Peak Hill, above
Dousland, passes through Prince town. Crossing the West Dart, the road climbs the hill behind
the inn, and here a branch diverges to Ashburton. Passing under Crockern Tor, on the summit of
which was held for centuries the open-air Court of the Stannaries, the course of the road is between
extensive parcels of enclosed land, but only cultivated in spots few and far between. The natural
aspect is changed but little. All that is seen to indicate that man has looked covetously upon
this, the most valuable part of Dartmoor to the commoners, are long lines of stone walls, very
irregularly built, and covered with grey moss and lichen, and not wanting in the picturesque.
The land they enclose is still the Moor, having never known the plough.
Further on at the modern settlement of Post Bridge, agricultural efforts appear to have been
fairly successful, the situation being a comparatively sheltered one.
There, near the county
bridge, was formerly a toll - gate, the second met with since entering upon the Moor
at Pork Hill. At Post Bridge, too, the road passes very near to more than one of the Forest
tenements, the whole of those in the valleys of the East Dart and Wallabrook being in the immediate
neighbourhood.
It then crosses Meripit Hill, and shortly afterwards the eastern boundary line
of the Forest is passed. A little further on there is a branch to Chagford, and at the distance of
another mile the main road leaves the Moor at the fourth milestone from Moretonhampstead.
The branch from Two Bridges to Ashburton passes close to nearly all the ancient tenements
in the West Dart Valley. Skirting Prince Hall, it crosses the Cherrybrook, runs by the gate of
Dunnabridge Pound, an old enclosure to which estrays upon the Forest are driven at certain
times, and soon after reaches the plantations of Brimpts.
Here a road branches to Holne and Buckfastleigh, crossing the West Dart at Hexworthy
Bridge, and, winding up the hill for some distance, is carried along its side to the Wobrook, where,
at Saddle Bridge, it leaves the Forest, and three miles further on enters the enclosed lands at
Holne Gate.
The Ashburton road descends to Dartmeet Bridge, the date upon a tablet in the parapet
of which is 1792.
Previous to its erection there was, it is said, a ford at this
spot, but means of crossing the stream during a flood, or when the water was unusually
high, were also provided, for immediately above the modem bridge there was one
of the kind we have already described. This clapper was washed away on the 4th
August, 1826, when the river rose to a great height. A tree, borne on the torrent against
30
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
its piers, for a moment dammed back the waters, which with redoubled fury dashed themselves
against the massive stones, and the structure was swept into the stream. It has within recent
years been re-erected by the Dartmoor Preservation Association.
From Dartmeet the road
passes up the hill and over the common to the enclosed land around Pound’s Gate, afterwards
entering the Moor again to finally leave it at New Bridge.
On the hill above Dartmeet there
are branches to Widecombe, and cross-roads also lead to that place from the section we have
traced through Post Bridge. One of these is still only a rough track for a portion of its length;
it passes through the ancient tenement of Bellaford, where is a ruined clapper on the East Dart.
The making of this highway across the Forest, which, with its branches, was completed shortly
before the close of the 18th century, opened the door for those who were to effect the great
changes on the Moor that the 19th century witnessed.
The portion of the Plymouth road between the Rock, on Roborough Down, and Two Bridges,
was made by Mr. Heywood, of Maristowe, now the seat of Sir Massey Lopes. It is joined
to the one leading from Tavistock by that which passes by the prison, and now forms the main
thoroughfare of Princetown, and which was made through the instrumentality of Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt.
There was formerly a gate at each end of it, that is, at Rundle Stone and by the Duchy Hotel.
The latter was known as the Barrack Gate, and was also for a time used as a toll-gate. It
remained until 1854, serving as boundary gate to the prison property.
It was removed to
Brimpts, where for many years it did duty in an altered form as an entrance gate. One of the
granite posts to which it was hung is still standing close to a house opposite the Duchy Hotel,
and another lies on the ground near the corner of that building. Sir Thomas also made a
road to his property at Tor Royal. This was afterwards extended to White Works Mine, at the
upper end of the Swincombe Valley, and is now a parish road.
Another Moorland highway, and one of no slight importance, was that running between Ash
burton and Chagford. This was carried for several miles over the extensive commons lying to the
eastward of the Vale of Widecombe, and at the commencement of the 19th century probably
boasted more traffic than it does to-day. Mr. Berry, of Ashburton, about that time established
large woollen mills at Chagford, and the wagons belonging to those works used regularly to pass
over the road. A ruined building at the foot of Rippon Tor, and by the roadside, marks the site
of a little hostelry that formerly provided homely cheer to satisfy the needs of those who journeyed
over this solitary highway. Meeting this road at Hemsworthy Gate, on the verge of Ilsington
Common, is another, which runs from Bovey Tracey, passing at a short distance the well-known rock
pile of Hey Tor; roads also lead from it to the Widecombe Valley.
The road passing over Shaugh Common is undoubtedly on the line of an ancient track leading
from Plympton to Tavistock, and afforded a means by which the good brothers of the Priory at the
former place and those of the Abbey at the latter could visit each other.
At many points along
the route the wayside cross is still to be seen, one of the examples, near Marchants Bridge at
Meavy, being particulary fine. At Cadaford, or Cadworthy, Bridge, on the Plym, is the junction
of this road with another coming from Cornwood, and passing by the Lee Moor Olay Works. There
are not wanting indications that the latter highway also follows the line of an older path. Over
Black Down the road from Tavistock to Okehampton runs for a distance of nearly three miles, being
formed on the line of an old track called the King Way. The latter may be observed in places
where the modern road has not followed it exactly. In the fields near Watervale and under the hill
known as Great Noddon it is very plainly marked. The old bridge which carried it over the Lyd may
still be seen, some short distance below the present Skits Bridge.
The modern road passes over the shoulder of Gibbet Hill, the highest point of Black Down,
the scene, as some stories say, of the death by burning of the wicked Lady Howard. Tales are also
related in the neighbourhood of unfortunate wretches being confined there in an iron cage and
SHAUGH BRIDGE.
HUNT TOR, TEIGN VALLEY.
THE MOORLAND ROADS.
33
left to die, as a punishment for their crimes on the highway. It is told of one that he existed
for a considerable time in the cage, the country people supplying him with food, and that he was
sometimes so ravenous that he had been known to devour candles, when the market folks
going homeward had nothing better to offer him. It may be remarked that one of the gates of
Black Down, at the end of Burn Lane, is still known as Ironcage Gate.
By the side of this highway, not far from Skits Bridge, is a stone bearing the legend “Take
off ” In the days of toll-gates an extra horse was permitted to assist in pulling a heavy load, free
of toll, over this road, from the neighbourhood of Okehampton, on the understanding that the
animal was to go no further than this stone; that it was here to be “ taken off.” Further on this
road touches the Moor at one or two other points.
There is another short road across Black Down, and from it one which was made within the
past few years diverges above Wortha Mill, and conducts to the village of Brent Tor.
In 1874 a road was cut from a point on the Moreton main road through a valley on the west
flank of Hameldon, which has proved of no slight advantage to the occupiers of the farms lying
around the upper waters of the West Webburn by enabling them to reach more quickly and easily the
towns of Moretonhampstead and Chagford. It passes very near to the celebrated Grim’s Pound,
so that by its means visitors to this fine example of an ancient hut settlement can reach the object
of their curiosity with ease. Grim’s Pound was described by Polwhele over a hundred years ago,
and a minute survey was made of it by A. C. Shillibeer in 1829.
Vancouver, writing in 1807, alludes to the want of safe and convenient roads to the localities in
the Forest where peat was cut for fuel. He says that it was reported that none of the Venville
parishes had the power of making a rate for the forming and repairing of such paths, with the
exception of Lydford. By this he appears to mean that the parishes alluded to could not do so with
regard to the roads in the Forest, which is obvious, the latter being entirely within the parish
excepted.
The Dartmoor roads are all good, there being in such a district no lack of suitable material for
their repair. That they are carried over some rather formidable hills is true, and in a great
measure this was unavoidable. But they have opened up a region such as no other roads in
England pass through. Apart from their value in bringing the Moorland farmers into closer touch
with their neighbours in the enclosed country surrounding the great uplands, they have enabled
thousands to learn something of the rugged old Forest by affording a means by which its heart may
be reached without the risks attendant upon such an undertaking in the days when the rough
track alone led to its recesses.
III.—Industries of the Moor.
ANCIENT PURSUITS-MINING FOR TIN, SILVER, LEAD, COPPER, AND ARSENIC-SMELTING
HOUSES-GRANITE QUARRYING-HEY TOR STONE FOR LONDON BRIDGE—TWO RAILWAYS—
SIR THOMAS TYRWHITT’S HOPES-CHINA CLAY-PEAT AND NAPHTHA-A POWDER
WORKS-LICHENS FOR DYE-AGRICULTURAL EFFORTS-SHEEP FARMING-WARRENS.
The fancicul designs I’ve zeed
To make all zoorts o’ trade
Out heer upon the moor, I zim
Ant many vorchins made;
Vur when the genelmen com’ out
Ole Dartymoor to ’tack,
They vind they’ve of an got to pay
Vur scratchin’ ov his hack.
UNCLE JARJE.
An examination of the remains of the primitive settlements on Dartmoor leads us to the
conclusion that its earliest inhabitants were a pastoral and mining people, and when we come down
to historic times we find that those two pursuits were likewise the principal ones engaged in by
the dwellers among the hills and on its borders. There were also in these later days some attempts
at tillage, and during summer the cutting of peat for fuel was carried on to no inconsiderable
extent, but there appears to have been little else done. It remained for the 19th century to
witness the introduction into the solitudes of the Moor of whatever at present exists there in the
nature of an industry other than those named. But at the same time several of the undertakings
of that century can only be regarded as developments of older industries. For hundreds of
years those who lived on and near the Moor obtained their fuel from it, and the recent attempts
to prepare peat, and place it upon the market, were only original in so far as they aimed at a wider
distribution. During a very long time the scattered granite on the hillsides has been used in the towns
and villages bordering on the Moor. Modern skill and enterprise merely extended the work, and
quarrying huge blocks, sent them to the ends of the kingdom.
It is obvious that in a district like Dartmoor the industries will be found to be but few,
though it is also true that there have not been wanting those who apparently could see no reason
why such should be the case. Much money has been lost in attempts to cultivate portions of the
INDUSTRIES OF THE MOOR.
35
waste unsuited to such experiments, as well as in mining and other undertakings. There is an old
saving humorously supposed to belong to the Moor—" If thee scratch my back thee shaft pay for’t” -—and experience has caused many to regret that the warning was left unheeded. Ruined buildings,
disused tramways, rusty mining plant, and forsaken quarries, speak of the capital that has been
sunk on the Moor, and of the blighted hopes of those who sought to make a profit from their ven
tures.
One scarcely knows whether to deplore such misguided attempts or to applaud the spirit of
enterprise which prompted them. It is more pleasant to do the latter, and when we remember
that in certain cases the results have been such as to justify the undertaking, we shall perhaps find
there is room for praise.
At the time that attention was first directed to Dartmoor as a district likely to repay the
efforts of the cultivator, namely, about 1780, mining, which not only on the Moor, but throughout
the whole of Devon, would appear to have been long dormant, commenced to revive. Some
working miners having succeeded in raising small quantities of tin on the Moor, their operations
attracted the notice of speculators, with the result that several mines were started or reopened.
In 1786 a survey was taken at Moretonhampstead of the limits of the jurisdiction of the Stan
naries of Devon, the courts of which regulated all matters pertaining to the tin-mining of the
county, and, it is to be presumed, hopes were entertained that the industry would again flourish.
But such were not fully realised, for the closing years of the 18th century, and the opening ones
of the 19th, saw many of the mines abandoned as unprofitable. Still, an impetus had been given,
and Dartmoor mining, though meeting with varying success, has ever since been continued.
The chief metal raised has been tin, but copper has also been found on the borders of the
Moor, while some of the mines were worked for lead. In 1533 a lease was granted to Thomas
Cromwell, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and others, of the lead mines in Dartmoor Forest, for
twenty-one years, and in the early part of the 18th century lead mines were worked on the
western confines of the Moor, in the parish of Mary Tavy, by a Mr. Moore, who was also employed
in searching for copper. Wheal Betsy, one of the mines in the parish named, and situated on
Black Down, was reopened in 1806, and for some years proved productive, a considerable quantity
of lead being obtained from it. Some was smelted at the mine, and the remainder disposed of as
ore; there was a yield of about twelve ounces of silver to the ton of lead. Wheal Friendship, not
far from the former, was also working at the same time, and has proved not only by far the most
prosperous of the mines on the Dartmoor borders, but one of the most important in the whole
county. Lead was at first raised from it, but it has since been productive of rich copper ore. Soon
after it commenced working a cloud of miners’ huts arose on the slope of Black Down, and the
little settlement of Horndon, near the banks of the Tavy, was almost entirely formed by those
employed in it.
To-day Wheal Betsy is silent and deserted, but Wheal Friendship, though its palmy days
appear to be over, is still working in part. Mundic is now raised in the mine, for the
production of arsenic. Near where Princetown now stands, at Bachelors’ Hall, there was a tin mine
early in the century, and also one at Huntingdon, in the south quarter of the Forest, and
another at Brimpts, in the neighbourhood of Dartmeet. Mines also existed on the Newleycombe
Lake, a tributary of the Mew, and at several other places, but were all abandoned by 1815. Some
have since been reopened and worked for a time, but the results have not been encouraging.
In 1820 Vitifer Mine, in the eastern part of the Moor, was worked on a large scale, and others
of an important character were Eylesbarrow, near the head waters of the Plym, and White Works,
on the Swincombe, about two miles south-east of Princetown; and at Gobbet, lower down the
same stream, there was another. A few small stream-works were also operated by labouring miners
on their own account. Six years later the only mines at work on Dartmoor were Vitifer and Eyles
36
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
barrow. At the latter there was a smelting-house, the ruins of which, standing in a solitary part
of the Moor, may still be seen. Among other ruined buildings marking the site of comparatively
recent mining ventures on the Moor may be named those at Ringleshutts, near Holne Lea; at
Knock Mine, on the Taw; and on the Rattle Brook, an affluent of the Tavy. There was a dwell
ing-house at Ringleshutts connected with the mine, and which continued to be occupied after the
latter was closed, but it was burned down many years ago. During the absence of their parents,
some children accidentally set the place on fire, and on the arrival of the mother she found her home
in flames. Fortunately, the children had run out of the house on seeing what they had done, and
came to no injury.
About twelve years ago a mine was opened near Hexworthy, on the site of some old workings, and
for a time yielded tin of excellent quality.
But it shared the fate of too many of the Dartmoor
ventures, and after some years was closed. Recently, however, it has been reopened, and that, and
Golden Dagger, near Post Bridge, are the only mines now at work on the Moor,
and there are but few on its borders. At certain periods during the last century large num
bers of men must have found employment in the Dartmoor mines, and in more than one spot there
were doubtless busy scenes. At all events it would appear as though such were the case, when
we find that Hexworthy, which consists principally of a few farmhouses, once provided sufficient
custom to support two houses of entertainment, and that at Headland, where there is now but a
solitary warren-house, there was one.
But the mining on Dartmoor has decayed; the 19th century witnessed the rise of
another industry; the quarryman has taken the place of the delver for tin. The new enterprise of
transporting granite from the hills of Dartmoor to the distant towns was destined to do much for
the district, for it not only proved a source of wealth, but with its advent came that of the railway
also. To the Moor belongs the proud position of possessing the first railway constructed in Devon,
and to the enterprising and accomplished Mr. George Templer, of Stover, is due the honour of
projecting and completing it. A granite quarry having been opened close to the rock-piles of Hey
Tor, Mr. Templer designed a railway from the Stover Canal (made by his father) at Teigngrace to
the hill named, for the purpose of conveying the stone to the barges. It was opened in September,
1820, the day being celebrated with great rejoicing. Considerable skill was displayed in the plan
ning of the line, the terminus at the quarries being 1,200 feet higher than the starting point at
the canal.
In place of ordinary rails blocks of granite, having a half-groove cut in them, were laid
down, and on these the wagons ran, the wheels being without flanges. Horse-power, of course, was
used for drawing them, except where the gradients rendered such unnecessary. From Teigngrace
the granite was sent down the canal to Teignmouth, where it was shipped. Many important struc
tures were built of the Hey Tor granite, among others being the arches of London Bridge. But the
undertaking was not long-lived. Cornish granite, it was found, could be shipped at less expense,
and after a time the Hey Tor quarries were only worked for the supply of stone locally. Later they
were deserted, and the railway disused. But a portion of it may still be seen, and remains as a
monument to the enterprise of the man who thus boldly assailed the frontier heights of the Moor.
While Mr. Templer was engaged in his desirable work on the eastern border of Dartmoor,
Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt was directing his energies to opening up its resources on the western side.
Sir Thomas may be regarded as the founder of Princetown, since it was through his instrumentality
that the war prison, which called the town into existence, was erected on the Moor. Many houses
were built in the neighbourhood of the prison; a mill and bakery were established at Bachelers'
Hall, near by; and a busy time was experienced from the opening of the prison, in 1800, until
the peace of 1816.
Then Princetown began to decline, and Sir Thomas, naturally desirous of checking such
INDUSTRIES OF THE MOOR.
37
a state of things devoted himself to the introduction of industries in the hope that
prosperity might be regained. He advocated the reclamation of the Moor, proposing to clothe it
with grain and grasses and fill it with an industrial population; to export peat for fuel; and to
grow and spin flax and hemp, considering that such might be done to an extent sufficient to give
employment to a large number of people. Sir Thomas set forth the advantages to be derived from
his scheme in a statement made to the Plymouth Chamber of Commerce, in November, 1818, con
cerning the formation of a. railroad, from Plymouth to Princetown, which the necessities of this
plan involved. This was favourably received, and so indefatigable was Sir Thomas that in the
following year the first Act of Parliament for the line was obtained. The company—incorporated
as the Plymouth and Dartmoor Railway Company—also held a long lease from Sir Masseh Manasseh
Lopes of the granite on a portion of Walkhampton Common, and the line from Plymouth to this point
was opened in 1823, three years after the opening of Mr. Tempter’s railroad at Hey Tor. The
“ exports ” of Sir Thomas never furnished much of the traffic over the line, with the exception of
the granite, which continued to be sent over it until the tramroad was replaced by the Princetown
Railway, which now conveys it. The company assigned their lease of the quarries to the contrac
tors for the line, Messrs. Johnsons and Brice, who worked it for a considerable period. These
quarries have proved one of the most lasting of any of the modern enterprises on Dartmoor, and
at present are worked on a very large scale by Messrs. Pethick, of Plymouth.
At Merivale Bridge are the granite quarries of Messrs. Duke, where signs are not wanting of
the recent determination of the company to greatly extend their operations. This has necessi
tated an increase in the number of men employed, for whom additional accommodation has recently
been provided. Not possessing the advantage of a railway, like the quarries near King Tor, teams
of powerful horses are employed to convey the stone to the railway at Tavistock. Much granite
has also been worked near Pu Tor, in the vicinity, while smaller quarries have from time to time
been opened in various parts of the moorland border for the supply of local needs, and to furnish
stone for the construction of railway bridges and viaducts. At Trowlsworthy, on the Plym, a small
quantity of red granite was formerly obtained, which was said to be very fine, admitting of a good
polish.
About sixteen years ago a vein of granulite was discovered in the Meldon Gorge, near Oke-
hampton, which was pronounced by Mr. Seimens to be the best specimen he had ever seen, and
was successfully used in glass-making.
In the southern parts of the Moor a considerable quantity of china clay has been raised, and
the works at Lee Moor afford a gratifying contrast to many of the enterprises of which the uplands
of Devon have been the scene. These were opened in 1834 by the father of the late Mr. John
Phillips, and the industry is now an important one. Fire bricks began to be made a few years
after the works started, and this was followed by the manufacture of sanitary ware. The under
taking has been in the hands of the present company—Messrs. Martin Brothers—for several years,
and great extensions have taken place during that period. Recently a very large pit has been sunk
at a spot named Whithill Yeo, and when it is fully opened out it will probably be the largest of the
kind in the world. A tunnel communicating with it has been driven for a considerable distance
through the solid granite. A tramroad connects the Lee Moor clay pits with the Cattewater,
whence the clay is shipped in considerable quantities.
Other works of a similar character exist in the neighbourhood, at Hemerdon and near Cornwood,
and on Wigford Down much clay has also been raised. But not all of the Dartmoor clay works
have been so successful as those at, and around, Lee Moor.
In the neighbourhood of Brent
attempts have been made to establish the industry, but with disappointing results, the quality of
the clay not being sufficiently good to render the working of it remunerative. Clay also exists
in the neighbourhood of Hey Tor.
38
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
Peat, as an article of commerce in the shape of fuel, and its use in other ways, has also received
the consideration of the modern speculator.
About 1844 Mr. Peter Adams, of Plymouth, asso
ciated with Mr. Jacob Hall Drew, and another gentleman, started works for the manufacture of
naphtha. The site at first chosen was at Bachelors’ Hall, but the works were shortly afterwards
removed to the vacant war prison, a railroad having in the meantime been cut from that building
to parts of the Moor known as Omen Beam and Greena Ball, where a tract of land had been
secured, under grant from the Duchy, on which was an abundance of peat. At the works naphtha
and oils were extracted from the peat, and candles as well as gas for lighting the premises were
made.
The cost of the works, including the railroad, amounted to £19,000. But the enterprise
did not meet with the success expected. A few years and operations ceased; the prison was
deserted once more, to be opened in 1850 as a depot for convicts.
In the south of Dartmoor a similar undertaking was also carried on, and at about the same
time.
The peat beds were on the Forest, near the head of Red Lake, a feeder of the
Ernie, the naphtha works being at Shipley Bridge, nearly four miles distant.
The peat was con
veyed thither by means of a tramroad constructed for the purpose, the rails of which were neither
of iron like the Princetown line, nor of granite like the one at Hey Tor, but of wood. These rails
were bolted down to blocks of granite, and answered their purpose sufficiently well.
An oppor
tunity was not, however, afforded of effectually testing their durability, the operations at the peat
beds embracing too brief a period.
More recently efforts have been directed to the cutting of peat for fuel on a large scale. The
West of England Compressed Peat Company was formed about twenty-two years ago for that purpose.
The scene of operations was at the source of the Rattle Brook, and a railway was constructed from
Bridestowe Station, on the London and South-Western line, to the peat beds. A considerable
plant was erected, and a large quantity of peat cut and despatched from the district, but after a very
brief existence the company ceased working.
Several attempts have since been made to restart the works, but the operations have proved to
be short-lived. Quite lately, however, attention has again been directed to them, and there are
now reasons for supposing not only that Rattle Brook Head will become a busy scene, but that a
new industry will be introduced on Dartmoor.
At Walkham Head peat works were also started about the same time as those on the Rattle
Brook, but not on so extensive a scale. Grass and heather now cover the pits, and beyond a frag
ment of wall little remains to mark the scene of the enterprise.
In the early days of the convict prison at Princetown, and before the opening of the railway
to Tavistock, when coal could only with difficulty be carried into the Moor, peat was cut by the
convicts for fuel and for the making of gas. The labourers who cut it for farmers and others are
paid a recognised sum per “journey,” as it is termed, and which consists of a length of forty
yards and of twice the width of the spade used. A good workman will cut about two “journeys ” a
day.
Formerly peat was not only the fuel of the Moor farmer, but was also used extensively in the
surrounding towns and villages, where it was quite a common thing to see strings of pack-horses
laden with it in the streets. One aged dame, who lived all her life on the Moor, told us
several years ago that in her youthful days she used to take large quantities of it to Ashburton
and to Horrabridge for sale. She particularly remembered the eagerness with which the inhabi
tants would look for her arrival on her accustomed days, and how her customers would crowd round
her pack-horses in order to be supplied. To the poorer people she sold it in small lots, often penny
worths or two pennyworths. She related how one poor woman at Ashburton, who depended upon
laundry work for her living, was always waiting for her when she entered the town, and would be
INDUSTRIES OF THE MOOR.
39
served with a small quantity of the fuel. This she would usually pay for at the close of the day,
having seldom any money until by a hard morning’s work she had earned sufficient to enable her
to discharge the debt and supply herself with the few necessaries she required.
The donkey was also often employed for conveying peat into the towns, especially by the
poorer class of labourer who was unable to attain to the ownership of a Moor pony. And many
of these animals were capable of carrying a considerable load, as their owners were often fond of
relating. One of these animals, which formerly belonged to James Stephens, an old man who lives
in the parish of Mary Tavy, where he has resided all his life, developed quite a liking for the work.
His owner—Uncle Jimmy, as he is still familiarly termed—also possessed a pony, and with the two
animals used to bring home his peat from his “tie ”—the name given to the pits where it is cut.
The donkey always insisted upon being loaded first, and should his master, or any of the
labourers who might be present, commence giving either of their ponies their burden before he
was attended to he would resent it, or, to use the words of the old man, “ he would get in a proper
tear,” and was only to be appeased by the piling of his load on the crooks.
On a hearth peat makes a capital fire, as all who have seen a “yafful o’ turve” placed on the
crackling furze will admit. But the quantity of ash resulting from it renders it scarcely suitable
for burning in a grate. This ash, or dust, the Moor people call “ briss.”
Other industries have been established on Dartmoor during the century, but have had their
day. In 1844 Mr. George Frean, of Plymouth, started a powder manufactory between Two Bridges
and Post Bridge, which was carried on until quite recently by Mr. C. F. Williams. Mr. Frean,
who lived in Drake’s-place, and was an alderman of Plymouth for many years, did a great deal
for the advantage of the Moor. In an obituary notice which appeared at his death in 1868 it was
stated that he “was much commended by the Prince Consort for his improvements on Dartmoor.”
He was a man of great enterprise, and sank large sums of money on the Crown property on the
Moor, which he rented. Rather over twenty years since ice works were established on the common
above the little village of Sourton, but operations were not of long continuance. The collecting
of lichens from the rocks of Dartmoor, and which were used for making a dye, at one time almost
assumed the character of an industry. Women and children were employed in the task, and were
able to earn about two shillings a day. About 1828 many tons were collected on the commons near
Okehampton, and later on in the southern part of the Moor. People were appointed to receive
the moss, which was sent to Plymouth for exportation, and formed a profitable article of commerce.
It is said that during the five years following 1762 nearly one hundred tons of lichen were collected
on the Moor. Sedge was also gathered early in the 19th century by women, who found a market
for it at Plymouth, where it Was used in the making of mattresses.
The most noticeable agricultural operations on the Moor are those on the prison farm, where,
the question of profit not being the main consideration, and exceptional advantages being possessed,
fair success has been achieved. Crops of barley are raised, pastures formed, and on the portion
allotted to garden produce all kinds of vegetables grown. Cattle and ponies are reared, and a
large herd of cows kept for dairy purposes. Except for carting, horses are not employed on the
farm, all the work being done by the convicts.
To such a state of perfection as is seen on this farm the ordinary Dartmoor farmer cannot, of
course, attain. But he makes the best of his surroundings with the means at his command. If it
should be thought that he lacks enterprise, and follows too closely the methods of his predecessors,
it would be well to remember that he has not as yet seen any remarkable success attend the efforts
of those who have departed from such a course.
Within comparatively recent years the folding of large flocks of Scotch sheep has been intro
duced upon Dartmoor, and with some success. The ruins of a large enclosure, covering about three-
quarters of an acre, and known as the Sheepfold, may be seen near Hartland Tor, on the East Dart.
40
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
It was built by a Scotchman, who engaged extensively in sheep farming on the Moor, and was
admirably adapted to its purpose. In the courtyard, the walls of which are of considerable height,
and massive, were a number of covered pens, and at one end was a dwelling-house.
There
is no similar erection in any other part of the Moor. It was burned down a few years
prior to 1830, and it is said that a child perished in the flames. In more recent years the late
Mr. Lamb took Prince Hall and other properties on the Moor, and devoted his attention to the
rearing of Scotch sheep on a large scale.
Several warrens exist upon Dartmoor, and some appear to be of long standing. In the account
of the great thunderstorm at Widecombe, in 1638, mention is made of a warrener, and it is notice
able that in the immediate neighbourhood of that place several warrens may be seen to-day.
Trowlsworthy Warren was granted by Baldwin, Earl of Devon, to Sampson de Traylesworthy at
some period before 1272, and in 1551 it was leased to William Woollcombe, being conveyed to
him nine years later, and has since continued in that family. Near by are other warrens on the
Plym, and on the Avon is Huntingdon Warren, formed shortly after 1808.
But the Moorman’s duties form the most important of the Dartmoor industries, and next to
mining probably the most ancient. Large numbers of sheep and cattle are annually pastured on
the Forest and surrounding commons, and it is the Moorman’s business to take charge of these.
The quarters of the Forest are farmed out by the Duchy, and the lessees receive beasts to graze
during summer, at a certain charge, also sub-letting the right to do the same to other Moormen.
The latter likewise look after the ponies belonging to various owners—hardy animals that are born
on the Moor.
The value of Dartmoor as a grazing ground cannot be over-estimated, and employed as such it
is put to its best and truest use.
The quarrying of granite and raising of clay may be said to constitute the only two industries
that 19th century enterprise has firmly established on the Moor, and these, with farming, and
its kindred pursuits, are all that at present exist upon it of any importance. Speaking generally,
there is little difference in what is now carried on in the ancient Forest and its confines from that
which flourished there hundreds of years ago.
Those of an olden day understood the real use of Dartmoor, and experience has proved that
not much can be added to their simple undertakings, except at a loss.
VI.—The Dartmoor Peasant: As He Was and As He Is.
THE CHANGE OF A CENTURY—THE GUBBINS—THE PEASANT, HIS COTTAGE, HIS WAGES,
AND HIS CHILDREN-FARM-WORK INCIDENTS—LONGEVITY—WRESTLING—CUDGELLING—
SUNDAY REVELS-SKITTLES -SUPERSTITIONS-MORALS- CRIMES- PRESENT CONDITIONS -
PEASANT SPEECH.
His life may be hard, but he works like a man
From morning till night, and does what he can
For his wife and his children, he’s happy, though poor,
For freedom he breathes with the air of the moor.
Whenever he goes to the feast or the fair,
He makes up his mind to enjoy himself there,
But when all the fiddling and dancing is o’er
He’ll be “ datchin’ ” or else “ cuttin’ turve ” ’pon the moor.
A DARTMOOR MAN.
The change which took place during the 19th century in the condition of the small farmer
and labourer in the agricultural districts of Devon was also witnessed in the hill country of
Dartmoor, though in a lesser degree. Much of the former order of things, as regards habits and
customs still exists on the Moor, as is to be expected in a region so remote, and where such is not
antagonistic to progress the lover of old-time observances will rejoice that an asylum has been
afforded them.
But the state of the dwellers in that upland district is not as it was. The opening up of com
munications with towns has had its effect; the peasant’s horizon is no longer the range of tors that
environ him; his thoughts are directed far beyond, and new hopes and new aspirations are created.
Whether this change in his condition has been entirely to his advantage is a question on which
some may differ. That it has been so in numerous ways none will seek to deny. He may have
lost something; we cannot tell. It is impossible to decide whether we are any happier now than
people were in the days of stage coaches.
It is doubtful whether the character of the farming population of Dartmoor was ever so rude
as has been imagined. While much ignorance and superstition formerly prevailed, and the dwell
ings and the mode of living were somewhat primitive, there is nothing to lead us to suppose, as
sometimes suggested, that families dwelt on the Moor in a state little better than that of savages.
Certain instances of squatters living in a semi-barbarous condition have possibly been observed,
but that the inhabitants in general did so does not appear to be true. Judging from the evidence
given in various suits brought for tithe of agistment on the commons during the 17th and 18th
60
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
centuries, the Moor farmers were not wanting in intelligence any more than are their brethren of
to-day.
The Gubbins described by Fuller, whose account it has been considered was written about
1644-1647, were certainly an uncouth and savage tribe. But though dwelling on the edge of the
Moor, near Brent Tor, they are not to be classed with the true Dartmoor native, nor, indeed,
does Fuller speak of them in that connection. They are mentioned as being a band of depredators,
which for some two hundred years lived by stealing sheep on the Moor.
But even in Fuller’s time their manners seem to have been mending, for he says,
country.”
I am
informed that they begin to be civilised, and tender their children to baptism.; and return to be
men, yea Christians again.” The evil reputation gained by these marauders might later on have
become associated in the public mind with those who dwelt peaceably on Dartmoor, and whose
seclusion would render their true character comparatively unknown. But there are certainly no
facts that would warrant our supposing that the natives of the moorlands lived in a condition
at all approaching the savagery of that lawless tribe.
At the commencement of the 19th century the lot of the Dartmoor peasant was a hard one,
though he did not lack some compensating advantages. Whether living in the interior of the
waste, or on the border farms, he enjoyed a freedom that was unknown to his brother in the “ in
His employers being for the most part small farmers, and in a very humble station,
treated him much as an equal, sharing the labour, and joining with him in his recreation.
His cottage was a very rude erection, but for the matter of that so was his master’s house,
which was frequently shared with the cattle. But the cot afforded good shelter; the thick walls,
constructed of rough granite blocks, and the roof of thatch, were a sufficient protection from the
weather, while a peat fire ensured the necesary warmth. Of the latter fuel there was always a
plentiful supply, any quantity being obtainable for the trouble of cutting it. It was usually brought
for them from the ties, or pits, by the farmers' horses, a service which was paid for by the
labourers cutting a few loads of it for their owners. A certain number of slabs of peat constituted a
load for a pack-horse, and this was termed a seam.
Rushes with which to repair his roof of thatch, and ferns to serve as a litter for his pig,
when he had one, were to be obtained in abundance, and a small patch which he cultivated, enabled
the Dartmoor peasant to supply his family with potatoes.
The furniture usually found in the labourer’s cottage was scanty, and of the rudest descrip
tion, and domestic comforts seem to have been entirely unknown. Ignorance of things in general
went a long way towards preventing discontent, and so that there was a sufficiency of food, however
coarse it might be, and shelter and warmth at the close of the day’s work, little else was apparently
desired.
The peasant found himself placed in certain circumstances, and he accepted them as a matter
of course, mere was none to suggest to him the possibility of improving his condition, much less
to point out the way, or help him to do so. He did his duty towards those for whom he worked,
earning his crust by the sweat of his brow, and toiling year after year without a murmur.
The wages paid to the labourer a hundred years ago were small; so small that they enabled him
to obtain only the barest necessaries of life. Seven shillings a week was the usual rate of pay,
though sometimes it was not more than six. In certain districts this was supplemented by an
allowance of cider, and also by the privilege of buying wheat or barley at a reduced rate, but in
the more remote parts the miserable pittance had to suffice.
This, however, was occasionally augmented by the earnings of the wife, for women were em
ployed not only in the housework at the farms, but also in field labour.
Some of the latter was,
indeed, of a most toilsome character. We know of more than one new-take wall existing on the
Moor the builders of which were women.
JUBILEE CROSS AT HEXWORTHY.
JUBILEE CROSS AT HEXWORTHY.
OLD CLAPPER BRIDGE, DARTMEET.
THE DARTMOOR PEASANT: AS HE WAS AND AS HE IS.
63
Sally Satterley, a Dartmoor dame to whom wo have more than once referred, was during the
greater part of her life engaged in work usually performed by men.
She was for some time
employed in the mine at Eylesbarrow, drove pack-horses, could cut peat, was able to mow with
a scythe, and, as the father of the present Mr. Aaron Rowe, of the Duchy Hotel, Princetown,
used to say, could nail a shoe to a horse’s hoof as well as a blacksmith. She was probably
the last of her kind.
The children were also put to work when very young, and when bound as apprentices often
commenced their term at seven years of age. Both boys and girls had to use the mattock and the
shovel, being employed upon duties altogether at variance with those the latter should have been
taught. Their apprenticeship continued until they were 21 years old, their sole remuneration
being their board, lodging, and clothes. Later on the labourer’s wages rose to eighteenpence a
day, and at that figure they remained for a great unmber of years.
There was a recognised rule that no man should want for employment. Each farmer was
bound by it to give a day’s work to any labourer belonging to the parish who might apply to him
for such. Stories are still related of various subterfuges of some of the farmers to evade this rule,
though, to their credit be it said, such were very infrequent.
In the Forest the farmwork differed in some particulars from that of the Moorland borders.
The rearing of cattle formed the chief occupation in the former, agricultural operations being
conducted only on a limited scale. On the confines of the Moor it was different. The climate
of the sheltered valleys being to some extent favourable to the growth of corn, crops were
more generally raised.
The reaping and harvesting of the wheat was looked upon by the peasant
as a kind of holiday.
True, he had to work hard enough, and received no pay at such times, but the labour was
accompanied by a great amount of feasting. It was the custom, when the wheat was ready for the
sickle, for the farmer to give notice that a reaping would take place on such a day. At the time
appointed the labouring men and women of the neighbourhood would assemble in the field, and
after a substantial breakfast work was commenced. There was an unlimited supply of cider, a
good dinner served in the field, further refreshments later on, and a supper in the house at the
close of the day. Possibly in some cases the practice led to a little more drinking than was
wise, but there is no doubt that these harvest feasts were thoroughly enjoyed by those who took
part in them, and formed red-letter days in the peasant’s uneventful life.
There was also a further reward for those who gave their services at harvest time. When
Christmas arrived they would be asked to a merry-making at the farmer’s house, and thus, poor
as he was, the labourer did not want for good cheer during the festive season.
Notwithstanding that his usual food consisted of nothing better than barley bread
and potatoes, with broth and bacon, and such vegetables as leeks and onions, the Dartmoor
peasant was famed for his strength and hardihood, and excelled in various athletic exercises.
He was subject to few complaints, and was generally long-lived.
In 1805 there were eleven deaths in the parish of Bridestowe, of which three were of
infants, three were of persons between the ages of sixty and seventy, three between seventy
and eighty, and two between eighty and ninety. At Moretonhampstead in the same year there
were twenty-seven deaths; eight were of infants, twelve of persons between the ages of sixty
Fnd eighty, and seven were of persons over eighty. In 1809 there lived in a cottage at
the foot of Brent Tor an old woman named Sarah, or Elizabeth, Williams, who was then 109
years of age; she had never lived further away from the tor than the next parish. Innumerable
instance# of longevity among the peasantry might be given, such being rather the rule than the
exception.
The exercise of wrestling was greatly in favour with the peasantry of Dartmoor, as, indeed,
64
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
it was with those in other parts of the county. The Moormen are said to have been celebrated
as players, their hardiness enabling them to bear excessive kicking upon their shins. This rough
element was permitted so long as the kick was not given above the knee. The excellent habit of
body of the Dartmoor men soon carried off the ill-effects which might be expected to result
from such violent play.
Cudgelling, a form of single-stick, was another “pastime” of the Moorman.
Here the
object to be attained by the player was the breaking of his opponent’s head, the success of
his praiseworthy efforts receiving the marked approval of the onlookers. These very elevating
exercises are seldom indulged in now. Indeed, cudgelling may be said to have entirely
disappeared, but a wrestling contest is occasionally heard of, though it is some years since any
properly-organised play took place in the Dartmoor country.
The day following Two Bridges
Fair used always to be devoted to the sport, and it was at one time frequently to be witnessed
on Whitchurch Down.
The village revels were the occasions of the Dartmoor peasant’s principal holidays. They
were not quite in the nature of pleasure fairs such as were held in country towns, but were
simply what their title denoted — meetings for revelry. They have been referred to some
times as “Sunday Revels,” but this is not entirely correct. They commenced in some of the
parishes on the afternoon of the Sabbath, but the actual sports took place on the following day.
Still, there was a great amount of drinking on the Sunday, and much noise and excitement,
and the standings for the sale of buns, sweetmeats, and fruit, being erected, gave the village a
thorough holiday appearance. The hats which were to constitute the prizes for the wrestlers on
the Monday were worn, decorated with ribbons, so that all might see them, their wearers not infre
quently appearing at church in the morning.
The landlady of the village inn might also sometimes be seen in a gaily-decked cap, which was
to become the property of the young woman who should be adjudged the most expert dancer. The
gathering commenced with being convivial, and continued in that condition until a very late hour,
when an adjournment took place until the following afternoon. Then the sports commenced in
earnest, and sometimes did not conclude until the Tuesday.
These consisted of wrestling, foot
racing, skittles (or keel-playing, as such is provincially termed), and other games.
Skittles were occasionally played by the women, the prize being a new “ gown-piece.” In the
evening, the services of a fiddler were brought into requisition, and the dancing contests took place,
together with various other amusements.
Much that the Dartmoor peasant now regards with scepticism was not so very long since most
implicitly believed in by him. But though the hold which superstition has upon him is gradually
getting less firm, it has by no means entirely relinquished its grasp. He will still talk about “ wisht-
ness,” by which he means a supernatural appearance, and though usually confessing that he himself
has never encountered such, can hardly be persuaded that what he has heard about others having
done so is not true. He is generally ready with some story confirmatory of his belief, and cannot
but think that if those who have gone before him were convinced of the truth of such things that
they must have had good reason for being so.
In most of the border villages a dame’s school, or that of a rustic pedagogue, might be found,
and some of the children, more favoured than others, were taught to read, and perhaps to write.
But this was by no means general, while those whose homes were at all remote never received any
instruction whatever.
And not only did they suffer from the want of education, but from lack of training as well. It
is probable that children who were bound as apprentices were fairly well looked after—much better
than they could have been at home—and boys so brought up made the beat of servants. But with
the girls the case was somewhat different. Being employed almost exclusively upon farm work;
THE DARTMOOR PEASANT: AS HE WAS AND AS HE IS.
villages.
65
they grew up deficient in the knowledge of domestic duties, and as a consequence, when they
married, there was an absence of comfort in their homes.
It is scarcely a matter for wonder, when we remember their ignorance, their poverty, and
that anything of an elevating character in their surroundings was totally wanting, that there
should be a laxity of morals among the peasantry. Yet it is not unlikely that the people of
the Moorlands compared favourably with the labouring population of other rural districts.
By far the greater number of the dwellings of the former were detached and in remote
situations, instead of being, as was oftener the case with the latter, crowded together in
The morals of the Moor people were thus less likely to be corrupted, although it is
certain their standard was by no means a high one.
As in every community there are those who resist evil impulses, as well as those who are
too weak to do so, so we find that among many of the peasants of the Dartmoor country who
were upright and good, there were also not a few who were addicted to dishonest practices.
Sheep-stealing was carried on to a considerable extent, and it is stated on good authority that
it was no uncommon thing early in the 19th century for a farmer in the neighbourhood of
Dartmoor to lose as many as twenty sheep in a season.
While it would be manifestly unfair to suggest that the Moor peasant was alone responsible
for these enormities, it is certain that he was not altogether guiltless. The difficulty of providing
himself even with the necessaries of life may have driven him to commit these offences, and we
must not be too hasty in condemning where so much poverty and ignorance prevailed.
Let us rather remember that if his moral vision was so dim as to permit him to see little
harm in thus helping himself from the farmers’ flocks, it was in a great measure to be attributed
to the darkness of his mind and to his circumstances.
And what is the condition of the Dartmoor peasant to-day? The opening up of the wild
country in which he dwells has brought him under the influence of new forces, and this has not
been wanting in effect.
Although some degree of ignorance still prevails, especially among the
older men, there are also those who take an intelligent interest in what is going on around them,
and, speaking generally, there is much mental enlargement.
Not infrequently it will be found that they possess natural abilities which their
appearance does not always indicate.
Hospitable and kind, they are ever ready to assist or
oblige the stranger, though their outspoken manner sometimes conveys a different impression.
This arises from a spirit of sturdy independence, which is innate, and was never crushed by
their former poverty.
They are possessed of a shrewdness which sometimes approaches
cunning, and are good hands at driving a bargain. Their expression gives an idea of slyness,
but it is rather born of watchfulness; they are veiy apt to suspect that there is an endeavour
to overmatch them, and thus are constantly on their guard.
But let him once see that you are his friend, and there is nothing the Moorland peasant
would not do for you. He is honest and industrious, though by no means a slave to work, for,
like his forefathers, he fully believes in the wisdom of taking an occasional holiday. He has a
quiet humour, and his manner of relating a circumstance is often very quaint. Indeed, he is
frequently unconsciously humorous.
We remember being once gravely informed by a Moorman, who had offered us the loan
of his horse, in order that we might ride from the Forest into the market town, that we need
give ourselves no concern about the homeward journey, for that he could warrant the animal
would “carry beer.” That he knew most of the houses at which his master was in the habit
of obtaining that beverage we certainly found to be the case, for on approaching a roadside
inn at a smart trot we were very nearly thrown by the animal darting suddenly to the doorway,
and coming to a dead stop.
66
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
His home on the Moor is still often primitive in character, but in the border villages a great
improvement in this direction has taken place. But with better wages and a wife more fitted to
manage his little household than the helpmeet of former days he finds himself in the possession of
comforts which to the peasant of fifty or sixty years ago were unknown.
His children, no longer apprenticed by the overseers of the poor, continue in his care until such
time as they leave school, and then obtain what work they can. In a year or two it is more than
likely they will turn their thoughts towards the town, and by-and-bye leave the old home to go to
swell the throngs that toil in the factory and the workshop. If they do not do this they learn a
trade in the village or follow their father’s calling, and, if earning less, reap their reward in spend
ing their lives amid the breezy slopes and rugged hills of the Moor.
In common with all those born in a mountainous district, the Dartmoor peasant loves his native
hills, but at the same time he lacks a full appreciation of their beauties. This was, perhaps, never
better exemplified than in the story of the tourist who chanced to call at a cottage on the Moor.
Delighted with the view, he gave it as his opinion that nothing could be finer, and said he pre
sumed the inmates were never tired of admiring it. He was met by the reply : " Ees, I knaw ’tis
brave an’ fine, but I’d zooner zee a good fat gooze ’pon the table.” But the peasant is proud of
the Moor, notwithstanding his apathy towards the charms of its scenery, and does not wonder
that the stranger should visit it and be interested.
The speech of the peasant of the Moor country is broad in the extreme, but there is a soft intonar
tion of the voice which rather attracts. It certainly cannot resemble that of the Gubbins’, before re
ferred to, for their speech, Fuller informs us, was the dross of the dregs of the vulgar Devonian.
Many curious words, it is true, are used by the older people, but whatever may have been the case
formerly, there is no difficulty in understanding their speech now. Writers who give examples of
the dialect show a tendency to exaggerate. They seem to imagine that it is necessary to spell
every word incorrectly. This, of course, makes it appear like a strange language, and gives alto
gether a false idea. It should be remembered that the Devonshire farm Labourers are not the only
class of people who pronounce words in a manner for which the dictionary affords no authority.
The hand that has been stretched out to this son of the wilderness, this descendant of its ancient
inhabitants, to raise him from his former state, has wrought a double service.
It has not only
ameliorated the peasant’s condition, but has brought to light sterling qualities which too long had
been hidden. And he has welcomed it with gladness, for it has led him from darkness into the
dawn.
V.—Nineteenth Century Celebrities of the Moor.
SIR FRANCIS BULLER-SIR THOMAS TYRWHITT-REV. EDWARD ATKYNS BRAY-REV. JAMES
HOLMAN MASON-GEORGE TEMPLER-TOM FRENCH-JONAS COKER-JAMES PERROTT-
WILLIAM SHILLIBEER-REV. J. P. JONES-MISS SOPHIE DIXON—MISS KING-SOME
ORIGINAL CHARACTERS-REV. CLIFFORD RICKARDS-HIGH BAILIFF OF DARTMOOR.
Thine is the region large, the pale renowned,
Where worthies dwelt of old, and still abound.
—JOSEPH COTTLE.
With a district which has been the scene of important operations of a nature outside the ordinary,
there will naturally be associated the names of those who were prominently connected with
such enterprises.
Such men as Sir Francis Buller, Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, and Mr. G. W. Fowler are still spoken of
on the Moor, as also is the work they attempted or accomplished. These, in addition to their
efforts in the direction of agriculture, did much to make Dartmoor known, and to Sir Thomas
Tyrwhitt may be attributed the first actual opening up of the great waste.
It is also obvious that a region possessing so large a number of prehistoric monuments, and
such wild and romantic scenery, as Dartmoor could not fail to attract investigators of the one, and
searchers after and admirers of the other.
As instances may be named the Rev. E. A. Bray, the Rev. J. H. Mason, the poet Carrington,
Miss Sophie Dixon, and the Rev. J. P. Jones. Some among the number have been so closely iden
tified with the Moor, by residence on or near it, as to win much local renown. Others there are who
have attained fame of a humbler character, but who will none the less be remembered by all Dart
moor people. Such are Tom French, well known to the moorland hunters of a former genera
tion ; Jonas Coaker, a native writer of verses; and James Perrott, of Chagford.
The influence exercised by many of them is felt to-day, and will leave a lasting mark upon the
history of the Moor. Comparatively unknown until towards the end of the 18th century, Dartmoor
at the close of the 19th could not only boast of developments in many directions, but also of having
been the home of worthies who did so much to initiate and aid them.
Sir France Buller, whose farming operations at Prince Hall, as we have seen, were among the
earliest of the efforts at cultivation on an extensive scale on the Moor, cannot be counted among its
19th century celebrities, as he died in 1800. At the same time, as a pioneer of that work of which the
last hundred years has witnessed the continuation and extension, no account of the latter-day
POST BRIDGE
CHAGFORD CHURCH.
NINETEENTH CENTURY CELEBRITIES OF THE MOOR
53
worthies of Dartmoor would be complete without some mention of him. Sir Francis, who was born at
Morval, an ancient seat on an inlet of the Looe River, in Cornwall, attained to great eminence as a
Justice of the King’s Bench. He married the heiress of the Yardes, a family seated during
several generations at the old mansion of Churston Court.
His descendant, Sir John Yarde
Buller, represented South Devon in Parliament for twenty-four years, and in 1858 was raised to the
peerage as Baron Churston.
Having bought the estate of Prince Hall, one of the ancient tenements of Dartmoor Forest,
Sir Francis found exercise and amusement in devoting his attention to continuing the improve
ments commenced by his predecessor, Mr. Gullet. He enclosed more land, and made important
additions to the house. He also erected an inn at Two Bridges, since rebuilt, his crest—a Saracen’s
Head—being bestowed upon it as a sign. He gathered quite a little colony of workers around him,
to whom he was most kind, and ever ready with his advice. The hospitalities of Prince Hall were
always open to the stranger, and the house was the constant resort of men experienced in the
science of agriculture, from all parts of the country.
Certainly no man up to his time had done so much to make Dartmoor known as Sir Francis
Buller, and his name will ever be remembered among those who have endeavoured to introduce
cultivation into that wild region. The judge passed away in the last year of the 18th century, and
was buried in St. Andrew’s Churchyard, Gray’s Inn. There is a monument to him in the church of
Higher Brixham, in Devon, the parish in which is situated Lupton House, the seat of the present
Lord Churston, and which was bought by the judge in 1778.
But if Sir Francis Buller did much to direct attention to Dartmoor, Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt was
the means of doing more. In the conduct of his agricultural operations at Tor Royal, his work
in the formation of roads, his advocacy of the building of the war prison, or the projection and
construction of the railway, he was indefatigable. Sir Thomas (then Mr. Tyrwhitt; he was knighted
in 1812) commenced his labours on Dartmoor in 1785, when twenty-three years of age, and from
that time until far into the 19th century was closely identified with it.
He chose a spot on the
western confines of the Forest as the scene of his operations, and in the course of a few years had
formed fields, commenced planting, and built a house, which he named Tor Royal.
In his experiments he spared no expense, and succeeded in growing flax, during an unusually
dry summer, on his estate, for which he received a medal from the Bath Agricultural Society. The
war prison, commenced in 1806, called Princetown into existence, and when, after the peace of
1815, the former was no longer required, Sir Thomas still continued to watch the interests of the
town. He had procured for it the privileges of holding a market and fair, and this caused it still
to retain some of its former activity.
Later on, it is true, it commenced to decline, and continued for several years in anything
but a flourishing condition. But the turn of the tide came with the establishment there of the
convict depot in 1850, and the little town which the energies of Sir Thomas were the means of
founding entered upon a career which has ever since been one of progress. His efforts in connec
tion with the horse railway, projected by him in 1818, resulted in the speedy construction of the
line. A favourable reception having been accorded his plans, he at once set about obtaining
subscribers, himself heading the list with £3,000, and soon raised the £27,783, which was the
estimated expense of the undertaking under the first Act, passed in July, 1819. Two further Acts
were obtained in 1820 and 1821, bringing the total capital up to £39,983, and the first, and major,
portion of the road was opened in 1823.
Thus Sir Thomas in the space of about seventeen years had caused a little town to spring up
in the midst of the Moor, and connected it by a railway with the town and harbour of Plymouth.
While his work on Dartmoor was proceeding Sir Thomas was also distinguishing himself in
other directions.
He was secretary to the Prince of Wales and also Lord Warden of the Stan
M
naries.
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
He represented Okehampton in Parliament from 1796 until 1802, and was afterwards
member for Portarlington. In 1806 he was returned by the electors of Plymouth, which borough
he represented until 1812, when he was appointed Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod. In Prince
town Church is a memorial tablet to this unwearied worker for the welfare of the Moor, the inscrip
tion on which is as follows: —
Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, Knt., late of Tor Royal, Lord Warden of the Stannaries, and many years Usher of
the Black Rod. Died Feb. 24th, 1833, aged 71. His name and memory are inseparable from all the great works
on Dartmoor, and cannot cease to be honoured in this district.
Earliest among the explorers of Dartmoor, the Rev. Edward Atkyns Bray has placed all who
are interested in its history and antiquities under a debt of gratitude.
Though his investigations
extended only over a comparatively small portion of the district, extracts from his journal, which
go back to 1801, afford us valuable information regarding many objects on the Moor, and of their
condition at the commencement of the 19th century. Since the publication of the maps of the
last Ordnance survey, on which almost every object of importance is shown, it has become a simple
matter to acquaint oneself with the exact position of all the principal groups of rude stone remains
on the Moor, and to find the way to them with little difficulty.
But Mr. Bray possessed no such advantage. A few of the more remarkable objects, it is true,
were known long before his time, some being mentioned by Risdon nearly two centuries before, but,
with the exception of those described by Polwhele, not many had been examined.
Mr. Bray conducted his investigations with an intelligent object, and while his deductions are
now considered to be erroneous, his facts have lost none of their value. In common with other
antiquaries of his time, his speculations as to the use and intention of the pre-historic monuments
were founded on the theory that they were “Druidical.” Consequently, such things as logans
and rock-basins, for the disposition and formation of which Nature’s hand was alone responsible,
were supposed by him to have been fashioned and used by the members of that shadowy priesthood.
But if his ideas are now thought to be wrong, it is not improbable that many of our present-day
speculations as to the meaning and uses of the old stone remains will by future generations be
similarly regarded.
Mr. Bray was born in 1778, in the Abbey House, Tavistock, his father being a solicitor, and
for many years employed in the management of the West of England estates of the Duke of
Bedford. Mr. Bray was entered as a student at the Middle Temple in 1801, and five years later
he was called to the Bar. During this period, when on visits to his native town, he continued his
Dartmoor investigations, as the published extracts from his journal show. For five years he went
the Western Circuit, and though he obtained some reputation, he had no liking for his profession.
His inclinations were always turned to the Church, and he at length resolved to quit the Bar and to
enter it.
religious character, and also published several sermons.
He was ordained by the Bishop of Norwich in 1811, and subsequently proceeded to
Tavistock on a visit to his parents.
A few weeks after his arrival the Vicar of Tavistock, the Rev. Richard Sleeman, died, and
application having been made to the Duke of Bedford, his Grace named Mr. Bray to the vacant
preferment, and there he continued his ministry until his death in 1857. Mr. Bray married the
widow of Mr. Stothard, son of the famous artist. As an authoress she was well known, and it is
in the pages of her interesting book on the “ Borders of the Tamar and the Tavy ” that the extracts
from Mr. Bray’s journal appear. He wrote a great number of poems, as well as works of a
His poetical works were issued in two
volumes in 1859, with a memoir by his widow.
Mr. Bray spent much of his time on Dartmoor when settled at Tavistock, having inherited from
his father the farm enclosed and formed by the latter at Bair Down. He continued his excursions
originally commenced when he had in view the writing of a history of his native town. But though
NINETEENTH CENTURY CELEBRITIES OF THE MOOR
55
his plans in that direction were never carried out, he has left behind him that which all who are
interested in what Mrs. Bray termed her husband's “ favourite Dartmoor " will always deem of no
little value.
While Mr. Bray was well known on the western edge of Dartmoor, his contemporary, the Rev.
James Holman Mason, M.A., was a no less familiar figure on the eastern side. Becoming the vicar
of Widecombe-in-the-Moor some four years after the Rev. E. A. Bray entered on his labours at
Tavistock, he survived the latter only about three years
Mr. Mason, who was chaplain to the
Prince Regent and vicar of Treneglos and Warbstow, in Cornwall, was, on the occurrence of the
vacancy created by the death of the Rev. John Rendle in 1815, instituted to the vicarage of Wide-
combe, on the presentation of the Dean and Chapter of Exeter. In October of the following year
Mr. Mason was appointed one of the deputy riders and master foresters of Dartmoor, on the
decease of Mr. Edward Bray, the Rev. E. A. Bray's father.
From this time he began to take a strong interest in all matters pertaining to the Moor,
acquainting himself with its topography, history, and traditions.
He has been described as a
cautious and practical antiquary, and though he himself made no contributions to Dartmoor litera
ture, the results of his investigations are reflected in the writings of others, to whom he was always
ready to impart information. His conclusions are certainly far more sound than those arrived at
by some who have undertaken the examination of stone remains on the Moor.
Mr. Mason was one of the old-fashioned school of parsons, and famous, among other things,
for his hospitality and the excellence of his port. About 1842 a reading party from Oxford were
staying at Brimpts, on Dartmoor, and during their visit attended Widecombe Church.
Having been invited to dine with Mr. Mason, the conversation over their wine took a turn
which called forth a remark by one of the party to the effect that he thought it a good thing the
rotten boroughs were done away with. Mr. Mason instantly resented this. “What, sir,” he
said indignantly, “you tell me that!—me, who was brought up by Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, the con
fidential friend and favourite of George the Fourth, and who was member for----- ” Such views
were dangerous in the eyes of this Moorland parson.
However, the matter was allowed to drop, but the visitor could not refrain from thinking that his
host always afterwards regarded him as a rather suspicious character.
Mr. Mason was the
holder of about 600 acres of land in the Forest. He formed enclosures, and built a cottage, the
ruins of which are still to be seen, close to the road below Crockern Tor.
Besides being vicar of Widecombe, he was also the first incumbent of Princetown, and is well
remembered on the Moor by some of the older inhabitants. He died at Widecombe in 1860, but
was not laid to rest in the valley where he had dwelt so long.
But he lies in the Dartmoor
country, nevertheless, having been buried at Okehampton.
Occupying a high niche in the valhalla of Dartmoor worthies, the accomplished George
Templet, of Stover, commands our admiration. None associated with the district were ever
more beloved than was he, and none have left behind them a greater or a purer fame. Not only
for his enterprise in carrying the railway to the rock-piles of Hey Tor, in the early years of the
century, and thus earning for himself the distinction of constructing the first line in Devonshire;
nor for his skill as a Master of hounds and daring as a rider on the Moor, will he be remembered,
but also for the higher qualities of sincerity of friendship, and kindliness of heart.
His amiability and benevolence of disposition, enlivened by a sparkling wit, made him the
charm of society, while his thought for those in a humble station caused him to be regarded as
the poor man's friend. George Templer might have justly aspired to the highest of positions.
He was a poet of no mean order. His lines on “The Grave of Skylark,” a favourite huntress,
and his stanzas in memory of his friends Taylor and Russell alone entitle him to rank high among
the sons of song in Devon.
56
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
The beautiful lady of Stover was not less beloved than her husband. The love story of George
Templer is not wanting in the romantic. Passing through Highweek, when returning from hunt-
leadinghis horse by the rein, he heard, when nearing Greenhill Farmhouse, a maiden singing
atove song from the opera of “The Duenna.” It was one he knew well, having sung it himself not
long before in the part of Don Carlos, at some amateur theatricals at Stover, and he listened,
charmed at the sweetness of the voice. When he reached the gate of the farm it was a case of love
at first sight, and in a few weeks it was known that the young squire of Stover was engaged to the
beautiful Miss Wreyford.
As his wife she adorned the stately home to which he brought her, and the union was a
most happy one. Private theatricals were frequently indulged in at Stover, in which the mem
bers of the family and some of the more intelligent of the servants took part. Mrs. Siddons and
Mr. Kemble, while on a visit there, witnessed the performance of “Richard III.” and “King
Lear,” and highly praised the representations.
The venture of George Templer on Dartmoor did not prove remunerative. It might have
done so perhaps (for the stone quarried at Hey Tor was of excellent quality) had the management
of the undertaking not been left too much to others. The price he had to pay for the short
comings of those in whom he trusted was a high one.
The beautiful domain of Stover that he
loved so well he had to dispose of, the purchaser being the Duke of Somerset.
The oldest Dartmoor family now existing is that of French, holders of land in the Forest of
that
name being recorded since the time of Edward HI. One member of
this ancient family was particularly well known throughout the Moor during the
first half of the 19th century as a keen and ardent sportsman. This was Tom French, who was
born on Dartmoor about 1774, and during the earlier years of his life was in domestic service, after
wards settling at Widecombe.
Passionately fond of the chase, he knew almost every holt in
the southern part of the Moorlands where a fox could harbour, and many followers of the hounds
were indebted to him for a good day’s sport. He was also a capital fisherman, throwing a fly
with a fine and delicate hand, although he had lost his right thumb through the bursting of a gun.
Even after having passed the allotted threescore years and ten, he was strong and active, and could
cross the rivers by bounding from stone to stone in a manner which even younger men were unable
to imitate.
Tom was capital company, telling a story with ready wit and genuine humour. He was a
great favourite with the gentlemen of the hunt, and about Christmas time would usually leave the
hills of Dartmoor and spend a week or two with them at their homes. He used to say that after
these visits his waistcoat fitted him very much better than before. But though he enjoyed the
change and the good cheer, he would not remain away long from his native heath, and so great
was his love for it that he said he would “rather live in the hollow rocks of Blacky Tor than in the
finest house in Plymouth.” He died at the good old age of 84, and though he was unknown to the
present generation, there are still many on the Moor who remember him well, and not one but has
a good word for honest Tom French.
By far the most striking figure among those in the humbler walks of life who lived during
the 19th century on Dartmoor is Jonas Coaker, well-known in the district as a verse writer.
Although his effusions are far below the level of true poetry, they are by no moans deficient in
merit, and, considering the disadvantages under which he laboured, do him infinite credit. There
is sufficient in them to shew that had the circumstances of his early life been more favourable he
would, in all probability, have accomplished greater things.
Genius was not wanting, but it was
held in bondage, and the key that alone could free it was never placed within bis reach He was
a man of fine physique, and in manner was quiet and rather reserved. It was impossible to con
NINETEENTH CENTURY CELEBRITIES OF THE MOOR.
57
verse with him long without discovering that he possessed knowledge and abilities not usually found
among those in his station.
By the peasantry of the Moor Jonas Conker was held in great esteem, for they seemed to feel
that, though but one of themselves, his talents raised him above their level. They were proud of
him and of the reputation he had gained, and delighted in speaking of him as the Dartmoor Poet.
Much of his verse was composed after he had retired to rest and committed to memory, to be
written down at the first convenient opportunity.
His themes were chiefly descriptive of the
Moor and events which have happened on it, and he also wrote a series of poems on religious subjects.
Jonas Coaker was born at Hartland, a farm near Post Bridge, in the east quarter of the Forest,
on February 23rd, 1801. As a lad he was in the service of the Rev. John Rendle, vicar of Wide-
combe, and on the death of the latter went to work on a farm in that parish. When about twenty-
five years of age he returned to Post Bridge and worked as a labourer, taking particular delight in
the building of new-take walls.
Afterwards he became the landlord of the inn at New House,
on the eastern verge of the Forest, and later on rate collector for the parish of Lydford. His
closing years were passed at Ring Hill very near the house in which he was born. He passed
away on February 12th, 1890, and was laid to rest in the quiet churchyard of Widecombe.
None among the worthies of the Moor was better known to visitors to the district than James
Perrott, of Chagford, who for more than fifty years acted as guide to the tourist over its wild hills.
He was born at Coombe, in the parish of Throwleigh, on the north-eastern border of Dartmoor, in
March, 1815, but early removed to Chagford, where he spent the remainder of his life.
He was of ancient lineage, being a descendant of the Perrot, according to Edward Lowry
Barnwell, in his “ Notes on the Perrot Family,” who came in with the Conqueror. His maternal
descent was from Sir Robert Jason, whose coat-of-arms, dated 1588, used to hang in his room.
Rugged, frank, and of cheery disposition, his sterling worth caused him to be respected by those
who made his acquaintance.
His knowledge of the Moor rendered his conversation exceedingly interesting to those who
found pleasure in that topic—and who that visits Chagford does not? The archaeologist, the
searcher after the picturesque, and the angler have each been indebted: to him; there was not a
tor or hill in the northern part of the Moor to which he could not conduct them, nor a stream in
his neighbourhood in which he knew not the pools and the stickles most likely to afford sport. A
deft fisherman himself, and entering keenly into the pleasures of the gentle art, he was always
desirous that those who accompanied him should realise the delight of returning with a well-filled
creel.
Mr. Perrott was acquainted with many persons whose names are associated with Dartmoor.
He rendered some assistance to the Rev. Samuel Rowe when that writer was engaged in the prepara
tion of his “ Perambulation,” and he was very intimate with Charles Kingsley, having frequently
rambled over the Moor with him. Mr. R. D. Blackmore has introduced him in fiction, and he is
mentioned in Mr. F. B. Doveton’s “Fisherman’s Fancies.”
In his part of guide he was brought into contact with noted peers, artists, journalists, and
scientific men, many of whom no doubt entertain pleasant recollections of him. Indeed, it would
be difficult to find anyone with a knowledge of Dartmoor who has not known or heard of “ Old
Perrott,” as he was familiarly termed. We have heard him spoken of three thousand miles from
Dartmoor, and the memories his name recalled, it was evident to us, were among those most
cherished.
Mr. Perrott was married at Chagford on the 16th October, 1839. The golden wedding was
celebrated in October, 1889. A congratulatory address from the townspeople was presented to
Mr. and Mrs. Perrott, and letters and telegrams were received from all parts. But the old
Dartmoor wanderer’s work was nearly done. He died in May, 1895, leaving daughters and sous,
58
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
so that there is still a “Perrott ” to guide the visitor to the Moor. In Chagford Churchyard is a
beautiful polished granite tomb, erected to the memory of this Dartmoor worthy by the Rev. A. O.
Barker, of St. Olaves, Murchington.
We have thus briefly noticed the principal among the dwellers in the Dartmoor country whose
work upon it will always connect them with its 19th century history. But there are others whom
it is also necessary to mention.
Among those well known on Dartmoor some eighty years ago was Mr. William Shillibeer, of
Walkhampton, who possessed a wide knowledge of the district, and who made the survey for Sir
Thomas Tyrwhitt’s railway. One who also did good service about the same time was the Rev. J. P.
Jones, of North Bovey, part author of the “ Flora Devoniensis.” Another has but recently passed
away—Mr. John Bennett, of Acherton, who was long resident on the Moor. He was 17 years old at
the death of George III., and had some recollections of events which took place in those days.
For sometime Dartmoor was the home of Miss Sophie Dixon, the charming writer, and her
acquaintance with it was extensive. She was in the habit of taking long rambles, setting forth at
an early hour, and covering as much ground in a day as many would do in three. Sometimes when
on a pedestrian tour she would rise at midnight, and start on her journey soon after, in order to
avoid walking under a burning summer sun.
Miss King, some time of Widecombe, niece of the gifted R. J. King, was known to all the
Dartmoor people, two decades since, as a constant moorland rambler. At an advanced age it was
her practice to set forth alone, visiting the more remote parts of the moorlands, and extending
her wanderings as she thought fit, without regard to the hour. She loved the Moor, and its
solitary combes were to her as home.
Nor should mention be omitted of such well-known and original characters as Teignhead George
and Will Mann, of Hexworthy; of old “Uncle” George Gaunter, and Daniel and Joey Leaman, of
Dartmeet; of the Moormen Dick Eden, Samuel Smith, of Hexworthy, and John Edmonds, of South
Brent. Eden was born at Fox Tor Farm, but later in life dwelt in a little cottage at Hexworthy,
that stood in the centre of a small plot of ground which he cultivated. We have heard him say
that he supposed he ought to consider himself a very happy man, seeing that he dwelt “in the
Garden of Eden.”
Nor must be overlooked John Bishop, of Swincombe, whose manner of building new-take walls
was a new departure, as witness the piece of work between Prince Hall Lodge and the corner above
Two Bridges; nor old Sally Satterly, whose feats of walking, with the weight of years upon her,
would astonish most young women of the present day. Some few of these are still upon the Moor,
and some have passed away, but their memories are yet green.
It would not be fitting did we leave unnoticed one whose long connection with the prison
service at Princetown, and unceasing labour in his vocation, render him prominent among those
who have made the Moor their abiding-place. For twenty-three years the Rev. Clifford Rickards filled
the position of chaplain at the convict prison. His recent retirement was regretted not only by
the staff, but also by most of the unfortunate prisoners.
One more—and he is mentioned last as being the sole survivor of the older Dartmoor worthies
—and our list is ended. We speak of Mr. Charles Barrington, of Tor Royal, for long years con
nected with the Duchy of Cornwall Office as High Bailiff of Dartmoor. Urbane and kind of heart,
he is the type of a true English gentleman, and his name will long be cherished by the Forest
tenants, and, indeed, by all to whom he is known. The house in which Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, the
earliest among the worthies of Dartmoor, dwelt when the 19th century dawned, was fittingly the
home of its latest celebrity at its close.
VI.—The Dartmoor Peasant: As He Was and As He Is.
THE CHANGE OF A CENTURY—THE GUBBINS—THE PEASANT, HIS COTTAGE, HIS WAGES,
AND HIS CHILDREN-FARM-WORK INCIDENTS—LONGEVITY—WRESTLING—CUDGELLING—
SUNDAY REVELS-SKITTLES -SUPERSTITIONS-MORALS- CRIMES- PRESENT CONDITIONS -
PEASANT SPEECH.
His life may be hard, but he works like a man
From morning till night, and does what he can
For his wife and his children, he’s happy, though poor,
For freedom he breathes with the air of the moor.
Whenever he goes to the feast or the fair,
He makes up his mind to enjoy himself there,
But when all the fiddling and dancing is o’er
He’ll be “ datchin’ ” or else “ cuttin’ turve ” ’pon the moor.
A DARTMOOR MAN.
The change which took place during the 19th century in the condition of the small farmer
and labourer in the agricultural districts of Devon was also witnessed in the hill country of
Dartmoor, though in a lesser degree. Much of the former order of things, as regards habits and
customs still exists on the Moor, as is to be expected in a region so remote, and where such is not
antagonistic to progress the lover of old-time observances will rejoice that an asylum has been
afforded them.
But the state of the dwellers in that upland district is not as it was. The opening up of com
munications with towns has had its effect; the peasant’s horizon is no longer the range of tors that
environ him; his thoughts are directed far beyond, and new hopes and new aspirations are created.
Whether this change in his condition has been entirely to his advantage is a question on which
some may differ. That it has been so in numerous ways none will seek to deny. He may have
lost something; we cannot tell. It is impossible to decide whether we are any happier now than
people were in the days of stage coaches.
It is doubtful whether the character of the farming population of Dartmoor was ever so rude
as has been imagined. While much ignorance and superstition formerly prevailed, and the dwell
ings and the mode of living were somewhat primitive, there is nothing to lead us to suppose, as
sometimes suggested, that families dwelt on the Moor in a state little better than that of savages.
Certain instances of squatters living in a semi-barbarous condition have possibly been observed,
but that the inhabitants in general did so does not appear to be true. Judging from the evidence
given in various suits brought for tithe of agistment on the commons during the 17th and 18th
60
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
centuries, the Moor farmers were not wanting in intelligence any more than are their brethren of
to-day.
The Gubbins described by Fuller, whose account it has been considered was written about
1644-1647, were certainly an uncouth and savage tribe. But though dwelling on the edge of the
Moor, near Brent Tor, they are not to be classed with the true Dartmoor native, nor, indeed,
does Fuller speak of them in that connection. They are mentioned as being a band of depredators,
which for some two hundred years lived by stealing sheep on the Moor.
But even in Fuller’s time their manners seem to have been mending, for he says,
country.”
I am
informed that they begin to be civilised, and tender their children to baptism.; and return to be
men, yea Christians again.” The evil reputation gained by these marauders might later on have
become associated in the public mind with those who dwelt peaceably on Dartmoor, and whose
seclusion would render their true character comparatively unknown. But there are certainly no
facts that would warrant our supposing that the natives of the moorlands lived in a condition
at all approaching the savagery of that lawless tribe.
At the commencement of the 19th century the lot of the Dartmoor peasant was a hard one,
though he did not lack some compensating advantages. Whether living in the interior of the
waste, or on the border farms, he enjoyed a freedom that was unknown to his brother in the “ in
His employers being for the most part small farmers, and in a very humble station,
treated him much as an equal, sharing the labour, and joining with him in his recreation.
His cottage was a very rude erection, but for the matter of that so was his master’s house,
which was frequently shared with the cattle. But the cot afforded good shelter; the thick walls,
constructed of rough granite blocks, and the roof of thatch, were a sufficient protection from the
weather, while a peat fire ensured the necesary warmth. Of the latter fuel there was always a
plentiful supply, any quantity being obtainable for the trouble of cutting it. It was usually brought
for them from the ties, or pits, by the farmers' horses, a service which was paid for by the
labourers cutting a few loads of it for their owners. A certain number of slabs of peat constituted a
load for a pack-horse, and this was termed a seam.
Rushes with which to repair his roof of thatch, and ferns to serve as a litter for his pig,
when he had one, were to be obtained in abundance, and a small patch which he cultivated, enabled
the Dartmoor peasant to supply his family with potatoes.
The furniture usually found in the labourer’s cottage was scanty, and of the rudest descrip
tion, and domestic comforts seem to have been entirely unknown. Ignorance of things in general
went a long way towards preventing discontent, and so that there was a sufficiency of food, however
coarse it might be, and shelter and warmth at the close of the day’s work, little else was apparently
desired.
The peasant found himself placed in certain circumstances, and he accepted them as a matter
of course, mere was none to suggest to him the possibility of improving his condition, much less
to point out the way, or help him to do so. He did his duty towards those for whom he worked,
earning his crust by the sweat of his brow, and toiling year after year without a murmur.
The wages paid to the labourer a hundred years ago were small; so small that they enabled him
to obtain only the barest necessaries of life. Seven shillings a week was the usual rate of pay,
though sometimes it was not more than six. In certain districts this was supplemented by an
allowance of cider, and also by the privilege of buying wheat or barley at a reduced rate, but in
the more remote parts the miserable pittance had to suffice.
This, however, was occasionally augmented by the earnings of the wife, for women were em
ployed not only in the housework at the farms, but also in field labour.
Some of the latter was,
indeed, of a most toilsome character. We know of more than one new-take wall existing on the
Moor the builders of which were women.
JUBILEE CROSS AT HEXWORTHY.
JUBILEE CROSS AT HEXWORTHY.
OLD CLAPPER BRIDGE, DARTMEET.
THE DARTMOOR PEASANT: AS HE WAS AND AS HE IS.
63
Sally Satterley, a Dartmoor dame to whom wo have more than once referred, was during the
greater part of her life engaged in work usually performed by men.
She was for some time
employed in the mine at Eylesbarrow, drove pack-horses, could cut peat, was able to mow with
a scythe, and, as the father of the present Mr. Aaron Rowe, of the Duchy Hotel, Princetown,
used to say, could nail a shoe to a horse’s hoof as well as a blacksmith. She was probably
the last of her kind.
The children were also put to work when very young, and when bound as apprentices often
commenced their term at seven years of age. Both boys and girls had to use the mattock and the
shovel, being employed upon duties altogether at variance with those the latter should have been
taught. Their apprenticeship continued until they were 21 years old, their sole remuneration
being their board, lodging, and clothes. Later on the labourer’s wages rose to eighteenpence a
day, and at that figure they remained for a great unmber of years.
There was a recognised rule that no man should want for employment. Each farmer was
bound by it to give a day’s work to any labourer belonging to the parish who might apply to him
for such. Stories are still related of various subterfuges of some of the farmers to evade this rule,
though, to their credit be it said, such were very infrequent.
In the Forest the farmwork differed in some particulars from that of the Moorland borders.
The rearing of cattle formed the chief occupation in the former, agricultural operations being
conducted only on a limited scale. On the confines of the Moor it was different. The climate
of the sheltered valleys being to some extent favourable to the growth of corn, crops were
more generally raised.
The reaping and harvesting of the wheat was looked upon by the peasant
as a kind of holiday.
True, he had to work hard enough, and received no pay at such times, but the labour was
accompanied by a great amount of feasting. It was the custom, when the wheat was ready for the
sickle, for the farmer to give notice that a reaping would take place on such a day. At the time
appointed the labouring men and women of the neighbourhood would assemble in the field, and
after a substantial breakfast work was commenced. There was an unlimited supply of cider, a
good dinner served in the field, further refreshments later on, and a supper in the house at the
close of the day. Possibly in some cases the practice led to a little more drinking than was
wise, but there is no doubt that these harvest feasts were thoroughly enjoyed by those who took
part in them, and formed red-letter days in the peasant’s uneventful life.
There was also a further reward for those who gave their services at harvest time. When
Christmas arrived they would be asked to a merry-making at the farmer’s house, and thus, poor
as he was, the labourer did not want for good cheer during the festive season.
Notwithstanding that his usual food consisted of nothing better than barley bread
and potatoes, with broth and bacon, and such vegetables as leeks and onions, the Dartmoor
peasant was famed for his strength and hardihood, and excelled in various athletic exercises.
He was subject to few complaints, and was generally long-lived.
In 1805 there were eleven deaths in the parish of Bridestowe, of which three were of
infants, three were of persons between the ages of sixty and seventy, three between seventy
and eighty, and two between eighty and ninety. At Moretonhampstead in the same year there
were twenty-seven deaths; eight were of infants, twelve of persons between the ages of sixty
Fnd eighty, and seven were of persons over eighty. In 1809 there lived in a cottage at
the foot of Brent Tor an old woman named Sarah, or Elizabeth, Williams, who was then 109
years of age; she had never lived further away from the tor than the next parish. Innumerable
instance# of longevity among the peasantry might be given, such being rather the rule than the
exception.
The exercise of wrestling was greatly in favour with the peasantry of Dartmoor, as, indeed,
64
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
it was with those in other parts of the county. The Moormen are said to have been celebrated
as players, their hardiness enabling them to bear excessive kicking upon their shins. This rough
element was permitted so long as the kick was not given above the knee. The excellent habit of
body of the Dartmoor men soon carried off the ill-effects which might be expected to result
from such violent play.
Cudgelling, a form of single-stick, was another “pastime” of the Moorman.
Here the
object to be attained by the player was the breaking of his opponent’s head, the success of
his praiseworthy efforts receiving the marked approval of the onlookers. These very elevating
exercises are seldom indulged in now. Indeed, cudgelling may be said to have entirely
disappeared, but a wrestling contest is occasionally heard of, though it is some years since any
properly-organised play took place in the Dartmoor country.
The day following Two Bridges
Fair used always to be devoted to the sport, and it was at one time frequently to be witnessed
on Whitchurch Down.
The village revels were the occasions of the Dartmoor peasant’s principal holidays. They
were not quite in the nature of pleasure fairs such as were held in country towns, but were
simply what their title denoted — meetings for revelry. They have been referred to some
times as “Sunday Revels,” but this is not entirely correct. They commenced in some of the
parishes on the afternoon of the Sabbath, but the actual sports took place on the following day.
Still, there was a great amount of drinking on the Sunday, and much noise and excitement,
and the standings for the sale of buns, sweetmeats, and fruit, being erected, gave the village a
thorough holiday appearance. The hats which were to constitute the prizes for the wrestlers on
the Monday were worn, decorated with ribbons, so that all might see them, their wearers not infre
quently appearing at church in the morning.
The landlady of the village inn might also sometimes be seen in a gaily-decked cap, which was
to become the property of the young woman who should be adjudged the most expert dancer. The
gathering commenced with being convivial, and continued in that condition until a very late hour,
when an adjournment took place until the following afternoon. Then the sports commenced in
earnest, and sometimes did not conclude until the Tuesday.
These consisted of wrestling, foot
racing, skittles (or keel-playing, as such is provincially termed), and other games.
Skittles were occasionally played by the women, the prize being a new “ gown-piece.” In the
evening, the services of a fiddler were brought into requisition, and the dancing contests took place,
together with various other amusements.
Much that the Dartmoor peasant now regards with scepticism was not so very long since most
implicitly believed in by him. But though the hold which superstition has upon him is gradually
getting less firm, it has by no means entirely relinquished its grasp. He will still talk about “ wisht-
ness,” by which he means a supernatural appearance, and though usually confessing that he himself
has never encountered such, can hardly be persuaded that what he has heard about others having
done so is not true. He is generally ready with some story confirmatory of his belief, and cannot
but think that if those who have gone before him were convinced of the truth of such things that
they must have had good reason for being so.
In most of the border villages a dame’s school, or that of a rustic pedagogue, might be found,
and some of the children, more favoured than others, were taught to read, and perhaps to write.
But this was by no means general, while those whose homes were at all remote never received any
instruction whatever.
And not only did they suffer from the want of education, but from lack of training as well. It
is probable that children who were bound as apprentices were fairly well looked after—much better
than they could have been at home—and boys so brought up made the beat of servants. But with
the girls the case was somewhat different. Being employed almost exclusively upon farm work;
THE DARTMOOR PEASANT: AS HE WAS AND AS HE IS.
villages.
65
they grew up deficient in the knowledge of domestic duties, and as a consequence, when they
married, there was an absence of comfort in their homes.
It is scarcely a matter for wonder, when we remember their ignorance, their poverty, and
that anything of an elevating character in their surroundings was totally wanting, that there
should be a laxity of morals among the peasantry. Yet it is not unlikely that the people of
the Moorlands compared favourably with the labouring population of other rural districts.
By far the greater number of the dwellings of the former were detached and in remote
situations, instead of being, as was oftener the case with the latter, crowded together in
The morals of the Moor people were thus less likely to be corrupted, although it is
certain their standard was by no means a high one.
As in every community there are those who resist evil impulses, as well as those who are
too weak to do so, so we find that among many of the peasants of the Dartmoor country who
were upright and good, there were also not a few who were addicted to dishonest practices.
Sheep-stealing was carried on to a considerable extent, and it is stated on good authority that
it was no uncommon thing early in the 19th century for a farmer in the neighbourhood of
Dartmoor to lose as many as twenty sheep in a season.
While it would be manifestly unfair to suggest that the Moor peasant was alone responsible
for these enormities, it is certain that he was not altogether guiltless. The difficulty of providing
himself even with the necessaries of life may have driven him to commit these offences, and we
must not be too hasty in condemning where so much poverty and ignorance prevailed.
Let us rather remember that if his moral vision was so dim as to permit him to see little
harm in thus helping himself from the farmers’ flocks, it was in a great measure to be attributed
to the darkness of his mind and to his circumstances.
And what is the condition of the Dartmoor peasant to-day? The opening up of the wild
country in which he dwells has brought him under the influence of new forces, and this has not
been wanting in effect.
Although some degree of ignorance still prevails, especially among the
older men, there are also those who take an intelligent interest in what is going on around them,
and, speaking generally, there is much mental enlargement.
Not infrequently it will be found that they possess natural abilities which their
appearance does not always indicate.
Hospitable and kind, they are ever ready to assist or
oblige the stranger, though their outspoken manner sometimes conveys a different impression.
This arises from a spirit of sturdy independence, which is innate, and was never crushed by
their former poverty.
They are possessed of a shrewdness which sometimes approaches
cunning, and are good hands at driving a bargain. Their expression gives an idea of slyness,
but it is rather born of watchfulness; they are veiy apt to suspect that there is an endeavour
to overmatch them, and thus are constantly on their guard.
But let him once see that you are his friend, and there is nothing the Moorland peasant
would not do for you. He is honest and industrious, though by no means a slave to work, for,
like his forefathers, he fully believes in the wisdom of taking an occasional holiday. He has a
quiet humour, and his manner of relating a circumstance is often very quaint. Indeed, he is
frequently unconsciously humorous.
We remember being once gravely informed by a Moorman, who had offered us the loan
of his horse, in order that we might ride from the Forest into the market town, that we need
give ourselves no concern about the homeward journey, for that he could warrant the animal
would “carry beer.” That he knew most of the houses at which his master was in the habit
of obtaining that beverage we certainly found to be the case, for on approaching a roadside
inn at a smart trot we were very nearly thrown by the animal darting suddenly to the doorway,
and coming to a dead stop.
66
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
His home on the Moor is still often primitive in character, but in the border villages a great
improvement in this direction has taken place. But with better wages and a wife more fitted to
manage his little household than the helpmeet of former days he finds himself in the possession of
comforts which to the peasant of fifty or sixty years ago were unknown.
His children, no longer apprenticed by the overseers of the poor, continue in his care until such
time as they leave school, and then obtain what work they can. In a year or two it is more than
likely they will turn their thoughts towards the town, and by-and-bye leave the old home to go to
swell the throngs that toil in the factory and the workshop. If they do not do this they learn a
trade in the village or follow their father’s calling, and, if earning less, reap their reward in spend
ing their lives amid the breezy slopes and rugged hills of the Moor.
In common with all those born in a mountainous district, the Dartmoor peasant loves his native
hills, but at the same time he lacks a full appreciation of their beauties. This was, perhaps, never
better exemplified than in the story of the tourist who chanced to call at a cottage on the Moor.
Delighted with the view, he gave it as his opinion that nothing could be finer, and said he pre
sumed the inmates were never tired of admiring it. He was met by the reply : " Ees, I knaw ’tis
brave an’ fine, but I’d zooner zee a good fat gooze ’pon the table.” But the peasant is proud of
the Moor, notwithstanding his apathy towards the charms of its scenery, and does not wonder
that the stranger should visit it and be interested.
The speech of the peasant of the Moor country is broad in the extreme, but there is a soft intonar
tion of the voice which rather attracts. It certainly cannot resemble that of the Gubbins’, before re
ferred to, for their speech, Fuller informs us, was the dross of the dregs of the vulgar Devonian.
Many curious words, it is true, are used by the older people, but whatever may have been the case
formerly, there is no difficulty in understanding their speech now. Writers who give examples of
the dialect show a tendency to exaggerate. They seem to imagine that it is necessary to spell
every word incorrectly. This, of course, makes it appear like a strange language, and gives alto
gether a false idea. It should be remembered that the Devonshire farm Labourers are not the only
class of people who pronounce words in a manner for which the dictionary affords no authority.
The hand that has been stretched out to this son of the wilderness, this descendant of its ancient
inhabitants, to raise him from his former state, has wrought a double service.
It has not only
ameliorated the peasant’s condition, but has brought to light sterling qualities which too long had
been hidden. And he has welcomed it with gladness, for it has led him from darkness into the
dawn.
VII Commoners’ Rights on the Moor.
ANCIENT RIGHTS DISAFFORESTATION OF DEVON, THE 13th CENTURY DARTMOOR, THE
FOREST ’’,THE COMMONERS’, COUNTRY VENVILLE RIGHTS," FOREIGNERS ”,
PASTURAGE RIGHTS, MODERN CONDITIONS, CATTLE, PONIES, AND SHEEP, " DRIFTS ”,
A RELIC, ENCROACHMENTS, CHECKS, A NEW DANGER.
Rishes vur datchin’, turve to burn,
An’ stone vur wals zo strong,
Plenty o’ kaip vur bullocks and sharp
To the Dartmoor man belong.
An’ us’ll maintain our an-cient rights,
Ole customs shan’t be broke,
An’ us want tich, vur there is’n zich,
The ven’son and green oak.
DARTMOOR COMMONERS’ SONG.
While Dartmoor, with its varied attractions, appeals to the minds of those who love Nature
in her ruder forms, or who find a pleasure in the study of the past, and has much to awaken the
interest of all, it is of special value to the men of Devon.
They have a heritage in it which has come down to them through long years, and which it behoves
them to jealously guard. Their rights upon it are important, and though the 19th
century wrought some changes on the great uplands, and there have been encroachments on
the area over which these rights extend, the exercise of them still continues, and has not ceased,
as documentary evidence proves, since the times of the Norman Kings.
Before glancing at the nature of these rights it is desirable that we should clearly understand
what tract of country the term Dartmoor now comprehends. Nearly seven hundred years have
passed since the document was written in which occurs the earliest mention of it by name—the
Charter of 1204, by which King John disafforested all Devon, with the exception of Dartmoor and
Exmoor, the whole of the county, it is thus seen, previous to that date having been a Forest.
What is now known as such is the central portion of the Moor, covering considerably more than 60,000 acres,
and being within the parish of Lydford; this has formed part of the possessions of the Duchy of Cornwall since the time of the Black Prince.
The earliest record of the bounds of the Forest is in the return of a Perambulation made in
1240 by the Sheriff of Devon and twelve knights of the county by command of Richard, Earl of
Cornwall, on his taking possession of it under grant from his brother, Henry III. The boundary
line as then set forth, and which was marked principally by natural objects, probably differs but
slightly from that now recognised by the Duchy authorities.
The term “Forest” does not necessarily imply a thickly-wooded tract of country; it has been
defined as a circuit of ground in which wild animals and fowls of forest, chase, and warren were
protected by the King, for his diversion and pleasure, and was subject to the forest laws. As none
but the King can hold a forest, unless by special warrant, Dartmoor when bestowed upon the
Earl of Cornwall became a chase; but though no longer a forest in law, the tract so granted is
still popularly regarded as such, and is always so called.
Abutting upon the Forest, and precisely similar to it in character, are extensive com
mons, forming parts of the border parishes. They are twenty-two in number, and contiguous
with these are eleven others that do not touch the Forest boundary. Many of them pertain to
what are termed Venville parishes, and this broad belt of Moorland, completely encircling the
Forest, was formerly known as the Commons of Devonshire.
Most of the commons, or moors, bear the name of the parish within the bounds of which they lie.
Thus we have Walkhampton Common, Belstone Common, Holne Moor, Dean Moor, Harford Moor,
and so on. On the fringe of this borderland there are, in places, smaller commons belonging to
various manors. As we have already seen, no less than parts of thirty-three parishes (thirty-four, if
we reckon the few acres formerly belonging to Lamerton, but within recent years included in Brent
Tor) go to make up what we at present call Dartmoor, for that name is now popularly bestowed upon
the Forest and commons alike.
But the dwellers on the Moor, and on its immediate borders, do ’not generally regard the
whole Moorland district as coming under that title; at least, the older ones do not. With them
each surrounding common, or moor, is what its name proclaims it to be, and they do not consider
they are on Dartmoor unless they are within the Forest, though it must be confessed they are not
infrequently rather hazy about boundaries.
And their ideas are, strictly speaking, correct; for while there appears to be some evidence that
Dartmoor once included the Commons of Devonshire, they were certainly thrown out of its bounds
as early as 1240, as the Perambulation return of that date shows, and all records since that time
substantiate this.
Nevertheless, modern usage has given to the whole Moorland region the name
of Dartmoor; and seeing that the district possesses the same physical features throughout, and that
such are totally different in character from the surrounding country, it seems fitting that it should
bear one general title.
It is over this range of hill country, of not much under 200 square miles, that the rights of the
Dartmoor commoners extend. The boundaries of the ancient Forest, or those between the parish
or manor commons, in no way affect these rights. The opinion of Mr. Percival Birkett, as ex
pressed in a paper read at a meeting of the Dartmoor Preservation Association, in 1885, and
arrived at from a careful study of various records, is that the whole tract of Moorland, as far as con
cerns the commoners, is one great common. And it has been always so regarded; no boundaries
are considered by those who depasture on the Moor.
The Dartmoor commoner embraces three classes of persons. One consists of the owners or
occupiers of the ancient tenements in the Forest, held by copy of Court roll, together with those
living in that portion of Lydford parish not within the Forest; the second of the Venville tenants;
and the third of every owner or occupier of land in Devon, outside Venville, excepting the inhabi
tants of Barnstaple and Totnes.
By the term Venville is meant certain lands in some of the border parishes having attached to
them full commoners’ rights, and being subject to a small rent for the same. Such estates were
anciently known as vills, or towns, the latter word even at the present time being applied locally to
a collection of farmhouses, or even to a single holding. Sometimes the rights extend over the whole
parish, and the rent, a nominal sum, is paid collectively.
The word, as pointed out by Mr. W. Burt, in his preface to Carrington’s “ Dartmoor,” is, in all
probability, derived from fines villarum, the fines, or rents, of the vills. The occupiers or owners
of the Venville lands were regarded as being the King’s tenants, and in return for their rights were
bound to perform certain duties in the Forest, and to appear at the courts at Lydford.
The rights of the Venville tenants are the same as those of the Forest men, and consist of
common of pasture, turbary, or the cutting of peat for fuel, and the taking of stone for the repair
of their farm buildings, and of rushes for thatching. In the words of a document of the time of
Henry VIII. the King’s tenants were entitled to take in the Forest of Dartmoor “ all that maye doo
thym good exoepte grene ocke and venyson.”
The owners or occupiers in Lydford dwelling outside the Forest have, for the most part, only
within the past three years become possessed of commoners’ rights.
Previously but a few in
that parish, not being Forest men, were entitled to exercise them, which appears strange, having
regard to the close connection that once existed between the Forest and the village, or town. Appli
cation was made to the Duchy by the parish that holders in the inground part of it should partici
pate in those benefits which the tenants in its Forest portion enjoyed, and with the result that
similar rights were conferred upon them.
A recent application by the parish of Mary Tavy that rights might also be granted to its inhabi
tants, made under the impression that it had once been in Venville, has proved unsuccessful. The
Duchy Secretary has stated that there is evidence to show that the parish never was so included;
it can therefore have no claim to such benefits, its case not being analogous to that of Lydford.
The third kind of commoner, the holder outside Venville, called in old documents “foreigners,”
“wraytors,” and “strange men,” have, according to Mr Birkett, rights upon the Commons of
Devon only, and these are limited to pasturage. The payments, by making which it is understood
they may depasture on the Forest as well, are now received by those who rent the various quarters.
The true origin of these rights is unknown, nor does such concern us here; the fact that they
were recognised by the Crown at an early period is more important. The charter of King John
secures to the “ men of Devon and their heirs" those rights which they had long been accustomed
to exercise within the regards of the Moor, they to render therefor certain services according to
established custom, and this is all the commoner requires.
But the rights have their limitations.
The principal is that which restricts the commoner
from turning on the waste a larger number of beasts than he can winter on his holding. But by the
payment of agistment fees he was permitted to increase this number.
A similar rule exists at
the present time, though not always observed.
The rights of pasturage were also limited to the daytime. It is set forth in a survey of the
manors of the Black Prince that the commoners were to “ come to the King’s Forrest by sonne and
goo home by sonne,” and anyone found there after nightfall was to be fined 3d. Subsequently a
fixed payment of 3d. yearly by each Venville tenant for what was termed night rest, entitled him to
keep his beasts in the Forest by night as well as by day. Mr. Burt mentions 4d. as the amount,
and we have known such sum collected, but the former, it is probable, is all that can legally be
demanded. In 1702 it was stated to be 3d., and the Venville rent at that time was 6d. yearly for
some tenements, for others one shilling, and for others two shillings.
In the volume issued by the Dartmoor Preservation Association, containing the report of Mr.
Stuart A. Moore, and Mr. Birkett’s paper, numerous records from the 13th century onward are
printed.
The book is of considerable interest and value, as showing fully the nature and extent of
the commoners’ rights on the Moor, and its publication is an instance of the good and useful work
done by the Association
Coming down to later times, we shall find that at the beginning of the 19th century the
Dartmoor commoner exercised his rights as he ad always done, but the conditions under which
cattle were depastured were different.
The quarters of the Forest, as now, were leased, and were in the hands of Moormen, who made
a business of receiving cattle to pasture. The former custom was for the Duchy to collect all fees,
and to employ priours to look after the various beasts, and Foresters, who rendered accounts of
the number agisted. A hundred years ago these fees do not appear to have altered much. In the 13th
and 14th centuries we find the amount charged for each beast to be 1 1/2d. or 2d., and in the beginning
of the 18th it is given as l 1/2d. for a bullock and 2d. for a horse; in 1806, as we learn from Van
couver’s “ Agricultural Survey,” the amount was 2d. for each beast.
Twenty years later Mr. Burt gives the same sum for bullocks, and l 1/2d. for each head of
young cattle. The charge for sheep, however, showed an increase; in 1702 it was 7 1/2d. per score,
while in 1806 and 1826 it had risen to 3s. 4d. per score.
Since the latter date, however, a considerable advance has taken place in the fee for horned
beasts, but the sum at present demanded must not be regarded as a charge for pasturage alone,
any more than formerly. In consideration of the payments they receive the Moormen bestow a
good deal of attention upon the beasts placed in their charge, constantly visiting that part of the
Moor in which they are depastured, and saving their clients a great deal of trouble. They do not,
however, hold themselves responsible should any of the animals be lost.
A few years ago legal proceedings resulted in a decision that they were liable in such cases,
since which time it has been usual for them to contract themselves out of such responsibility. Forest
men, and numbers of the Venville tenants, do not need the services of the Moormen, taking upon
themselves the duty of attending to their cattle. But it is, of course, necessary for the
"foreigner ” to place his beasts in their charge, and inquiry as to what number the owners may be
entitled to put on the Moor is, for a very obvious reason, never made.
The Moorman thus takes the place of the old priour, but instead of being a servant of the
Duchy he is a lessee, or a sub-renter. The agistment fees are his; the Venville rents and charges
for night rest being received by the Duchy, when such are collected. Beyond this farming out of
the quarters of the Forest there has been no material change from the old order of things in the
administration of its affairs.
The system has not greatly affected the commoners, even, it is very probable, in the matter
of fees; for if the priour still existed, and the former charges were maintained, the owners of cattle
would yet be put to a further expense. The priour would not gather the animals, often from a
considerable distance, and drive them to the commons, as the Moorman does, nor would he be
bound to perform various services that the latter cheerfully renders
In an elevated granitic region like Dartmoor it is to be expected that certain parts of it will
be found of little value as pasturage. In places, more especially in the north quarter, there are
hundreds of acres almost wholly peat bog, and others covered with only a very scant vegetation;
but while this is so, it is yet true that, having regard to the size of the Moor, the area actually
worthless as grazing ground is of small proportions, and none of it is without a value of another
kind.
On the sides of the hills and in the sheltered combes the pasturage is for the most part excel
lent during summer, and it is no uncommon experience to find that when the fields in the lowlands
are parched with drought there is abundant keep on Dartmoor, which then becomes of the greatest
value to the stock-breeder and the farmer.
There are certain spots in favour with the Moormen, where the pasturage is more than usually
good, and their predecessors appear to have appreciated them also. In an early agistment roll such
spots, called “ predas,” are named under the head of the Forest quarter in which they are situated.
Thus we have the “ Preda de Condyshull,” the “ Preda de Brembrok,” the “ Preda de Gnapptorre,”
and so on.
Its these localities be visited at the present day it will be found that they are free from extensive
growths of heather and from bog, the soil being mostly covered with short grass, and they form
desirable spots for the summering of cattle. Situated near them, or in their midst, may sometime
be seen the ruins of a small enclosure, or of what appears to be the hut of a shepherd or herdsman.
These erections are of an altogether different type from the prehistoric remains so numerous on
the Moor, but in more than one case ruins of the latter objects have afforded material wherewith
to construct them.
In some instances they are found sheltered under the rocks of a tor, low walls
and a little gateway marking their site. The huts are probably of the kind which the Foresters were
instructed to build by an order of the Black Prince, issued in 1354 for the purpose of encouraging
agistments on the Moor. The farmers and Moormen usually drive their beasts to some particular
lair, as they term it, when first turning them on the Forest, and these will frequently be found to
be identical with the old predas. From these localities the animals seldom stray very far, and the
Moormen consequently generally know where they are likely to find the cattle of any particular
owner.
This does not apply to the Dartmoor pony, which, born on the Moor, roams in a half-wild state
over a wider area. Referred to in early writings as horses, and by the Moormen of the present
day invariably called colts, these hardy animals have for centuries ranged at will over the whole
of the Moor. As Mr. W. F. Collier in an able paper, in Vol. XIX. of the “Transactions of the
Devonshire Association,” has pointed out, the pony by his wanderings has maintained without any
interference the rights of pasture for the commoner.
It appears from a statement of Vancouver that early in the 19th century a practice existed among
some who depastured on the Moor of reserving to themselves certain parts of it as sheep-walks, and
driving from them the animals of others. Such proceedings were certainly not in accordance with
any rights pertaining to the Moor, nor is there reason to suppose that the practice became general.
Vancouver says that the number of sheep kept on Dartmoor in 1806 was considerable, and
speaks of the district as being one of the best among the common lands in the kingdom for those
animals. He states that during the months of August and September of that year the flocks were
more numerous on the Moor, and in much higher condition, than on any other similar pasture
grounds in England that had come under his observation, and yet the grass upon the Forest in the
beginning of November was scarcely half consumed.
The rights conferred by the Charter of King John were conditional upon the men of Devon
performing certain services as they had been accustomed to do. These we afterwards find to con
sist of attendance at the courts regulating Forest matters, and rendering assistance at what are
now known as the “ drifts,” as well as some minor duties.
There is mention of them during many reigns in documents relating to the Forest, and though
the manner of performing them has changed in some degree, most of them have still to be rendered.
At the time of the drift, which is a driving, or searching, of the Moor, an exact view is taken of the
animals upon it. The Duchy fix the date, and not only drive the Forest, each of its quarters
separately, but most of the surrounding commons as well. It is one of the advantages of the
present system of letting the Forest out to Moormen that the commoners are not put to the
trouble of attending.
A relic of the old mode of summoning the Forest men and Venville tenants—that of blowing
horns on the tors early in the morning of the drift day, and which has been in disuse for nearly
sixty years—may be seen in a narrow road called Quarry Lane, which leads from Whitchurch
Down, near Tavistock, to the commons. It is a block of granite known as the Blowing Stone; a
circular cavity is formed in one side, against which the hom was blown, with the idea of increasing
the sound. The Moormen, and such tenants as take part in the proceedings, thoroughly sweep the
quarter and its adjoining commons to the accompaniment of a good deal of shouting, and with their
dogs drive the cattle before them. Cattle and ponies not claimed are driven as estrays to Dunna-
bridge Pound, in the Forest, where their owners must redeem them, paying the fees, and also a
charge for watering the animals.
It has been said that anciently the Forest tenants were paid a noble for their services on such
occasions; later these appear to have been sadly under-rated, for in the reign of Charles I. the reward
was very different, being no more than a halfpenny loaf. These tenants still attend at the Duchy
Courts, now held at Princetown.
Although the rights of the commoners have never been disputed, and while they still pasture
their flocks and herds upon the great waste, cut peat when they require it, supply themselves with
ferns and rushes, and with stone, yet have their privileges been greatly interfered with during
the last hundred years by the encroachments that have taken place upon the Forest and border
commons alike.
When the attempts to cultivate parts of the waste commenced to be made the commoners saw
their rights threatened. Within a few years of the opening of the 19th century the area of the east,
west, and south quarters of the Forest had been considerably reduced, some of the best grazing
ground being enclosed. On the accession of George IV., in whose possession as Duke
of Cornwall the Forest had hitherto been, the Duchy lands reverted temporarily to the
custody of the Crown, there being no heir apparent, and consequently no Duke. Shortly after
wards, in 1822, an Act was passed enabling his Majesty to make enclosures in the Forest and to
grant leases, and the encroachments were continued.
Newtake was added to newtake,
until the lines of walls stretched right across the Forest, the enclosures completely severing the
northern part of it from the southern.
And this continued to a comparatively recent date. In the Rev. Samuel Rowe’s “ Perambula
tion,” published in 1848, he leads the reader from Crockern Tor to Dunnabridge by striking across
the common; stone walls now bar the way, and “the common” has become Muddy Lakes New
take. Nuns’ Cross, until about 1870, had few signs of man’s intrusion into the wilderness near
it; now a little farm, with a rude cottage exists close by, having been enclosed, under a grant from
the Duchy, by a settler, who, with the assistance of his wife, reared the walls and formed the
little fields.
More recently a piece of ground on the Swincombe River, having a newtake on either side, and
forming a sheltered spot, or “ stroll,” for cattle, and valued as such by the farmers in the neighbour
hood, was itself turned into a newtake by the Duchy, simply by throwing a wall across its upper
part. And such instances are met with all over the district around Princetown and Post Bridge,
and show that not only have the commoners’ rights been disregarded, but their convenience as
well.
And the lords of manors on the skirts of the Moor have not infrequently shown a desire to
wrest as many acres as possible from the commoners, and have also not scrupled to push their
bounds over the Forest line. Though these portions of the Forest are always “viewed,”
as if they belonged to the commons, when the bounds of either of the latter are perambulated, it is
doubtful whether the custom confers any actual title.
The viewing of the bounds of the parish commons is in some cases a septennial custom, out in
others the ceremony is even less frequently observed. The bounds of the parish of Mary Tavy,
which includes that part of Dartmoor known as Black Down, and which were perambulated in
June, 1900, had not been viewed for about forty years. Though having only the rights of the
“foreigner” on the Moor, the parishioners of Mary Tavy have full and exclusive rights on Black Down.
An unfinished wall near Ger Tor, at the entrance to Tavy Cleave, shows where an attempt was
nude to enclose a great extent of common land, and traces of a fence near White Tor, above Waps-
worthy, tell the same story. There have also been designs to enclose whole commons, and in the
case of Ilsington this was effected by an Act passed in 1809. The Irishman’s Wall, if it had been
allowed to stand, would have enclosed Belstone Common against the Forest. A bank was commenced
some years ago with a similar intention with respect to Brent Moor, and more recently there was
a project on foot to fence in Dean Moor. One of the latest attempts at enclosing was made on
Holne Moore, where a small building was erected, but legal proceedings resulted in its removal.
This curtailment of the commoners’ rights by encroachment on the land is a very serious
matter, for the value of the pasturage on the Moor to numbers of small border farmers, and,
indeed, to all who live immediately around it, as well as to stock-breeders at a distance, who summer
their cattle upon it, can scarcely be over-estimated.
It is not sought to condemn the work of those who carried modern agricultural operations into
the Forest. Far from it. What is objected to is the unnecessary wholesale enclosure of land that
has been permitted. The Dartmoor Preservation Association has done excellent service in check
ing later attempts to encroach on the commoners’ rights, as well as in other directions, and has
thereby earned the gratitude of all who have an interest in the Moor.
We have not spoken of the prison enclosures at Princetown, nor of the artillery ranges near
Okehampton, both of which have deprived the commoners of much valuable pasturage; but it may
be said that the appropriation of such enormous tracts of land is contrary to all the usages of the
Forest. During nearly six hundred years of Dartmoor history we find that comparatively few en
closures were made, and those only of the customary limits, some not being more than a single
acre. It remained for modern times to witness that increase in their number and size which has
proved so detrimental to the rights of those entitled to use the Moor as a grazing ground. From
a question asked in the House of Commons, in August, 1898, by Mr. Seale-Hayne, we learn that over
15,000 acres of Dartmoor have been enclosed since 1820.
And now at the commencement of the 20th century a new danger threatens the commoners. Certain
sounds are in the air very disquieting to those who love Dartmoor for its charm of solitude and
old-world customs, and who value their ancient rights. The Military Manoeuvres Bill lately before
Parliament contained proposals that would sadly interfere with the exercise of the latter, and by which
the great lone land would be shorn of much of its attractiveness. The commoner—the man of
Devon—will yield to none in patriotism, and will be ready to make a sacrifice if the needs of the
country demand it, but he is surely entitled to more consideration than he would receive if the
contemplated measure were to become law.
It is to be hoped that the resolution recently passed by the committee of the Dartmoor Pre
servation Association will not be without effect, and that “ the War-office will so materially modify
the bill as to make it acceptable to all concerned. Then Dartmoor, as it has ever been, will still
be free to all, and the commoner will continue to exercise his rights without hindrance, “ according
to the custom of the Forest,” as he has done “ tyme owte of mynde."
VIII Social Matters of the i9th Century.
A DESERT SETTLEMENT, PRIMITIVE DWELLERS, RAILWAY AND PROGRESS, TYPICAL
MOORMEN, IMPROVED DWELLINGS, BETTER FOOD AND CLOTHING, CHANGE IN MODE
OF TRAVEL, THE FIRST CART, HUMOROUS EFFECT OF RAILLERY, POSTS AND
TELEGRAPHS, CHANGES AT CHAGFORD, EDUCATION, SOCIAL AMENITIES, THE PRINCE
CONSORT’S VISITS, ACCEPTANCE OF THE NEW ORDER.
New customs may the ancient mould
But scarce expel, so firm their hold;
And if of these we but retain
Such as are good, be ours the gain,
For oft no finer fruit we see
Than grows upon an ancient tree,
And grafting there some newer things,
True progress from the union springs.
THE PIONEERS.
Though Dartmoor remains an abiding place of many old-world customs, it can yet afford an
example of progress such as is not often met with. Within its boundaries a little town, formed
entirely since the early part of the 19th century, has become a centre where modern ideas are fostered,
and of sufficient importance to exercise an influence upon its surroundings.
In the immediate neighbourhood of Princetown what, almost within living memory, was
practically a desert is now a settled district, where the marks of advancement are plainly visible ;
and although the march has not been equally rapid in all the parts of the Moor where habitations
are found, still, everywhere there has been some progress in matters relating to the well-being
of the people.
To the enterprise of those who in past generations sought to carry agriculture into the Moor
much of the existing state of things is to be attributed.
While their objects were not fully
attained, they were not altogether barren of results.
They found the few inhabitants of the
Moor living in a primitive manner in dwellings widely scattered, and where society had before
scarcely an existence they were the means of forming little communities, and thus the initiative
to social progress was given.
During the first half of the century this was, however, only slow.
It was not until the railway touched its borders, almost simultaneously with the establish ment
of the convict prison at Princetown, that the state of society on Dartmoor became greatly changed.
(No insinuation is here intended; we speak of society outside the walls.) Since that time the
advancement has not ceased, and though in such a wild hill country it is only to be expected
that there will be found instances where its effects are not very perceptible at first, a closer
acquaintance will reveal that such are not altogether absent.
When we consider how much attached to old usages the Dartmoor dweller is, and the spirit
of independence that naturally belongs to a people living in such an isolated district, it is not
surprising that some should have been met with there who have not regarded the innovations
with favour, or, at all events, have viewed them with apathy.
We have known more than one instance of this. One inhabitant of our acquaintance was
particularly averse to anything that savoured of town life. Living for a time in a rude little
cabin, one side of which was formed by a hedge, and of which we have a vivid recollection, he
left the borders of the Moor and built himself a small house on the Forest. It was very seldom
that he left it, and when marketing, or such like, called him to Princetown he never remained
there longer than he was compelled, “for,” as he told us, “he couldn’ abide the town.”
obliged him.
Another whom we well remember continued to the last in the old way in which he had been
brought up, and rarely went further from his little home in a solitary valley than where his labour
We never heard him deride modern usages, but we noticed that he refrained from
adopting them.
Though a smoker, he used no matches, always carrying with him a flint and
steel and a piece of rag which had been steeped in a solution of saltpetre for tinder. He
dispensed altogether with the box, and we have seen him obtain a light for his pipe by wrapping
the rag round his finger and dexterously dropping the spark upon it. The flints he used were
probably the flakes or scrapers of a bygone age, which, as he informed us, he used to pick up
on the Moor. In his dress he was equally primitive.
Although we knew him for a good many years, we never saw him wear a coat. In its place
he was usually clad in a garment resembling a long, loose blouse, made of thick blanketing.
There were no buttons to trouble him; the collar was sufficiently large to permit of this sack
like dress being drawn over his head.
This, with a slouch hat, knee-breeches, and fustian
leggings, or “skiddybats,” as he called them, was his only garb; and no doubt he felt more
comfortable in it than he would have done in the best suit the most expensive tailor ever turned
out.
We have a recollection, too, of a silvery-haired patriarch, who lived in the neighbourhood
of Roborough Down, and whose travels never extended beyond a few miles from the place of his
birth.
Like the former, he disdained to adopt a modern style of dress, continuing to wear
breeches and stockings, and a wide-skirted coat. On our once chancing to speak to him of a
certain railway bridge, he said he knew nothing about it, and as for the train, he had “never
zeed ’un.”
Though we might multiply these instances, it is yet true that, speaking generally, the
inhabitants of the Moor, though retaining much of the manner that is old, have not been slow
to recognise the advantages to be derived from adopting many of the ways that are new.
Considerable improvement is to be observed on Dartmoor, as in other rural districts, in the
housing of the people. Examples of the former state of things, of course, are not wanting; but
in all the more recent erections attention has been given to various details upon which the earlier
builders bestowed no thought, while in many of the older dwellings various alterations have
been made to adapt them to modern requirements.
Some of the houses belonging to the ancient Forest tenements have during recent years been
rebuilt, and though, from an antiquarian point of view, the disappearance of the old structures
is to be regretted, it must be admitted that the work was needed, age and decay having rendered
them unfit for habitation.
On the borders of the Moor, too, the rough stone walls and coverings
of thatch are here and there gradually giving place to neater masonry and slated roofs.
But it is not to be imagined that because in a few cases rebuilding has been necessary, the
Quaint old border farmhouses are becoming things of the past. Such is by no means the case,
and it will probably be many a long year before they begin to yield to decay, so substantially
are they built.
What has been effected is the erection of an occasional house in the place of
one altogether past repair; the sweeping away of hovels in some of the Moor villages; and
the improvement in a number of cases of labourers’ dwellings.
The houses at Princetown are, of course, of an altogether different kind, and within the
past few years yet another class of dwelling has found a place on Dartmoor. The bringing of the
Moor by the railway within easy reach of the outer world has caused several to seek upon it a
summer resting-place, and in certain spots, in what may be termed the enclosed part of Dartmoor,
attractive residences are to be seen.
A new class of society has thus sprung into existence
on the Moor, which, though migratory, is not without its influence on the inhabitants.
A similar improvement in the matters of food, clothing, and wages to that which has taken
place in the agricultural districts of the county has been witnessed on the Moor. The days
when the newtake-wall builder, or the peat-cutter, was content to carry with him a piece of
raw bacon for his midday meal are past, and even the same kind of meat, though nicely cooked,
would not be looked upon with favour if it chanced to be what he calls “risty,” that is, strongly
flavoured, but which was not objected to by the labourer of a generation ago. Of butcher’s
meat he cannot have a great deal, but he certainly would not think of doing entirely without it.
He has heard of barley bread, but has never seen any unless he be an old man, and then it was a
long while since.
Except in the most out-of-the-way parts of the Moor, the baker from the nearest market
town finds him out and supplies him with bread, or, when the good wife bakes her own, with
flour.
The grocer’s van is also regular in its calls upon him, and every border village has its
own little store, where all that he requires can generally be obtained.
The shops in the market
towns supply the Moor farmer and the labourer with their boots and clothing, the latter being
now very seldom made at home, as was formerly the case.
It used to be the custom when clothes were required by the farmer or his family to buy the
necessary length of cloth, and then to employ a tailor from the neighbouring village to come
to the house and make the garments there. In addition to his pay, his board was found him,
and sometimes his visit would last for several days.
The village cordwainer, too, is disappearing before the march of “ready-made” boots, or,
when he exists, is more often only “a mender of soles.” When he made the Moormen’s boots,
however, he did not put the finishing touch to them; the blacksmith did that.
The latter
received them from the maker, or from the owner, when newly completed, and fitted them with
iron plates, in order that they might stand rough wear, and this was called “tackling.” We have
known boots to be made at a little thatched house on the Forest, and they were invariably sent
to the nearest smithy, a distance of four miles, in order to undergo this necessary process.
In the mode of travelling, perhaps, as great a change has been witnessed as in any
direction.
The pack-horse and the pillion are seen no more; wheeled conveyances have taken
their place, and on every farm carts are used in the fields, and the spring “trap” carries the
farmer’s wife to the weekly market.
But this change, even after good roads crossed the Moor, and became general on its confines,
was a very gradual one. The first cart introduced into the parish of Ugborough remained
for some time the only one there; and in Peter Tavy an incident is still related shewing that
the new mode of conveying loads was not regarded with favour at the outset.
A farmer of that parish, whose enterprise carried him to the length of buying a cart, was
so unmercifully bantered by his neighbours that he soon repented his bargain. Being on the
Moor one day after peat (and, by the way, wheels are not easily driven among the turf-ties), the
raillery of his companions so annoyed the good man that, unharnessing his horse, he turned
the cart, over into a tie, and, covering it with peat, left it there to rot.* But though slow in
establishing itself, the wheeled conveyance gradually gained in favour when the first prejudice
was overcome, and when its advantages were fully recognised its use became general.
To-day intelligence from all parts of the world reaches the heart of Dartmoor just as speedily
as it does any other place in the kingdom. But how different was this a hundred years ago.
Even when the 19th century was well advanced it would appear that news, though of national
importance, penetrated very slowly to some of the more remote parts of the Moorland district.
It is related that in Bridford, a small village in the hill country bordered by the Teign, and
which De la Beche remarks is geologically and geographically a part of Dartmoor, the death of
George III. was not heard of until some six or eight weeks after it had taken place.
Letters had to be fetched from the post-office in the market-towns, it being customary in
some cases to expose those that had arrived in the window, so that callers from the villages might
not only be able to see whether there were any letters for themselves, but also for their
neighbours.
Now there is a convenient service on the Moor, and one may post at a wall-box
in places where not so very long since only a few ancient farmhouses were to be seen. Not
much over a mile from the entrance to the well-known Tavy Cleave he may do this, and if he
chanced to reside even quite close to that rocky defile he would find the postman regularly bring
him his letters.
There has, of course, been telegraphic communication with Princetown for a great number
of years, and it has recently been extended to other parts of the Moorland district. In
September, 1899, it was opened with Post Bridge, and two months later with the border
village of Manaton.
When the “Perambulation” of the Rev. Samuel Rowe was published, in 1848, the little town
of Chagford seems to have been a somewhat different sort of place from what it is at present.
Then, that writer tells us, a post-chaise at the door of the Three Crowns was sufficiently an object
of wonder to attract a group of rustic onlookers.
several years.
Now a coach runs regularly between that
place and the railway terminus at Moretonhampstead, a few miles distant, and has done for
During the summer season Chagford is full of visitors, and can boast of good
hotels and boarding-houses.
The air of picturesque informality in its appearance, of which Mr.
Rowe speaks, has certainly not altogether vanished, but it is not so striking as in his time, or
within our own recollection.
And the quaint costumes of the ancient dames, to which he also
alludes, are no longer to be seen in the street, or at church, modern fashions in dress having
taken their place.
The change in the order of things at Chagford has not only been very great, but rapid also.
The primitive little place of thirty or forty years ago has become a noted resort of the tourist,
possessing among other things a good library, for which it is indebted to the fostering care of
Mr. Holmes, whose work as librarian has been ungrudgingly given. The town has shown itself
ambitious, too, for a few years since it witnessed the installation of the electric light.
Thus
Chagford in one respect has outstripped the capital of the Moor, for Princetown has still to be
content with gas.
The scene of this occurrence is stated to have been Langstone Moor, on the right bank of the Walkham. and
the chief actor in it was William Reep, who, at the time, resided at Cox Tor Farm, and afterwards at Hill Town,
both in the parish of Peter Tavy. He died suddenly about forty years ago, whilst on his way home from Peter Tavy Church.
Educational facilities are not wanting on Dartmoor. The voluntary schools, managed by the
rector and a committee, and which are situated at Post Bridge and Huccaby, provide accommodation
for the children living in the central part of the Moor. At Princetown the children attend the
Prison Officers’ National School; this is under the management of the governor of the prison and a
committee of the officials. Those living on Walkhampton Common and around Merivale and
Rundle Stone mostly attend the Foggintor Mission Hall, School. The only Board school in the
parish is at Lydford village. During the winter classes are held under the auspices of the
Princetown District Technical Education Committee, and excellent work in carpentry and wood
carving is often executed by the students.
The prison officers have a good library, and a recreation-room, and in the latter concerts
and entertainments of various kinds are given during the long winter months; they have also
a quadrille class, and hold occasional dances. At Post Bridge, Huccaby, Widecombe, and many
other of the Moorland villages, a concert often helps to enliven the dreary season, and forms a far
more rational mode of amusement than the fiddling and cudgelling bouts of former days.
Princetown is not dependent entirely upon the good offices of its amateur performers, as it is
occasionally visited by a professional company. In the summer a sufficiency of amusements suitable
to the season are also provided, the Princetown Lawn Tennis Club and the Dartmoor Prison Officers’
Cricket Club being especially popular.
On the ground of the latter is a pavilion of granite erected
by the directors of his Majesty’s convict department, and the field is also used for fetes. There
are also cricket and football grounds on the edges of several of the commons, as well as golf links.
At Princetown various societies exist such as are usually found in towns or large villages having
any pretensions to progress. Among them are associations of the two political parties, and a
co-operative society; there is also a lodge of the Freemasons. In a town where there are such a
number of Government officials it is obvious there will be frequent changes among its residents.
The departure of such as have been particularly prominent in good work during their sojourn on
the Moor is not generally permitted to take place without a public farewell, and these social
gatherings are characterised by great warmth of feeling. That this should be so is only what might
be expected in a town where the conditions of life tend to create among the inhabitants a more than
ordinary interest in its welfare. Each regards the other as his neighbour, and thus the ties that
bind the community are strong.
The desires that animated the settlers of a hundred years ago, when Sir Francis Buller insti
tuted the friendly gatherings of his workpeople at Prince Hall, still exist, and the little town which
indirectly sprung from such a small beginning, continues to flourish in the midst of the desert.
Local matters of a public nature tending to the well-being of the inhabitants of the Forest
Quarter of Lydford parish receive full attention. A work of considerable importance was undertaken
some three years ago by the Parish Council. This comprised an extensive system of sewerage for
Princetown, in connection with which an aqueduct of eleven arches has been thrown over the Blacka-
brook. A scheme for a supply of water to the town has also engaged the attention of the Council.
The Prince Consort took a great interest in Dartmoor and in the welfare of Princetown, visiting
the latter place on two separate occasions. The first was in 1846, when operations were in progress
at the Naphtha Works, over which he was shown by Mr. Stockman, the manager. Mr. Charles
Barrington, who at that time resided at Brimpts, just within the south-eastern border of the Forest,
met the Prince, who was on his way to the Prison from Ashburton, at Dartmeet. While they
were talking together they heard the salute fired at Plymouth on the arrival there of Queen Victoria.
The Prince was on a yachting tour with Her Majesty at the time, and had left the Royal yacht in
order to visit the Moor. The Prince during his brief stay in the Moorland capital was a guest at the
Duchy Hotel, It was six years later in 1852 when the Prince again visited the little town, his
purpose on that occasion being to inspect the Prison, which had then quite recently been opened
as a convict depot.
Various suggestions had been made from time to time as to what purpose the old war prison
should be put to, and it is said that it was by the advice of the Prince that a former proposal to use
it as a place of detention for convicts was adopted. Preparations for their reception were com
menced in 1850, and the first governor of the depot was Captain Gambier. On the occasion
of this second visit Nathaniel Mill, who had charge of the Dartmoor section of the Devonport
leat, had the honour of presenting His Royal Highness with a dish of trout which he had caught for
him, and was rewarded by the gift of a sovereign.
The changes which the last hundred years have wrought upon the state of society on Dartmoor
are doubly a matter for congratulation, for while they have been elevating they have also been
effected without sweeping away the older characteristics of the inhabitants.
Much of what the Moor farmer and labourer have seen introduced has compelled them to
acknowledge the superiority of “ in-country ” modes, but such has aroused no feelings of discontent.
They still love the rugged land of their birth as much as they ever did, and while they are willing
to adopt the manners of the lowlands, have no desire to leave their country of rock and bog. They
are grateful for the new order of things, but never despise the old.
You may learn from some of the more aged, if you will, what the Moor was like in their youth;
but they do not tell you of the changes that have taken place upon it as though they regretted
them. They delight to talk of the times gone by, yet seem to recognise that they lacked many of
the benefits that the present state of society confers.
IX .—Hunting in the Moor Country.
EARLY TRADITIONS-SIR FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE STAG-TOR NAMES—A ROYAL HUNT
ING-GROUND-EARLY HUNTS-THE LAST DEER-THE FIRST FOX-ARSCOTT OF
TETCOTT-SIR JOHN ROGERS-MID-DEVON HUNT-FURLONG HARRIERS—SOUTH
DEVON HOUNDS-TOM FRENCH-A FRENCH FOX—DARTMOOR GREYHOUND—ASHBURTON
HARRIERS—DART VALE HARRIERS-BRIMPTS MEETINGS-THE DARTMOOR HOUNDS—
MODBURY HARRIERS-OTTER HOUNDS-LAMERTON HOUNDS-DEVONSHIRE SPORTSMEN.
Unrivalled in beauty and kennelled in rocks,
As King of the Forest I honour the fox;
He recks not of law, and he plunders amain
Whatever is dainty on hillside or plain;
As wild as the winds and as swift his career,
’Tis a sharp pack will carry this bold buccaneer;
But vengeance, though tardy, will come to his door,
And his doom be denounced on the rugged Dartmoor.
REV. E. W. L. DAVIES.
The earliest traditions belonging to Dartmoor are connected with hounds and hunting, and
such is also the case with some of a later date. An exemplar of the central figure in many of the
German legends is found in the Wish Huntsman, who is said to haunt the old Forest, and who,
when the storm is raging, may be heard at the dead of night urging on his hounds, the cracking of
his whip sounding above the howling of the wind.
It is also told how a single black hound roams constantly over the Moor, though he is never
seen except after nightfall. The story of Childe of Plymstock, old even when Risdon wrote early in
the 17th century, is of a hunter who perished in a snowstorm in a solitary Dartmoor valley. Every
night Lady Howard, in the form of a spectral hound, sets out from the gate of Fitsford, near
Tavistock, on her weary journey across Black Down and Prewley Moor to Okehampton Park to
bring thence a blade of grass, which she is doomed to do until the end of time.
Among the traditionary stories related of Sir Francis Drake, the scenes of some of which are
laid on Dartmoor and its western borders, is one which tells how that famous knight was pursued by
a stag (the animal thus reversing the usual order of the chase) and compelled to seek refuge
among the boughs of an oak in the grounds of Buckland Abbey.
HUNTING IN THE MOOR COUNTRY.
85
Some of the Dartmoor tors, it is thought, have obtained their names in consequence
of a connection with the chase. Thus it has been suggested that such rock piles as Hart Tor, Doe
Tor, Fox Tor, and Hare Tor were formerly noted haunts of deer and of the lesser animals whose
names they bear. But while this is much more likely to be correct than the supposition that these
tors were so called because of a fancied resemblance to the forms of those animals, it is in an even
greater degree probable that in most cases the names are merely corruptions of older ones, the
meaning of which has been lost.
At the same time it is possible that the former explanation is the right one in some instances,
for several of the Dartmoor tors really do bear comparatively modern names that suitably describe
their nature or appearance. But whatever our ideas may be as to the reason why the animals re
ferred to are associated with certain of the hills and tors of the Moor, we at all events know that
they have made the “old, wild forest” their home for centuries, and have been objects of concern
to the hunter.
When we first hear of Dartmoor it is as a hunting-ground of the King, and although Royalty
does not now join in the chase over its bare hills and through its rocky glens, and the hounds
no longer rouse the lordly stag from the border coverts, it is still, as it has been through the cen
turies, the scene of many an exhilarating run, and the silence of the waste is yet often broken by
the sound of the huntsman’s horn.
The connection of Dartmoor with the chase in early times is frequently shown in ancient
land tenures, and there are also allusions in various documents to the deer upon it. The lands of
David of Sciredun were held by him conditionally upon his finding two arrows when the King
hunted on Dartmoor; Odo Arch and Walter de Bromhall held lands in Droscumb subject to finding
a bow and three arrows; and two arrows and an oat cake were also to be supplied by William de
Albemarle in return for his manor of Loston.
The Forest perambulators of 1609 report that William Chastie “ kild a stagge with a pece or gun ”
on Dartmoor, for Sir Thomas Wise, of Sydenham. In the Pipe Rolls it is set forth how one Nicholas
Payne, being appointed “to make provycon of fresh meate” for the use of Prince Charles, son of
James I., on his homeward voyage from Spain, in 1623, sent out, among other things, “ three
stagges and fewer buckes from the foreste of Dartmore ”; in 1627 several deponents in a suit
in which the rector of Lydford was the defendant, refer to the deer, which do not then appear to
have been very abundant, and the Rev. George Lyde, vicar of Widecombe at the time of the great
storm in 1638, also mentions them in a poem that he has left us.
In the 18th century deer did such injury to the crops on the borders of the Moor in the neigh
bourhood of Tavistock, that, as we learn from Mrs. Bray, the farmers petitioned the Duke of
Bedford to get rid of them, and his grace accordingly sent his staghounds down from Woburn, and
it is said the deer were extirpated. But Miss Rachel Evans in her book on “ Tavistock and Its
Vicinity” says, though we do not know on what authority, that the last herd of deer (presumably
in that district) was driven during a hard winter on to the frozen surface of the Tamar, and the
animals were drowned by the breaking of the ice. This was the work of farmers, whose motives,
however, were not only to prevent further havoc being wrought in their fields, but also to vent their
spleen against the master of the hounds to whom they had taken a dislike. Miss Evans states
that the event occurred about fifty years before she wrote, which was in 1846.
But, as far as recorded, 1780 was the year in which the last deer was killed by hounds on Dart
moor, for information relative to which subject we are indebted to Mr. E. Fearnley Tanner. We
learn from him that in the latter part of the 17th century kennels were built at the old Manor
House of Brook, between Buckfastleigh and Holne (the house bears the date 1666, but thia was a
restoration only) and a regular pack of stout, deeply-flowed hounds tradition says of the bloodhound
type, was kept for staghunting. Previous to this red deer were hunted on Dartmoor not by an
86
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
organised pack, but rather as occasion offered. In the entrance hall of Brook are eight sets of
antlers, and the latest in date has this inscription under it: “This stag was roused in Brook Wood,
and killed after a very fine chase of 5 1/2 hours, by the hounds of Bidlake Herring, Esq., September
17th. 1780.”
Deer do not, however, seem to have entirely disappeared from Dartmoor till some time after
the above date, if Cooke is correct. Writing about 1805, he says that they were then nearly ex
terminated, but that some from the Moor had entered Boringdon Park within a few years
previously, and had remained there with the fallow deer during several months.
But stragglers from the North of Devon have since Occasionally visited the Moor. Mrs. Bray,
writing in 1832, mentions that such was the case in her neighbourhood, and in Bellamy’s “ Natural
History of South Devon ” it is stated that deer had sometimes been observed in the vicinity of
Ashburton, and that one was hunted near that town about 1836. In December, 1882, a stag was
found by the Modbury Harriers at Leigh Wood, near Gara Bridge, on the Avon. It was run to
Stowford Cleaves, above Ivybridge, and thence for some distance across the Moor, being eventually
lost near Meavy. Within the past nine years deer have been seen in Buckland Woods, on the
Dart; also on Hembury, in the same neighbourhood, and on the side of Cos don, in the north of
Dartmoor. Mr. C. F. Burnard also saw one a few years ago while fishing near Swincombe, in the
heart of the Moor.
In 1892 two hinds and a fawn, which had been seen for some time previously in Buckland
Woods, were roused by the Dart Vale Harriers, and driven up the Widecombe Valley; and deer
have also been observed there more recently. In 1898, several having harboured in these woods,
which belong to Mr. Bastard, a revival of staghunting on Dartmoor was attempted. Sir John
Amory’s staghounds were brought down, and a meet took place at Welstor Cross, about two miles
from Ashburton. But the hopes which had been formed were doomed to disappointment. A
numerous field assembled, but no deer could be found, although one old resident affirmed that stags
had been in the coverts for ten years. Mr. Ian Amory, the Master of the staghounds, tried the
woods on each side of the Dart, but there was no result, and thus the latest chapter in the history
of hunting the red deer on Dartmoor ended.
Although the absence of sufficient cover in the central portion of the Moor renders it unlikely
that deer have been very numerous there during the past two or three centuries, upon its fringe are
thickly-wooded valleys, affording suitable harbours, and here there is no reason to doubt they were
abundant. But it is said that they became scarce towards the end of the 18th century in conse
quence of the troubles of our Continental wars, making farm produce so valuable that farmers could
not submit to their depredations, and, furthermore, the limits of cultivation became so widely
extended that they invaded the feeding grounds of the deer. These changes led to their slaughter
by other means than by hounds, with the result that before the close of the century the chase of the
red deer on Dartmoor had become a thing of the past.
The fox, like the deer, has also been hunted for a considerable time on Dartmoor, and has now
usurped the place of the latter in the chase. He is mentioned among the animals hunted in the
country watered by the Tavy, in an old poem called “ Tavestock’s Encomium,’ considered, accord
ing to Mrs. Bray, to have been written by a schoolmaster of that town in the latter part of the
reign of Charles II.
But Masters of Hounds in the last century did not confine themselves to hunting Reynard
solely.
Mr. Arscott, of Tetcott, immortalised in the old Devonshire ballad, kept no less than three
packs—staghounds, foxhounds, and harriers—his country extending over the Moors of
Holsworthy and Broadbury. This wild district was in his time almost one with Dartmoor, and,
indeed, for some period subsequently.
From Cooke’s "Topographical Survey of Devon” we learn that in the early years of the
HUNTING IN THE MOOR COUNTRY.
strangers.
87
19th century the country north of Tavistock and towards Launceston, and also eastward to the
immediate environs of Okehampton, was one great stretch of Moorland, extending from the skirts
of Dartmoor to the uncultivated hills of Cornwall; for although the tract was strewed with plots
of reclaimed land, there was no regular line of separation between the two upland regions.
Tn the days of Arscott, of Tetcott, the management of a pack of hounds was not quite the same
thing it is today. Mr. C. A. Harris, in his “ Letters on the Foxhounds of Devonshire,” tells us that
the value of an intelligent whipper-in was ignored, and that “ a burly groom, with a powerful arm
to crack a hunting-whip of the size and shape of a flail,” was deemed all sufficient. There was a
coarseness, too, among the hunting men of that time to which those of the present day are happily
Then “sportsmen of degree sat down to dinner in greasy leather breeches, tattered
slippers, and with loosened shirt collars, to facilitate the process of deglutition”; and with such
an example set them it is scarcely to be wondered at that “brutality in word and deed—and an
incessant noise—characterised the old Devonshire huntsman and his assistant.” Social and educa
tional progress has left all this behind.
The first Dartmoor fox of which we have any record in the 19th century was unseen—only
his footprints being observable, which he had left, not on the sands of time, but on the black, peaty
bottom of Cranmere Pool, where they were discovered by Mr. E. A. Bray in September, 1802.
Cranmere, though still called a pool, is now merely a hollow in the midst of the fen, the greater part
of the bottom of which is covered with coarse vegetation, and it is incapable of holding water, there
being a breach in the bank on the northern edge. The cause of the latter is explained in
various ways, one being that the bank was dug through in consequence of a hunted fox having
gone to earth there. However this may be, it would appear that the breach was made subsequently
to Mr. Bray’s visit, for though he remarks that the pool was then dry, he speaks of its capability of
holding water to a depth of six or eight feet.
Down to less than a hundred years ago packs of hounds seem to have been very numerous,
but were kept on an entirely different plan from that of modern days. In the records of Fardel
Manor, on the southern confines of the Moor, and now the property of Mr. J. D. Pode, of Slade,
there is evidence of this, and Mr. Pode states that it appears that every house of any pretension in
that neighbourhood—Delamore, Blachford, Fardel, Slade, Goodamoor—had its pack of hounds.
There is no doubt that the records of other manors on the Moorland borders would show a similar
state of things.
The only pack of hounds kept within the Forest of which we have any report was, according to
a story still current in the neighbourhood, kennelled at Babeny, and belonged to Sir John Rogers, of
Blachford.
That Sir John was connected with that place is certain, for Mr. Robert Burnard has
ascertained that he was admitted tenant of two ancient tenements there on the 17th March, 1814.
But what appears strange is that he did not hold them, for almost immediately after his admission
he surrendered them to another. Sir John finds a place in a lyrical account of a chase and a
dinner of the Chulmleigh Hunt Club, in the year above-named, written by Mr. George Templet.
In addition to the fox, the hare and the otter are also hunted on Dartmoor, its early traditions
being thus well maintained.
For a considerable time the Moor country has been partitioned for hunting purposes into four
districts, but these correspond only in a slight degree with the ancient quarters of the Forest.
What for convenience sake may be termed the northern district, but which excludes much of the north
quarter at the same time taking in a considerable portion of the east quarter, belongs to the Mid-
Devon Hunt. It comprehends that portion of Northern Dartmoor lying to the eastward of the
West Ockment, and of a line drawn by Kneeset to Out Lane and the East Dart, which stream
becomes the boundary to Post Bridge, where the Moreton road acts as a dividing line between it
and the eastern district,
88
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
Until recently Mr. Hayter-Hames and Mr. Windham H. Holley wore joint Masters of the Mid
Devon Hounds; but the present Master is Mr. Gilbert Spiller, of Eaglehurst, Chagford.
The
bounds are kennelled at Holy Street, and not very far from the picturesque old mansion of that name.
The country which they hunt comprises some of the very wildest on the whole of Dartmoor,
including within its area the dreary recesses around East Dart Head and Cranmere, amid which,
without a perfect knowledge of the district, it would be impossible for a rider to follow hounds. It
is only in a few places that it becomes possible for horses to cross the great expanses of boggy land;
hence the best thing for a stranger to do is to endeavour to follow some member of the field who, he
is satisfied, knows the ground.
The Furlong Harriers also hunt this side of the Moor, the Master being Mr. William Bragg,
whose family have kept hounds for a longer period than any other in the Dartmoor country, and
probably in the whole of Devon. In the 17th century Mr. Bragg’s ancestor (his great-grandfather
once removed) had a few couple of hounds, and with others used to hunt the deer, fox, otter, and
hare on the Moor. Notes on the hunting of that period made by this Dartmoor Nimrod, and going
back to 1600, were unfortunately destroyed by fire a few years ago.
His son, the present Mr. Bragg’s great-grandfather, also kept hounds in the first half of the
18th century, and his mantle fell upon his son, Mr. George Bragg, who formed a pack at Moreton-
hampstead in 1793. In 1822 he gave the hounds to the Rev. W. Clack, who kept them at the
Rectory, and they were afterwards hunted by his son and Colonel Stevenson. Mr. Clack’s son, who
was an uncle of Mr. William Bragg, was for many years the rector of Moreton, and died there in
December, 1900.
The pack was subsequently given up, and in 1857 Mr. Westlake took up his residence at Sandy
Park, near Chagford and hunted the South Devon Hounds until 1865. After that Mr. Bragg’s father
and uncle kept a pack of harriers, and at the death of the former in 1869 the latter continued to
hunt them, but changed the pack to foxhounds about 1878.
True to the traditions of his family, the present representative, who has kindly furnished us
with these particulars, continues to keep harriers, and, known by the name of his estate—Furlong,
in the parish of Drewsteignton—this fine pack shows many a good day’s sport among the wild hills
and rocky combes of the old Moor.
That this keen sportsman should have a desire that his son should keep hounds after him is but
natural, and none on the Chagford countryside would wish otherwise. But they will, nevertheless,
continue to hope that the Furlong Harriers will know no other Master than their present one for a
long while to come.
The eastern part of the Moor is hunted by the South Devon Hounds, their country lying south
of the Moreton-road, and extending westward to the Dart, thus embracing the great ridge of Hamel-
don, the Widecombe valley, and the range of common land around Hey Tor.
The earliest Master of Hounds of note, hunting this distict during the present century, was one
who has been spoken of as the favoured and favourite sportsman, anywhere and everywhere, Mr.
George Tempter, of Stover. In conjunction with his friends, Mr. Harry Taylor and Mr. Russell, it
is said that he brought hunting to a state of perfection such as had scarcely ever been attained. So
perfect was his mode of tuition that each hound comprehended every inflection of his voice, every
note of his horn and wave of his hand. He exhibited such a scientific control over them that
sterner discipline was unnecessary to ensure their obedience. Mr. Tempter also kept a pack
of well-bred little beagles, known as the “ Let-em-alones,” immortalised by their master in a poem
called “The Chase,” written by him in 1822.
Genial and kind, George Tempter was beloved by all with whom he came in contact, but to his
sporting friends, to whom he was best known, he especially endeared himself. On Mr. Tempter
giving up keeping hounds his country was hunted by Sir Walter Carew, to whom he gracefully
HUNTING IN THE MOOR COUNTRY.
89
and feelingly alludes in some verses addressed to his “Old Horn,” and which were recited by
him at a gathering of sportsmen, at Chulmleigh, the Hon. Newton Fellowes being in the chair. His
treasured horn, his gallant hounds, his steed lying beneath the mountain heather, and his departed
friends in their “ deep and dreamless sleeping,” were all remembered in those farewell verses, and
when his voice ceased there was not one in that company of gallant followers of hounds in whose
eye the tear-drop did not stand.
This district was also the scene of the operations of Tom French, of Widecombe, who early in
the 19th century waged war against the foxes in the neighbourhood of his home. According to the
Rev. E. W. L. Davies, the author of “Dartmoor Days,” Mr. John Bulteel is said to have turned
loose a number of French and English foxes on Dartmoor.
The farmers around
Widecombe suffering considerably from their depredations, it was decided that endeavours
should be made to exterminate them, and to Tom French was the task entrusted.
To this he applied himself diligently, hunting the “varmints” with a few hounds and terriers, and
when, after a long time, he found that he had gained the end in view, he also discovered that he
had acquired a great liking for the chase. There being now no further support from the farmers,
Tom’s occupation was gone, but he was still determined upon the gratification of his new taste. He
soon became an ardent follower of hounds, and was always a great favourite with the gentlemen of
the hunt.
Possibly the descendants of some of the animals which Tom French at first so ruthlessly pursued
are still found on the Moor. At all events, the fox in the southern portion of Dartmoor is said to
be of Continental extraction, and is often spoken of as a French fox. He is different in appear
ance from the fox of northern Dartmoor, being smaller and of a redder colour. Mr. C. A. Harris
describes the Moor fox of the latter district as high on leg, wiry, and powerful; a most redoubtable
customer to meet at any time, and an animal unknown to the eastward. “ He is not to be handled
after a thirty minutes’ burst, but requires a long, stern chase at very great speed.”
As pointed out in the chapter on wild quadrupeds in Rowe’s “Perambulation,” “the necessity
for travelling long distances and the rough climate has led, by the survival of the fittest, in the
matter of foxes, to the formation of almost a special breed in the Dartmoor highlands, having
distinct peculiarities.” Among hunting men this fox is known as the Dartmoor greyhound, and the
fox of Broadbury, the country of Arscott, of Tetcott, as the Broadbury tiger.
The South Devon Hounds are hunted in a double pack, and the Masters are Mr. W. M. G.
Singer and Mr. Robert Vicary. Members of this hunt will long remember James Collings, who
for fourteen years acted as huntsman, and who was unfortunately killed while endeavouring to
unearth a fox in Buckland Woods in December, 1898.
The Ashburton Harriers and the Dart Vale Harriers hunt the Moor country around Wide
combe and Holne, and both packs are exceedingly popular. Mr. G. Standish Jackson is the
Master of the former, and Mr. W. Phillips the Master of the latter. Mr. Phillips took charge of
the pack in 1900, in succession to Mr. T. Maye, who had hunted the country for a considerable time.
The annual hunt weeks in connection with these packs bring together a large number of
sportsmen from different parts of the county, as well as from Cornwall. On the finishing day of
the Ashburton Week, in March of 1900, grand sport was witnessed, and the hunt dinner was
afterwards held at the Globe Hotel, Ashburton.
During the Dartmoor Week the head-quarters of the hunt are at the Duchy Hotel, Princetown,
and the Dart Vale Harriers meet in the immediate neighbourhood two days out of the four over
which the assemblage extends, alternately with another pack—usually Mr. Nethertons.
This
pleasant fixture takes place in the month of April, and on the concluding day, the Friday, the
meet is always at Bellaford Tor, and forms the great holiday of the year for the Dartmoor
folk
It is invariably numerously attended, hundreds of visitors flocking to the tor At this
90
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR
annual picnic on old “Believer,” in 1901, the field was probably the largest ever known there, it
was considered that fully a thousand persons were present, more than five hundred of them being
mounted, while vehicles of every description were to be seen on the slopes around the tor.
Handled by George Perry, the huntsman, the harriers showed splendid sport. At one time
during the day the pack divided, five and a half couple hunting one hare, and the remainder of
the pack giving their attention to another. Both were run into, a circumstance never before
known in the annals of the Dart Vale Hunt.
In an account of the hunting on this side of the Moor, brief though it be, it is impossible to omit
mention of “the happy Brimpts’ meetings,' so charmingly described in the Rev. E. W. L. Davies'
poem of “ Dartmoor Days.” At that place, “ a hall of no pretence or fame,' a joyous set, num
bering among them some of the most famous sportsmen of the time, were, years ago, wont to
resort.
The days were passed in the pleasures of the chase, and each evening, when the grim old
Moor was wrapped in darkness, witnessed a cheerful gathering round the glowing peat..
The south quarter of the Forest and the commons bordering upon it are included in the
country of the Dartmoor Hounds, the present Master of which is Mr. William Coryton, of High
lands, Ivybridge, and the hounds are kennelled at Woodlands, which is not far distant. Prior
to about 1828 this country was hunted by Mr. Pode, of Slade, and on that gentleman giving up
keeping hounds, it was transferred to Mr. John King, of Fowlescombe, and Mr. John Bulteel, of
Lyneham. The former, a shrewd and observant sportsman, who well knew the nature and habits
of the fox, died at the age of 73, in his .saddle, on Dartmoor. His friend, Mr. George Tempter,
had, in a poem given him the title of “ King of the West,” and by this he was long known in
the county.
His association with Mr. Bulteel was only of a temporary nature, and the latter
continued to hunt the country alone.
The mainstay of the Lyneham Hounds, as we learn from Mr. C. A. Harris, was Mr. Charles
Trelawny, and he at length became Mr. Bulteel’s successor. None among the lovers of the chase in
the Westcountry have been more widely known than Mr. Trelawny—the Squire, as he was always
termed. For years he was a familiar figure in the streets of Plymouth, and like another veteran,
Mr. J. R. Newcombe, lessee of the Theatre Royal, might often have been seen, with bespattered
tops and buckskins, riding slowly through the town at the close of a day’s hunting.
Men who knew nothing whatever of field sports took some sort of an interest in the achieve
ments of Mr. Trelawny’s Hounds, impelled thereto by the personal popularity of their owner.
When he became a Master of foxhounds, hunting in that part of South Devon over which his
country extended appeared to be on the decline. An authority has stated that he was the only man
who had a chance to avert this. That he did so is now a matter of history, and the epoch of the
Squire will always rank as one of the most popular in the annals of hunting in the West.
Of that other ardent follower of hounds, Mr. J. R. Newcombe, the memory is also yet green.
Tough and agile as a youth almost to the last, the longest day’s run on Dartmoor could not tire
him. Often when billed to appear on his own stage has he ridden direct from the field to the
theatre, and resigning his horse to the care of John Blower, hastened to his dressing-room, and
within a very short time bounded on to the boards, to all appearances as fresh as though he had
been taking his ease during the day, instead of having spent it in the saddle. The effects of rain or
snow never laid him up or caused him to disappoint an audience. A closely-fitting suit of chamois
leather worn next the skin, and a strong constitution, enabled him to defy the bitterest Moorland
storm, and to regularly appear for many years in the hunting-field and on the stage.
On Mr. Trelawny relinquishing the hounds in 1874 the country was hunted by Captain Munro,
and also by Admiral Parker, of Delamore, and subsequently by Mr. William Coryton, the pack
being appropriately named the Dartmoor Hounds. That the district should possess a Master of
bounds so universally popular as he has become is a matter for congratulation. Mr. Coryton not
BECKY FALLS
HUNTING IN THE MOOR COUNTRY.
93
only worthily maintains the reputation of his family as true sportsmen, but also the traditions that
cluster round the country over which he has assumed the management.
It has, however, lately been found necessary to reduce the number of hunting days to two a
week, and twenty-three and a half couple of hounds from the Dartmoor kennel were consequently
sold in May, 1901, at Rugby. The entered hounds averaged twenty-two guineas a couple, and
the unentered fifteen guineas a couple, the total amount realised being four hundred and fifty
guineas.
The Modbury Harriers, the Master of which is Mr. W. Gage Hodge, sometimes hunt the
southern borders of the Moor, the annual meet on Boxing-day at the Western Beacon, above Ivy
bridge, always drawing a numerous field, and being regarded in the neighbourhood as a holiday
event. The south-western part of Dartmoor was formerly hunted by the Roborough Harriers, the
Master being Mr. King, who, however, relinquished them about 1867. Part of the same country is
now hunted by Mr. Sperling’s Harriers.
The Dartmoor Otter Hounds are also kept in the southern country—at Glazebrook, near South
Brent, and, under the Mastership of Major Green, have become extremely popular. They can
claim to be the oldest existing pack of otter hounds in Devonshire, and probably in England.
The originator was Mr. Pode, mentioned above in connection with the pack from which has
sprung the present Dartmoor Foxhounds. With that pack he also hunted the otter, and this was
continued to be done by Mr. Bulteel, Mr. Trelawny, and their successors. But during the Master
ship of Admiral Parker the otter hunt was separated from the fox hunt, Mr. Gage Hodge becoming
Master of the former. He soon revived the old glories, killing seventeen otters in his first season.
At his death in 1892 he was succeeded by the present Master.
The country lying to the westward of that of the Mid-Devon Hunt, and bounded on the south
by the road running from Post Bridge to the borders of the Moor beyond Princetown, is hunted by
Mr. S. Adams, Master of the Lamerton Hounds. Mr. Bray, father of the Rev. E. A. Bray,
used many years ago to hunt a part of this district, keeping a pack
of hounds at Fitzford. Subsequently Mr. Morgan, of Woodovis, hunted the Tavistock country,
and was known as a keen sportsman. When age crept upon him, and he found himself unable
any longer to ride to hounds, he was wont to be driven to the meets, and then to certain points of
vantage, in order that he might see, if possible, something of what the hounds were doing.
At his death Mr. Henry Deacon consented to hunt the country, also taking over that which
belonged to Mr. Newton, of Bridestowe. He was associated with his brother James, and they are
both still well remembered in the district. Mr. Deacon was a daring rider, and an excellent judge
of what a hound should be.
But though he performed his duties in a manner worthy of the highest praise, and exhibited a
most liberal spirit, he did not receive that support which his efforts deserved. Foxes were destroyed
everywhere, more than one hundred having been killed in four parishes within fifteen months, and
this at length determined Mr. Deacon to resign the country, which he did in 1859.
History repeats itself.
This very country where forty years ago hunting men had to complain
of delinquencies on the part of those antagonistic to their sport, has lately witnessed a revival of
them, and this time on Dartmoor. In March, 1900, it became necessary for Mr. Adams, together
with other sportsmen, to wait upon the Governor of the Prison at Princetown, in order to call his
attention to the fact that dead foxes to the number of nine had been found on the Moor, and
most of them on property belonging to the prison. It need scarcely be said that a promise was
at once forthcoming that the matter should be carefully inquired into, and it is to be hoped there
will be no further cause for complaint.
Mr. Deacon was succeeded by Mr. William Leamon, who, in conjunction with his twin
brother Thomas, hunted the country for some years, and both had the well-deserved reputation
J
94
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
of being skilful and experienced sportsmen. Mr. Leamon received the firm support of the Duke
of Bedford and Mr. Carpenter, of Mount Tavy, as well as of a number of other landowners, and
continued to hunt the hounds until his death.
Colonel Deakin, of Werrington Park, then assumed the Mastership, but owing to a misunder
standing with respect to the limits of his country, did not continue to hold it very long, and the
management then devolved upon Mr. Lobb, of Lawhitton.
Subsequently the Mastership was taken over by Mr. Reginald Kelly, of Kelly, Mr. Lobb still
continuing to act as huntsman. From Mr. Kelly the hounds passed to his nephew, Mr. Sperling,
who also kept a pack of harriers. The latter he still hunts, and his “little beauties" always
attract a good field, and, under the guidance of the huntsman, Tom Bickle, never fail to render
a good account of themselves. A few years ago Mr. Sperling resigned the Mastership of the
Lamerton Hunt, which, however, has found a worthy successor in Mr. Adams.
To enumerate those noted among the sportsmen of Devonshire who hunted on Dartmoor
during the 19th century is here impossible; but we cannot refrain from mentioning a few
whose steeds have pressed the turf of the wild uplands. Their memories cluster round the tors of
the Forest; their names seem to be borne upon the winds that stir the mountain heather.
On a block of granite by the bank of the Avon, on Brent Moor, are graven the names of four
worthies of the hunting field—Bulteel, Trelawny, Paul Treby, and Carew. We have already men
tioned others; let us add those of “ Gallant Tom Phillips,” “ Old Sarum,” Sir Arthur Chichester,
Sir Henry Seale, J. Morth Woollcombe, Captain Fortescue, “Otter” Davis, a parson of Halwell,
who about 1830 kept a rough pack of hounds with which he hunted otters and all else, and “ Passen
Rissell,” whose breed of fox terriers has attained a universal fame. Among huntsmen the names
of John Roberts, Crocker, Limpetty, and Boxall will not soon be forgotten; Dartmoor may know
their equals, but not their superiors.
By some the outlook for hunting in the Moor country has been considered to be a somewhat
gloomy one, but others there are who do not perceive any indications of decay. On the contrary,
they see the sport growing more and more in favour, with no lack of the support required, and, except
in a few instances, a desire on the part of farmers for its continuance. The Dartmoor Sportsmen’s
Association does much to bring in friendly relationship the farmer and the sportsman, and to such
an extent as to be rapidly including the first within the ranks of the last.
That which has been associated for centuries with Dartmoor is associated with it still, and
unless Englishmen cease to be what they are at present it will be many a long year before the
huntsman’s horn shall cease to sound among the tors of the ancient Forest.
The Freehold of Nature, though rugged it be,
Long, long may it flourish unsullied and free!
May the fox love to kennel, the buzzard to soar,
As tenants of Nature on rugged Dartmoor.
_v2.jpg?etag=W%2F%229b8906-19f124cbd98%22&sourceContentType=image%2Fjpeg&ignoreAspectRatio&resize=609%2B405&extract=42%2B33%2B534%2B372&quality=85)
X .—Some Notable Occurrences
ACTS OF VANDALISM CROCKERN TOR-THE TOMB OF CHILDE THE HUNTER WIST
MAN S WOOD PREHISTORIC REMAINS MEDIEVAL ANTIQUITIES BIWARD'S CROSS
SNOWSTORMS TRAGEDIES IN THE BOGS A PRISONER'S ESCAPE STORMS AND
FLOODS-THE BLIZZARD OF 1891 THE AMMIL AUTUMN MANOEUVRES OF 1873
JUBILEE CELEBRATIONS BURRATOR RESERVOIR.
You want to knaw what I’ve a zeed? A passel I’ve forgot,
Vur in my live o’ ’ighty yeers I’ve zeed a pooty lot,
But somethin’ o’t of coose I mind, an’ if zo be you zim
’Tis wuth the lis’nin’ to I’ll try to satisfy your whim.
I’ve spaint my live ’pon Dartymoor, an’ most o’ mun I knaw;
I’ve zeed’n in the zinshine, an’ I’ve zeed’n in the snaw,
An’ the zummer an’ the winter aich hev got their work, you zee,
Like the joys and sorrows of our lives that make us what us be.
GRANFER’S RETROSPECT.
While it is hardly to be expected that a region like Dartmoor will be found to be fruitful of
events of a particularly stirring nature in recent times, it has nevertheless been the scene during
the past hundred years of some occurrences of a character outside the ordinary, a few of which
it may perhaps be not uninteresting to notice.
Among incidents that will appeal more forcibly to the antiquary are those connected with the
partial destruction of many of the megalithic monuments and mediaeval erections on the Moor.
These acts of vandalism, committed, for the most part, in ignorance, present nothing very note
worthy in themselves, it must be confessed, though in several instances the effects of the spoliation
have given rise to much discussion, and from an archaeological point of view are to be deplored.
Three objects in the Forest, which early in the 17th century were regarded as being remarkable,
might have been seen in a good state of preservation until the advent of the “improver” on the
Moor, since which time they have all suffered. These were the table and seats of Moorstone on
Crockern Tor, used by the Stannators at their Parliament on the hill; the tomb of Ohilde of Plym-
stock, in the valley below Fox Tor; and Wistman’s Wood, a grove of dwarf oaks on the bank of the
West Dart, between Bair Down Hill and Longaford Tor.
The first was despoiled towards the close of the 18th century, and all accounts point to workmen
96
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
at Prince Hall as being the perpetrators of the act. This, however, Horn not appear to have been
done during Sir Francis Buller’s ownership of that estate, as was formerly believed, but in the time
of his predecessor, Mr. Gullet.
Crockern Tor was visited in 1795 by Mr. John Laskey, during an excursion on the Moor, which
he has described in an article that appeared in the following year in the ” Gentleman's Magazine."
Finding no seats or table of granite upon it, he concluded that the jurors who were formerly wont to
assemble there had simply adapted the natural rock piles to their purposes, and that probably
nothing in the nature of an arrangement of the stones, such as stated by Risdon nearly 200 years
earlier to have been on the hill, had ever existed there.
Upon making inquiries in the vicinity, however, he found his conjectures to be wrong, and
learnt that the stones had been removed not long before by Mr. Gullet. This information being
gathered at a time when the facts must have been fresh in the memory of those living in the
immediate neighbourhood, is not unlikely to be correct, and subsequent investigations have tended
to show that at all events the stones were not removed by Sir Francis Buller.
The act has also been attributed to a Mr. Thomas Leaman, but there is no record of this until
about 30 years after the date of Mr. Laskey’s visit to the tor. But however it may be, we are sure
of the fact that no sooner did the pioneers of modern undertakings appear on the Moor than the
antiquities began to suffer, and that in a comparatively few years—Mr. Gullet’s operations having
commenced in 1780—after the last assembly of the Tinners on the tor, said to have been in 1749,
the interesting relics of their hypaethral court had disappeared.
Although Mr. Laskey states that the stones were taken to Prince Hall, it would seem that one
at least was removed to Dunnabridge Farm, even further away from the hill. It may still be seen
there, resting upon roughly built walls, and forming a kind of canopy over a water-trough. The
Rev. E. A. Bray saw it in that position in 1831, and was told by the farmer of Dunnabridge that it
had been brought from the tor, but to his own knowledge it had been where it then was for fifty
years.
The tomb of Childe the Hunter, to which is attached a tradition related by Risdon, and which
is probably a distortion of an earlier Saxon legend, was dismantled and almost entirely destroyed,
about 1812, by a Mr. Windeatt, who having enclosed land near by, made use of some of the Hones
composing the structure in the erection of a farmhouse. This individual’s efforts at cultivation do
not appear to have been attended with conspicuous success, for the house has long been in as ruinous
a condition as that to which he reduced the tomb, and the fields have returned to their natural
state, nothing having actually been achieved but the alienation of the land from the commoners.
Whether the money which it used to be said he was in the habit of concealing in the
crevices of the rocks of Cumston Tor was the fruit of his work at Fox Tor Farm we are unable to
say, but we should judge it to be extremely doubtful. Perhaps he was a prudent man, and became
convinced after a short season of experimentalising that his cash, though yielding no return, would,
at all events, be much safer in its rocky depository than invested in such an undertaking as the
reclamation of Dartmoor.
•
But while Mr. Windeatt cannot be congratulated upon the results of his labours, he certainly
succeeded in proving himself either ignorant or indifferent to that likely to be of interest to others.
The tomb which he despoiled presented a striking appearance, and was one of the moat interesting
among the Dartmoor monuments, as possessing a tradition well known to all the dwellers on the
Moor.
In Carrington’s poem of “ Dartmoor,” published in 1826, there is a vignette showing the tomb
as it existed previous to the appearance of Mr. Windeatt on the scene, and the poet states that he
found the remains of the cross that surmounted it in the previous summer. This, however, does not
appear to have been preserved, and subsequently all traces of it were lost, the rubbish thrown up
SOME NOTABLE OCCURRENCES.
97
in the removal of the stones became covered with grass and heather, and the site of the tomb
almost forgotten.
Investigations which we conducted on the spot several years ago resulted not only in the dis
covery of the partially buried tomb, or kistvaen, for such it really is, but of most of the stones
which composed the superstructure as well, including a portion of the sculptured pedestal. Atten
tion having been drawn to the matter, the restoration of Childe’s Tomb was taken in hand by the
Dartmoor Preservation Association, but too much new work being imported into it, this cannot be
regarded as a successful performance.
Still, the monument as it now stands will point out to the visitor the spot on which the hunter
is supposed to have perished, and if he will take the trouble to search he will find near by, and in a
small bridge over a rivulet not far off, most of the missing stones that formed the calvary and
pedestal over the tomb. The monument is situated in the Swincombe River Valley, to the north
ward of Fox Tor, in a tract of land known on the Moor as Sand Parks.
The third of Risdon’s “three remarkable things,” not being formed of the materials coveted
by the farmhouse builder, has escaped the hands of the “improver”; but even this is not as it was
some fifteen years ago. Wistman’s Wood in 1886, by some means never ascertained, took fire,
and a considerable portion of it was seriously damaged. The fire was observed by Mr. Charles
Barrington, who immediately hastened to the wood, but the progress of the flames could not be
checked.
It was at first imagined that incendiarism was the cause of the outbreak, or possibly careless
ness on the part of visitors. Two gentlemen had passed by the wood just previously to the dis
covery of the fire, and it was thought they may have dropped a lighted match among the dead
leaves. They both, however, denied that such was the case, and there being no other solution
forthcoming, it could only be supposed that the fire originated through the heating of decayed
leaves, but this opinion was not shared by everyone. Though greatly damaged, it is satisfactory
to know that the injury did not turn out to be so serious as was at first feared, and that this
ancient grove may still be seen in the midst of its rocky fastness below Longaford Tor.
The prehistoric remains on Dartmoor consist of the low walls of habitations and enclosures,
and of various sepulchral monuments. The first-named are known as hut circles, and are exceedingly
numerous. They are often found in groups, forming settlements, and are sometimes placed within
an enclosing wall. This enclosure varies in size from about four acres downward, and afforded
shelter and protection from wild animals to the cattle at night. Track lines, or low banks running
for a considerable distance, and which probably formed boundaries, are also seen on the Moor.
Among the remains of a sepulchral character are dolmens, or cromlechs; kistvaens, or stone
chests, the name given to the rude coffins formed of slabs of granite; stone circles, sometimes sur
rounding a kistvaen, and at others found without those objects; menhirs, or tall, upright stones;
stone rows, cairns, and barrows.
The mediaeval antiquities on the Moor comprise stone crosses, clapper bridges, miners’ huts,
and blowing-houses, stone moulds for receiving smelted ore, and granite troughs used by the
tinners. There is scarcely one among these classes of objects in which numerous examples have
not suffered at the hands of the spoliator during the past hundred years. Stones have been ruthlessly
removed for building purposes, for gate-posts and for bridges, and in some oases the destruction
has been wrought through sheer wantonness
A young man of Tavistock, according to Mrs. Bray, celebrated his freedom from his apprentice
ship by going on the Moor with some companions and working great havoc among the stone
remains. Siward’s Cross was overturned and the shaft broken by two boys when on the Moor
searching for cattle, and the clappers at Post Bridge and Bellaford have also suffered. Some
years ago we discovered the men who damaged these bridges.The object in throwing off the
98
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
stone from the centre of the former was to pond back the water, and also to prevent ducks from
going down the stream. In the case of Bellaford clapper, the stone was displaced out of a mere
destructive spirit. The men who did this, or at whose instigation it was done, have both passed
away, but they lived long enough to regret the mischief they had wrought. The stone at Post
Bridge has been replaced.
In June, 1846, the Rev. Samuel Rowe observed and measured a fine specimen of a kistvaen
near Hound Tor, but little of it now remains. From inquiries made on the spot in 1878 we learnt
that the author of its partial destruction was a road-contractor who lived in a cottage hard by, and
it would probably have disappeared entirely had he not found that what remained of it was likely
to be worth more to him as a “ lion ” to which to guide visitors, than as road material.
The cross on Western Whitaburrow, a cairn on Brent Moor, and which was erected about
the middle of the 16th century to mark the boundary of lands belonging to Sir William Petre, was
mutilated by peat-cutters about the year 1847; and the fine group of stone remains on Long Ash
Hill, near Merivale, has suffered not a little even in recent years.
Until 1865 Shelstone Pound, near Throwleigh, was in a perfect condition, and so, when Rowe
wrote, was a fine enclosure near Manaton, but now little other than the memory of them remains.
Instances might be multiplied of the destruction wrought among the antiquities of the Moor during
the past hundred years; a destruction utterly needless, for stones suitable for building purposes are
to be found on every hand.
Those who have not witnessed a snowstorm on the Moor can scarcely conceive the picture of
utter wildness it presents at such a time. Should the wayfarer chance to be overtaken by such with
no place of shelter near, the consequences are not unlikely to prove serious; indeed, many instances
have occurred of persons perishing when exposed to the relentless fury of a Moorland storm.
Miss Sophie Dixon relates how when very young she was shown a large rock beside a track on
the Moor, close to which the body of a young man of Plymouth had been found. It was supposed
that he had mistaken his way, the ground being covered with snow, and darkness coming on, was
unable to proceed further, and lying down was frozen to death.
About 1823 two lads belonging to Runnage, one of the ancient forest tenements, were exposed
to a storm, and one of them perished. They had been sent to look after some sheep, when they were
overtaken by a heavy fall of snow, and were unable to return to the farm. Their protracted
absence causing some alarm, search was made for them. On being discovered, one, as stated,
was dead, and the other wrapped in a profound sleep, but by the employment of suitable means
was fortunately roused from his lethargy.
In 1853, three soldiers of the 7th Royal Fusiliers, Corporal Joseph Penton, and Privates Pat
rick Carlin and George Driver, lost their lives near Princetown, during a snowstorm. They were
on their way to that place from Dousland, where the corporal had met Carlin and Driver, who had
come from Plymouth, their company being then stationed at the Prison Barracks.
It was snowing when they started from the inn at Dousland, and the landlord advised them not
to proceed. They made their way, however, through the deep drifts, and succeeded in getting
several miles on the road. But they never reached their journey’s end. The bodies of the two
privates were found near the hollow known as the Devil’s Bridge, scarcely a mile from Princetown,
while the corporal had got within two hundred yards of the Duchy Hotel.
In “Warner’s Walk Through the Western Counties” it is related how a Dartmoor peasant, in
search of sheep, discovered the body of a sailor on the Moor, which had apparently been lying
there five or six weeks Although much emaciated, it is said that his countenance was serene; his
head rested on a small bundle of linen, and at his feet lay the remains of his faithful dog. It is
not stated that he perished in the snow, but there is little doubt that, missing his way, he lost his
SOME NOTABLE OCCURRENCES.
99
life through encountering a fierce storm. Such is the idea formed by Carrington, who has made
the incident the subject of a touching poem.
There lay the wanderer by the quivering bog,
And, at his foot, hit patient, faithful dog.
Thrice gallant brute! that through the weary day
Shared all the perils of the lonely way,
Faced the fierce storm, and, by his master’s side,
In the cold midnight, laid him down and died!
We are told by Miss Sophie Dixon that the remains of a man, consisting only of bones, with
some fragments of clothing, were discovered, some years before she wrote, in a plot of rushes, near
the single stone clapper over the Wallabrook, close to the confluence of that stream with the
Teign.
The shreds of clothing served as a means of identification at the inquest held on the body.
It was proved to be that of a man of unsound mind, who some months previously had wandered
from his friends at Plymouth.
We are not quite certain as to the date of this occurrence, as Miss Dixon, writing in 1846,
says she “ thinks ” the circumstance happened about ten years before that time. If she is correct
the unfortunate man cannot have been the same of whom Jonas Coaker used to speak. He
recollected seeing a person pass through Post Bridge in November, 1822, who proved to be a
pauper from Plymouth Workhouse, on his way to Chagford. Nothing more was heard of him
till the following March, when some men who were tracking foxes in the snow came upon his
remains.
It is probable, as the circumstances of each case are so similar, that Miss Dixon was
mistaken in the date, and that her account referred to the individual whom Jonas Coaker saw.
The sad death of the schoolmaster of the Princetown Prison will be within the recollection
of many among the older inhabitants of the district. He called about nine o’clock at night at
a cottage near Moor Shop, some two miles from Tavistock, from which town he was returning
A terrific storm was raging, the snow falling fast, and he was entreated to remain, but
home.
fearing, if he did so, his wife would become anxious and imagine he had been lost, he determined
to proceed. The next morning his dead body was found in the snow. The occurrence took place
nearly forty years ago.
A similar fate befel a farmer who lived at Stannon, a Moorland farm near Tavy Cleave.
He, too, was on his way home from Tavistock, when he was overtaken by a snowstorm,
before he had proceeded very far. It was late at night, and he had not gone above two
miles when he lost his way. He somehow got to Wringworthy Farm, which is off the main
road, and roused the inmates. On learning where he was, he decided upon going forward,
although strongly urged to stay. He set out, and managed to make his way up the valley of
the Tavy past Wapsworthy, and actually got within a quarter of a mile of his home. There, it
is supposed, he sank down exhausted, for on the following day his body was discovered.
The
spot where it was found is still pointed out by the dwellers in the hamlet.
In March of the present year a young man named James Hampson, a native of the North
of England, perished in the snow near Black Tor, on Walkhampton Common. He was making
bis way over Dartmoor with some companions in search of work, and, straying away from them
in the blinding storm, sank down and died. He was buried at Princetown, amid every mark
of sympathy from the inhabitants with the mourners and friends of the unfortunate man, who
came to the little Moorland town to follow him to the grave.
The storm was the fiercest that had been known for several years. Princetown was without
post-office or telegraphic communication for a day, and until a snow plough was sent up from
Plymouth, no trains could pass over the line.
Carrington: “The Sailor’s Fate.”
RIPPON TOR.
RIPPON TOR.
DARTMEET BRIDGE.
100
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR
Several cases of drowning in the streams of the Moor are also related, and the Dart is popularly
supposed to frequently claim a victim, a belief kept alive in the couplet :
River of Dart, oh ! River of Dart,
Every year thou claimest a heart,
Moro than one grassy mound on the Moor marks the grave of a suicide. Among other places
the romantic Lydford Gorge has been the scene of acts of self-destruction.
By the aide of the road on Holne Moor, and not very far from Cumston Tor, are some deep
workings of the miners, now covered with grass and heather, and in which the quickbeam, or
mountain ash, may be seen to flourish. One of these hollows is known as Hangman’s Pit, from an
unfortunate occurrence that took place there many years ago.
affected his mind.
A fanner of Round Hill, near
Princetown, on his way home from Brent Fair, there hanged himself in consequence, it was
supposed, of the mortification and chagrin at getting the worst of a bargain having temporarily
He had exchanged his horse for another at the fair, and this, it was thought
likely, had not proved to be so good an animal as he had imagined. There are those still living
on the Moor who well remember the circumstance.
Among fatalities that have been caused by lightning one occurred near Sheeps Tor that will be
within the recollection of many. A storm came on while some men were at work in a hay-field, and
one of them, with the idea of protecting himself, lifted a quantity of hay above his head with the
steel fork he had been using. But instead of shielding him from that which he dreaded, the metal
attracted the lightning, and with fatal results.
A lamentable accident happened near Grim’s Pound not a very long while after the road which
runs close to it down the Challacombe Valley had been completed, which was in 1874. Previous to
its being taken over by the parish it was claimed as a private road by its constructors though on the
open common, and a gate was placed across it at a point where the rocks on each hand would
prevent anyone from turning aside and driving past it. A farmer attempted to do this one
evening, however, rather than turn back on finding the gate locked, with the consequence that his
cart was overturned, and he was killed.
Several stories are related of persons being engulfed in the mires, some of a tragic character,
and others showing that there is sometimes a humorous side to such an adventure. It does not seem
probable, however, that a Dartmoor mire has often proved of real service to a traveller. But that
such was the case on one occasion is, nevertheless, a fact. The traveller was making the journey
against his will; he was, in fact, a prisoner who was being conveyed from Tavistock to Exeter.
It was in the days before railways were thought of—at least, in that part of the country, and the
prisoner, who was handcuffed, was being driven over the Moor by a policeman.
It happened that the man was very well acquainted with the Moor, and he had evidently
thought out a plan of escape. On approaching a certain place where the road ran
near a swamp, he suddenly smashed his handcuffs on the tire of the wheel, and, leaping
out of the cart, rushed towards the mire. The policeman pulled up and jumped out in
pursuit; but, finding the mire to be dangerous, hesitated to follow his man. The latter seemed
to know the spot well, for he made his way to the centre with apparent ease. Turning to the
policeman, he said, " You can come in if you like. I know the way out, but you don't" The
policeman waited for some time, but seeing he was not likely to secure his man without assistance,
drove off to endeavour to obtain it. But if he over got it, it was rendered too late, for the man
escaped. Years after he returned to the neighbourhood, but the matter seemed to have been lost
gotten, for hewas never interfered with.
The circumstance was related to us by one who was
formerly acquainted with the man, whose offence was that of having committed an assault
Considerable destruction has at times been wrought by the storms and floods on the Moor and
of these the 19th century has witnessed many. On the 27th January, 1823 the Plym and the Mew
SOME NOTABLE OCCURRENCES.
103
or Meavy River, rose at night to an immense height, the combined torrents reaching to the keystone
of Shaugh Bridge—not the present structure, but an older one which it has replaced. It is said,
but this is probably an exaggeration, that so great was the volume of water in the Plym that the
spray was flung over the Dewerstone, which rises to no inconsiderable height above the river.
Tn November, 1824, a terrific storm was experienced, when so great was the force of the wind
that some large stones on the summit of Brent Hill were carried to a considerable distance. On the
13th of May, 1839, and two following days, there was a sharp frost and heavy falls of snow on and
around the Moor, the ground in many places being covered to a great depth.
During the Christmas season of 1841 a tempest arose, the ravages of which on the western side
*
of the Moor were said to be quite fearful. The little river Burn, which rises near where Lydford
Station now is, and flows between Black Down and the Heathfield, so rapidly overflowed its banks
that in half an hour the valley near the farm of Wringworthy presented all the appearance of a lake.
The house was inundated, and the cattle were only saved by the prompt exertions of the inhabitants.
In 1873 a flood unfortunately swept away a clapper bridge that spanned the Blackabrook, a
tributary of the West Dart. This bridge was near Fice’s Well, a little edifice of 16th century
erection, and which is situated in the tract of ground now belonging to the Prison, and lying north
of the road between Rundle Stone Corner and Two Bridges. The bridge possessed a more than
ordinary interest, inasmuch as it indicated the direction of an old track across this part of the
Forest.
A great flood on the 5th July, 1880, was particularly destructive. The Tavy rose higher than
had been known within living memory, though ten years later the same river was to rise higher
still.
Hill Bridge, celebrated for its picturesque appearance and its romantic surroundings, and
Mary Tavy Clam, no less renowned for similar reasons, were both washed away.
The beautiful
Tavy was turned into a roaring torrent, and the rocks and large boulders that fill its channel,
and which the stream at ordinary times partially hides in its amber waters, or shrouds in sheets
of foam, were buried deep beneath the turbulent flood.
The great thunderstorm of the 17th July, 1890, will not soon be forgotten, particularly on
the western side of Dartmoor, where the streams rose to an immense height. The Cowsic, which
runs into the West Dart immediately above Two Bridges, commenced to rise at half-past seven
in the morning, and by eight o’clock the flood was at its height. It is said that the united stream
rose nine and a half feet in that time, and it fell again with remarkable rapidity, for by half-
past eight it had abated considerably.
The long clapper under Bair Down was unfortunately washed away, but has since been
re-erected; Bair Down Bridge was also destroyed, and a new structure now spans the stream. Much
damage was also caused by the rise of the Walkham, a portion of Merivale Bridge being carried
away, and Ward Bridge, further down the river, widely celebrated for its picturesqueness, was
entirely demolished.
The waters of the Tavy were not less destructive. Mary Tavy Clam was
carried away a second time, and one of the arches of Harford Bridge, lower down, was also swept
into the stream. Considerable damage was caused at Tavistock, where the Guildhall-square was
flooded, and the canal weir washed away. A prisoner who was confined in a cell at the police
station in the square at the time, was rescued with difficulty.
A spectator, who happened to be looking towards Stannon and Lynch Down from the
neighbourhood of Peter Tavy, said the water seemed to him to burst suddenly forth from the sides
of those hills, and so strange was the appearance that it looked as though the eminences themselves
were crumbling away. No flood like it was remembered in the neighbourhood. Water poured
down the slopes of the Moor, and every brook was turned into a swift torrent, and with a rapidity
that was amazing.
Although the storm was general all over the Moor, and every one of the rivers were more or
K
104
A HUNDRED YEARS ON DARTMOOR.
less swollen, in no other part of it was there such a rainfall as over the watersheds of the streams
above named—the Cowsic, the Walkham, and the Tavy.
In the early part of 1880, and again in 1881, there were very heavy falls of snow on Dart moor,
and access to many of the farms was rendered impossible for days together. The winter of 1885-6
was also a very hard one, and the ponies suffered terribly. During the spring of 1886 we saw
a number of carcases of these animals on the Moor; there have been few years in which the
severity of the weather has occasioned so great a loss. Unfortunately many of these animals
are kept by persons who have no land in the “ in-country,” and thus being unable to drive them
to a place of shelter, it not infrequently happens that they are left to suffer from the fury of the
storm, and when the herbage is covered with snow for any length of time, to starve.
Hardy though the Dartmoor pony may be, there are certain times in the depth of winter
when it would be but humane for the owners to gather them in, for when the storm does not
give sufficient warning to enable this to be done, it could generally be accomplished when the
snow is down. From the point of view of self-interest this would be wise, but the higher motive
’should never be wanting.
But, perhaps, the period that will be the longest remembered for its severity, comparatively
brief in duration though it was, is that of March, 1891, when the Blizzard wrought such havoc
throughout the Westcountry.
Though the fall of snow was not so great as that of ten years
previous, it was accompanied by such a violent wind as to cause the drifts to be much deeper, and
was thus rendered far more destructive in its effects.
The storm commenced on Monday evening, the 9th March, and continued with unabated fury
during the whole of the night, and was scarcely less severe through the following day.
The
hill tops and the sides exposed to the full fury of the blast were for the most part only whitened,
the wind whirling the snow away as it fell, so great was its force.
Soon after daylight on the Tuesday morning we commenced the ascent of Brent Hill in search
of an animal which had strayed. During the first hour or so we had to dig our way through the
snow, which was in many places from eight to ten feet in depth, but on nearing the shoulder of
the hill, which was swept by the wind, we found this to be much less. On reaching the summit,
to which we had been attracted by the sight of some ponies, the grass was visible, the ground being
merely dusted, as it were, with the snow, which during the whole time had been driving full in
our face from the north-east.
Had it been clear, the view, from an elevation of over a thousand feet, would have been a grand
one; but so thick was the air with the falling snow that it was impossible to see more than a
few yards around. About two hours were occupied in the ascent, which ordinarily would take
less than one-fourth of that time.
On descending the opposite side of the hill, which was in a
measure screened from the wind, we found the snow to be deep from near the summit downward.
At Princetown considerable damage was done, and the inhabitants were without any
communication with the outside world during the whole of the week, though this was
an experience shared with very many other places in South Devon.
The train that left that place about half-past six on the Monday evening was snowed up at
Egworthy aiding, after having proceeded only a few miles on its journey. The half-dozen
passengers who travelled by it were compelled to spend that night and the following one in their
carriage, it not being possible to rescue them until the Wednesday morning, though the guard,
driver, and fireman left the train, and made their way to Dousland through the snow on the
Tuesday.
Had the party been aware of their proximity to Horseyeat Farm, their imprisonment might
have been of much shorter duration; but though they were only a little over two hundred yards
SOME NOTABLE OCCURRENCES.
105
from the house, the weather prevented their seeing it, or the farmer from noticing the train. On
the Wednesday he was observed by them, and on being signalled to promptly conducted them to
his farm.
The only food they tasted during their thirty-six hours’ confinement in the train was
some which three packers brought to them from Dousland on the Tuesday afternoon. The line
was not cleared until the 18th March.
Many of the snowdrifts got very compact, and it was a considerable time before they melted.
One across the East Dart, below Post Bridge, became so hard that people were able to cross
the river by means of it. So long as six weeks afterwards we found snow in Cranmere Pool, and
also to some depth in Black Lane, in the south quarter of the Forest.
Great inconvenience was experienced at Plymouth in consequence of the leat being choked
with the snow, and numbers of men were employed throughout the week in the task of clearing it.
The rare phenomenon of the ammil is sometimes witnessed on Dartmoor, and presents one of
the most beautiful sights that can be imagined. Every object exposed to the air, however minute,
is enclosed in a casing of ice — is enamelled, as it were; and it is indeed this,
as Mr. John Shelly has pointed out, that the name of this singular appearance signifies,
the word, he says, being evidently “ ammel,” the old English term for enamel. In the fifth volume
of the Transactions of the Plymouth Institution is an interesting paper by the late Mr. John
Nicholas Bennet, of Archerton, describing an occurrence of the ammil in January, 1868. It was
observed over the whole of Dartmoor, and continued for two nights and two days.
In the earlier part of the 19th century gipsies appear to have frequented the Moor to a much
greater extent than at present, although they may still be occasionally seen encamped on its
borders. Miss Rachel Evans, writing in 1846, refers to a tribe which once made the Moor their
home in summer, the winters being passed at Moretonhampstead; and she mentions one individual,
known as “ Blue Jenny, of the gipsy tribe,” who was condemned to death for stealing a horse whose
owner was connected with the prison. She also states that encampments of that wandering
people were often to be seen on the Moor. Ten years later Mr. R. J. King says that a tribe had for
a long period established itself on the Moor, the favourite place of sojourn during summer being
Dartmeet, and when the winter came this was exchanged for the villages on the borders.
Perhaps the event which caused as much excitement and stir among the Moor folk as any other
during the 19th century was the holding in their midst of the autumn military manoeuvres in 1873.
For the first time in its history a very large number of troops were massed on the Moor, and soli
tudes whose silence had been broken by little else than the chorus of hounds or the “cry” of the
river, now echoed to the rattle of musketry and the roar of cannon, or to the stirring strains of
military music.
But the old Moor was in no mood to have its quietness thus disturbed, and gave its martial
visitors a very poor reception, which if it did not damp their ardour, certainly did their clothes. The
proceedings were greatly interfered with by the rains, but on the concluding day—that of the march
past on Buckland Down—the weather was beautiful, and the Moor no longer looked forbidding,
but smiled as though with delight at being rid of those who had broken in upon its repose. His
Majesty was present at the march-past, which took place on the 22nd August.
Other recent events that Dartmoor has witnessed are the Jubilee celebrations of 1887 and 1897,
when on not a few of the ancient hills were once more kindled the beacon fires; and the cere
mony on the completion of the Burrator Reservoir, in September, 1898. The undertaking by Sir
Francis Drake, which Mr. Whitfeld in his recent delightful book characterises as probably the
greatest example of engineering skill of the 16th century, was fittingly crowned on that day by the
accomplishment of the most important work on Dartmoor in the 19th.
Sheepstor
is a village, civil parish and former manor on the western side of Dartmoor in the county of Devon, England. In 2001, its population was 53, down from 95 in 1901. For administrative purposes the parish is grouped with the parishes of Meavy and Walkhampton to form Burrator Parish Council,and for electoral purposes it is grouped with the same two parishes to form Burrator Ward. Burrator Reservoir, constructed in 1898, is to the north of the village and forms part of the northern boundary of the parish.
The nameSheepstorhas evolved considerably since the first reference to a settlement here which was recorded in a pipe roll of 1168 asSitelestorra. In a document of 1262, it wasSkytelestor,Shittestorrein 1474,Shistorin 1547 and in c. 1620 Tristram Risdon called itShetelstor now Shepstor. The name probably derives from the Old English scyttels meaning a bar or bolt, reflecting the shape of the nearby Sheeps Tor.
Manor
Arms of Elford of Sheepstor:Per pale argent and azure, a lion rampant gules.
The manor of Sheepstor was held by the Scudamore family, whose heirs were the Elford family.
Sheepstor Church
The village church, dedicated to St Leonard, is built of granite and dates from the 15th century,[1]though a chapelry was first documented here in 1240.[8]The church contains a fine rood screen which was reconstructed in 1914 by the then vicar Hugh Breton from drawings made of the original that had been removed in a 19th-century restoration.[1]Buried in the churchyard are James Brooke, Charles Brooke and Charles Vyner Brooke, the three White Rajahs of the Sarawak kingdom, in modern-day Sarawak (now part of Malaysia), as well as Bertram Willes Dayrell Brooke, another member of the Brooke family. The graves of the Rajahs have been designated Grade II listed monuments by English Heritage.[9]
There are currently six bells in the church tower, five of which were cast in 1769, with a sixth hung in 1904; one of the older bells has inscribed on it the words 'I call the quick to church and the dead to grave'.[8]A local legend tells that the bell ropes of the church were once tied together and lowered into Crazywell Pool, 3.6 km to the north east of Sheepstor, in order to determine the depth. According to the legend the ropes descended as much as 90 fathoms without reaching the bottom,[10]causing people to believe the pool is bottomless.
The church has been renovated several times, the most thorough of which was in 1861 at a cost of £590.[8]
Sheeps Tor
Sheeps Tor, from which the village is named, is a prominent outcrop about half a mile north east of the village. The summit is 369m above sea level and it is one of the area's most prominent tors.
Sheepstor in popular culture
In 2010 Sheepstor was one of the filming locations for the Steven Spielberg film War Horse, and the village with its prominent church tower features in an aerial shot in the trailer for the film which was released on 29 June 2011.[11][12]
See also
Nearby archaeological sites:
Whiteworks
(orWhite Works) is a former mining hamlet near the town of Princetown, within Dartmoor National Park, in the English county of Devon. Tin mining is central to the history of settlement at Whiteworks, which was once home to one of Dartmoor's largest tin mines. The original cottages and their inhabitants were related to this industry, until the area became used increasingly for farming in the 20th century. The site has now largely been abandoned, although Whiteworks is still on the route of many walks including Abbots Way Walk passes 500 m to the west.
Geography
The road to Whiteworks, with Fox Tor Mires on the left
Whiteworks is situated in an area of open moorland about 3 kilometres (2 mi) south-east of Princetown, overlooking the notoriously dangerous Fox Tor Mires. A difficult path leads across the mires to Fox Tor itself, which lies about 1.5 kilometres (1 mi) south-east of the hamlet. Vehicle access to Whiteworks is via a narrow dead-end road branching off from the B3212 at Princetown. This road is an extension of the one constructed bySir Thomas Tyrwhittto his property at Tor Royal.
The granite at Whiteworks has been subject to a process of kaolinisation: the feldspar minerals have decomposed to form a white clay known as kaolin. As a result, when the tin ore cassiterite was mined there, it was white in colour, giving the name 'White Works' to the site.
There are a few species of moss particular to the Whiteworks area, namely Polytrichum urnigerum, which is found in streams, and Bryum turbinatum.
History
According to the evidence of stannary rolls, tin working at the Whiteworks mine site dates back to 1180, when it was associated with mediaeval field systems on the eastern edge of Fox Tor. More active mining began around 1790, when the Industrial Revolution began to fuel demand for tin, while also providing the technology to move from opencast mining to subsurface methods, previously impossible on the difficult Dartmoor terrain. Initially, there were no tin smelting houses operating in Devon, so Whiteworks sent tin ore to Calenick Smelting House, near the Cornish town of Truro.
Mining continued irregularly during the 19th century, accompanied by drainage work designed to make the Fox Tor Mire safer.[8]During part of this time the mine was one of the largest on Dartmoor, along with Eylesbarrow and Gobbet. At the beginning of the 1870s, for example, the mine produced 8–9 tons of tin ore per year. At this time, the mine was owned by Tavistock-based mining entrepreneur Moses Bawden.
A ruined building on the south-west of the site
By the 1880s the mine was disused,[12][13]although a revival of ore values at the beginning of the 20th century meant that mining activity was briefly recommenced. Mining at the site then ceased completely in 1914.[6]For these final years of activity, the mine was under shared ownership with Golden Dagger Mine and Hexworthy Mine.[14]Around the turn of the century, a new farmhouse had also been constructed, and with the cessation of mining activity, the land around Whiteworks was increasingly used for livestock farming and breeding animals such as ponies.
By the 1980s, Whiteworks had mostly been abandoned and some of the buildings, including the farmhouse, were demolished by the Dartmoor National Park Authority .A few cottages remain complete, one of which is owned byPlymouth College and used as a base for outdoor activities. Other buildings, related to previous mining or farming activities, lie in ruins, interspersed with the fenced-off remains of mine shafts. These ruins, combined with the surrounding geography, make Whiteworks a popular location for hikers, especially on walks starting in Princetown. The annual Abbots Way Walk on the 1st Sunday in October is on its way from Buckfast Abbey to Tavistock pass with 500 m of Whiteworks.
Cultural references
The hamlet appears in the novel Miser's Money, by Dartmoor author Eden Phillpotts. The area around Whiteworks also provided inspiration to Arthur Conan Doyle for the Sherlock Holmes story The Hound of the Baskervilles: it is believed that the Fox Tor Mire is the location of the fictional Grimpen Mire, which would place Baskerville Hall on the site of the cottages at Whiteworks.[16]
References
Crossing, William (1901).A Hundred Years on Dartmoor. pp. 30–35.
"Tor Formation" (PDF). Dartmoor National Park Authority. February 2002. Archived from the original (PDF)on 30 September 2011. Retrieved21 August2011.
Rowe, Samuel (1848). A perambulation of the antient & royal forest of Dartmoor, and the Venville precincts. Plymouth: J.B. Rowe. p. 223.
Jones, John Pike (1829). Flora Devoniensis. London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green. p. 105.
Gearey, B.R. (1997) ."The landscape context of medieval settlement on the south-western moors of England. Recent Palaeoenvironmental evidence from Bodmin Moor and Dartmoor" (PDF).Medieval Archaeology.41:195–210. doi:10.1080/00766097.1997.11735610. Retrieved19 August2011.
Ehlen, J.; Haneberg, W.C.; Larson, R.A. (2005). "Effects of human activity on lineation analysis". Humans as Geological Agents. Geological Society of America. pp. 15–16.
Greeves, Tom (1996). "Tin smelting in Devon in the 18th and 19th centuries".Mining History: The Bulletin of the Peak District Mines Historical Society.13(2):84–90.
Dunnabridge Pound Farmhouse
GV
II
Farmhouse. Circa late C16/early C17 possibly with earlier origins. C19 addition. Granite rubble walls incorporating some very large blocks. Gable ended slate roof in catslide over outs hut at rear. 2 gable end stacks of roughly dressed granite blocks with dripstones, the right-hand are projects and has a granite cap. originally likely to have been a longhouse whose shippon at left-hand (downhill) end has been demolished and the through passage reduced to a lean-to. Hall fireplace backs onto passage with newel stairs to its rear, inner room heated by gable end fireplace. Outshut added along rear wall in C19.
EXTERIOR: 2 storeys. Asymmetrical 3-window front of late C20 2-light casements.
The stonework is continuous into a lean to against the left-hand gable end which has
a C20 plank door at the front. Outshut along rear wall almost to right-hand end.
INTERIOR: Hall fireplace has massive granite lintel, roughly dressed, with a
monolithic granite jamb to the left. Stone bread oven in right-hand side which fits
in space below adjoining stone newel stairs. Heavy wany chamfered cross beam.
Inner room fireplace partly filled in, also has rough granite lintel.
Dunnabridge was one of the 17 Ancient Tenements of the Forest of Dartmoor first
mentioned in Documents in 1305.
This building forms part of a traditional and unspoilt small moorland farm group.
Listing NGR: SX6450374645
Dunnabridge Pound, recorded as early as 1342 but likely to date much earlier than this. It was used for enclosing stock, and may have been built on the site of a prehistoric pound with three hut circles
Admin Area Dartmoor National Park ,Civil Parish Dartmoor Forest District West Devon ,Ecclesiastical Parish LYDFORD Protected Status
Listed Building (II) 1170564: DUNNABRDGE POUND SHRINE: Earthwork remains of Dunnabridge Pound; a 14th century circular livestock pound and remains of deserted Brownberry farmstead south of the road
Other References/Statuses
National Monuments Record: SX67SW22
National Record of the Historic Environment: 443295
Old DCC SMR Ref: SX67SW/38
Old Listed Building Ref (II): 92738
Ordnance Survey Archaeology Division: SX67SW22Monument Type(s) and Dates
POUND (Constructed, Early Bronze Age to Late Medieval - 2200 BC? (Between) to 1539 AD (Between))
Full description
Swete, R. J. (Revd),1792-1801,564M 'Picturesque Sketches of Devon' by Reverend John Swete (Record Office Collection). SDV337942.
Illustrations by Swete. Other details: 17/23.
Wilkinson, J. G.,1862,On British Remains on Dartmoor, 119(Article in Serial). SDV277122.
Ordnance Survey,1880-1899,First Edition Ordnance Survey 25 inch map(Cartographic). SDV336179.
'Dunnabridge Pound' shown on 19th century map and later early 20th century map.
Collier, W. F.,1887,Venville Rights on Dartmoor, 383(Article in Serial). SDV346911.
Dunnabridge Pound was the Duchy pound where stray cattle were impounded.
Baring Gould, S.,1900,A Book of Dartmoor, 26(Monograph). SDV277387.
The Duchy Pound is at Dunnabridge with a curious old seat for the adjudicator of fines and costs.
Lega-Weekes, E.,1904-1905,Dartmoor Notes, 125(Article in Serial). SDV346915.
Entry in Court Roll of 1547 for repairs to Dunnabridge Pound.
Crossing, W.,1912 (1965),Crossing's Guide to Dartmoor(Monograph). SDV320981.
Ordnance Survey Archaeology Division,1950/1980,SX67SW22(Ordnance Survey Archaeology Division Card). SDV346912.
(27/02/1950) Built on the foundations of an ancient pound. A 0.93 hectare drift pound, known as Dunnabridge Pound, mentioned in 1342 and also in 1660 when expenses are recorded for repairing the "pound walls, gate and stocks at Dunnabridge". The pound may be an adapted Prehistoric feature but there is no proof. Part of the wall is a covered seat.
(18/01/1980) Dunnabridge Pound (name confirmed) measures 115.5m. NW-SE by 106.5m. transversely and is constructed of drystone walling, 1.2m. thick and 1.7m. high, with a southern entrance. The 'covered seat' lies inside just to the west of the entrance. There is no evidence of prehistoric work though the size and plan could suggest early origins. The interior has some boulders, and amorphous mounds which may be the result of clearance.
Revised at 1:10 000 on MSD and at 1:2500 for AO Records.
Worth, R. H.,1953,Dartmoor, 475-7(Monograph). SDV231148.
A 2.3 acre drift pound, known as Dunnabridge Pound, mentioned in 1342 and also in 1660 when expenses are recorded for repairing the "Pound walls, gate and stocks at Dunnabridge". The pound may be adapted prehistoric feature but there is no proof. Part of the wall is a covered seat.
Fogwill, E. G.,1954,Pastoralism on Dartmoor, 105(Article in Serial). SDV346914.
One of the pounds used to assemble the drifts of livestock on the moor to establish Venville Rights. Still used today as it has been since at least 1342. Formed on the site of an earlier enclosure.
Willmott Dobbie, B. M.,1979,Pounds or Pinfolds and Lockups, 29(Monograph). SDV21958.
National Monuments Record,1979,SF1509(Aerial Photograph). SDV346618.
Greeves, T. A. P.,1981,Dunnabridge Pound(Worksheet). SDV346913.
This impressive pound is a remodelled Prehistoric enclosure. There are two conjoining hut circles within it, and a possible one against the wall. A bank runs north-east to south-west across the pound. Other details: Sketch.
Greeves, T. A. P.,1982,Dunnabridge Farm(Plan - measured). SDV266230.
Hemery, E.,1983,High Dartmoor, 461-2(Monograph). SDV249702.
Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England,1985,Aerial Photograph Project (Dartmoor) - Dartmoor Pre-NMP(Cartographic). SDV319854.
Pound visible and recorded but hut circles not visible. The cross bank is clear on AP's, and apparently continues northward beneath the Pound wall to join a rectilinear pattern which might indicate a field system.
Department of Environment,1987,Lydford, 2 (List of Blds of Arch or Historic Interest). SDV266265.
Dunnabrdge Pound was Listed on 28th October 1987. Likely to be a Medieval pound although some rebuilding may have subsequently occurred. Drystone wall constructed of large rough granite blocks in roughly circular plan. Entrance faces present road and is divided by granite monolith into a wider and narrower opening. Immediately to its left inside the pound is a large stone seat integral with the wall with a large granite canopy above providing shelter. This pound is not only very well preserved but it is also important in the context of the history of the moor and its ancient tenements: a document of 1627 records that the tenants of the ancient tenements "have been accustomed time out of mind to make three several drifts yearly for cattle and one for horses depasturing upon the said Forest to Dynabridge pound and are to attend there two or three days and nights for the watering and pasturing of the said Cattle". The tenants who complied with this were given a halfpenny loaf and those who refused were fined 6s 8d. Other details: LBS Number 92738.
Royal Commission for the Historical Monuments of England,1987-1993,Duchy Farms Project Survey Visit, ?N. V. Quinnell (Report - Survey). SDV350839.
(25/02/1988) Dunnabridge Pound occupies 0.9ha on a slight S slope, and is of rather oval form with greatest diameters of 110m by 122m. It is enclosed by a drystone wall 1.9m high and about 1m thick at the base, tapering towards the top. The material is mostly medium size moor stones with some large blocks and upright slabs incorporated at the base. The uneven interior is slightly raised at the southern perimeter and cut into the slope on the north, accompanied by a spread of stones, 1.5m long and 0.3m high, extending from the inner face and up to 0.6m high. The only entrance to be seen is the gated one on the S.
Worth is uncertain, but other writers such as Burnard and Crossing consider the enclosure to have a prehistoric origin, but none noticed the hut circles listed by Greeves, now stripped of stone and rather amorphous features.
SX 64617467. An almost circular turf covered platform which abuts the inner face of the pound wall. Overall it measures 11m E to W and 9m N to S. It is from 0.2m to 0.5m high with a flat top 8m by 6m and a single orthostatic slab on the NW perimeter, 0.6m long 0.2m thick, and 0.3m high.
SX 64647467. A depression 5m in diameter and 0.4m deep with a 1.5m gap on the S, lower side, opening from a level interior. There are traces of a turf covered stone bank on the W side enclosing the depression.
SX 64657458. Adjoining the NE side of the above is a rather ragged circular mound 7.2m in diameter and 0.2m high. Its platform top 4.5m across is encircled by some turf covered stones and a half dozen small recumbent slabs. A narrow hollow in the SW may represent an entrance giving access to the previously mentioned structure which is at a lower level.
The condition of all three is, such as to preclude any firm identification but Greeves' observations cannot be discounted.
The cross wall at SX 64627463 is traceable for 56m, with one 7m gap. Much robbed, it now consists of a turf covered bank 3m wide and 0.3m high, incorporating some large and medium size earthfast stones. The bank starts 30m from the SSW wall of the pound and ends 6m from the NNE side. The short extension outside that appears on the AP is traceable for 20m on the ground, that could relate to a field system.
35m to the SE and 25m to the NW are the remains of two other banks, one 36m long the other 24m long. Both are similar to the bisecting one and almost parallel with it. If these represent former fields they would almost certainly pre-date the fields or the enclosure. The SE bank extends, with breaks, 60m beyond the pound.
Three other items within the pound could be the result of stone gathering. Two mounds of stones, 3.5m, and 5m in diameter and 0.2m to 0.4m high, are at SX 64637462 and a ragged scarp 25m long and 0.4m high occurs at SX 64587463.
At SX 64607457, on the inner face of the pound wall, beside the gateway, is the mis-named Judge's Seat of Judge's Chair.
It consists of two upright slabs 3m apart, each 2.3m high and 0.9m wide, with another massive slab resting upon them to form a roof and another forms the back of the structure. Within, beyond stones forming a threshold step, is the seat, two long blocks 0.4m high resting on a base of small stones. The whole is built onto the pound wall rather than within it.
Worth (1967) implies that it functioned with the Medieval usage of the pound as a bailiff's or officers seat and dismisses Crossings suggestion that the stone's might have come from a 'dolmen'. Both Worth and Crossing (1912) denounce the attribution to the Crockern Tor Tinners' Parliament site and the name Judge's Seat as century fabrication.
Near the seat there was formerly a broken holed stone. Seen and described by Crossing. Worth tentatively suggests that this might have been part of the stocks, mentioned in 1660. There is now no trace of the stone.
A stone trough in the SE part against the wall fed with fresh water from an adjacent wellhead (SX 67 SW 136) first by a leat, later by an iron pipe.
Butler, J.,1991,Dartmoor Atlas of Antiquities: Volume Two - The North, 54-55, Map 28, Site 1(Monograph). SDV219155.
Dunnabridge Pound was in existence long before it was first mentioned in 1342. In the four annual drifts stock pastured illegally on the east, south and west quarters of the moor were brought to Dunnabridge Pound and owners were fined before livestock could be reclaimed. The present wall closely follows that of its Prehistoric predecessor, which forms its foundation below the downhill section but is visible as a low bank inside the wall around the rest of the perimeter. Centuries of use and probably deliberate clearance have left few traces of the settlement within. Some scattered stony mounds are perhaps the remains of interior walls or dwellings, two of which are still recognisable. A short length of ancient walling descends the slope from the edge of a hut lying a few metres from the eastern perimeter and the circular outline of the second can be distinguished against the north bank.Dunnabridge is the largest of a group of five similar enclosures all within two kilometres and each surrounded by a massive wall with an undivided interior containing very few huts.
Gerrard, S.,2004,List of Sites Remaining to be Considered for Designation on Dartmoor(Un-published). SDV345444.
Dunnabridge Pound was considered for designation as a Scheduled Ancient Monument in 2004. Other details: Site 125.
National Monuments Record,2011,443295(National Monuments Record Database). SDV346916.
Dunnabridge Pound.
Ordnance Survey,2011,MasterMap(Cartographic). SDV346129.
'Dunnabridge Pound' shown on modern mapping.

Lydford, sometimes spelled Lidford, is a village and civil parish, in Devon, seven miles (11 km) north of Tavistock on the western fringe of Dartmoor in the West Devon district. The parish covers an area of 50,000 acres (200 km2), and at the 2021 census had a population of 370.
The village is on the small River Lyd, which traverses a deep narrow chasm, crossed by a bridge of single span. Running south-west from the village is Lydford Gorge, a 1 1⁄2miles (2.4 km) wooded gorge which has been cut through the slate rock by the river, and is noted for its 30-metre (98 ft) waterfall. The gorge area is owned by the National Trust.
Once an important town, Lydford is noted for its history and surrounding countryside, and has been described as a tourism honeypot
Etymology
The original Anglo-Saxon names for the village were Hlidafordor Hlidan, from hlid, meaning a cover or lid, referring to the almost perfect concealment of the river beneath the chasm at the bridge, and ford (crossing). Over the years the name mutated via Lyghatford, Lidefort and Lideford to the contemporary spelling.
Historically Lydford was an economic powerhouse, established as one of the four Saxon burhs of Devon by king Alfred the Great. It first appears in recorded history in 997, when the Danes made a plundering expedition up the Tamar and Tavy as far as Hlidaforda (i.e. Lydford). The attack is described in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle:
Her on ðissum geare ferde se here abutan Defenanscire into Sæfern muðan and þær heregodan ægðer ge on Cornwealum and on Norðwealum and on Defenum, and eodon him þa up æt Wecedport and þær micel yfel worhton on bærnette and on mannslihtum, and æfter þam wendon eft abutan Penwiðsteort on þa suðhealfe and wendon þa into Tamer muðan and eodon þa up oð hi comon to Hlydanforda, and ælc þing bærndon and slogon þe hi gemitton, and Ordulfes mynster Tæfingstoc forbærndon and unasecgendlice herehyðe mid him to scypon brohton.
Translation:
In this year, they (the Vikings) visited Devonshire and at the mouth of the Severn, pillaging in Cornwall, Devon and Wales. They went to Watchet, and there caused much damage by dint of arson and wholesale slaughter. Then they turned at Penwith Tail to the south and up into the mouth of the Tamar, travelling to Lydford, burning and slaughtering anything they came across, and burned down Ordwulf's monastery at Tavistock, carrying vast amounts of loot back to their ships.
During the reign of Ethelred the Unready Lydford had a mint; coins minted there were inscribed LVD., LVDA, and LVDAN. In the reign of Edward the Confessor it was the most populous centre in Devon after Exeter, but Domesday Book relates that forty houses had lain waste since the Norman Conquest. The town never recovered its former prosperity under the Normans and, according to Domesday Book, Lydford was taxed equally with London. Under the Normans, and until the 20th century, the parish of Lydford included all of the Forest of Dartmoor.
Until the 12th century, parishioners from across most of Dartmoor were brought to Lydford for burial. The path used to make this final journey is known as the 'Lych way'. Many reports have been made of monks in white and phantom funeral processions seen walking along this path.
Lydford Castle is first mentioned in 1216, when it was granted to William Briwere, and was shortly afterwards fixed as the prison of the stannaries and the meeting-place of the Forest Courts of Dartmoor. A gild at Lideford is mentioned in 1180, and the pipe roll of 1195 records a grant for the reestablishment of the market. In 1238 the borough, which had hitherto been crown demesne, was bestowed by Henry III on Richard of Cornwall, who in 1268 obtained a grant of a Wednesday market and a three days fair at the feast of St Petrock. The borough had a separate coroner and bailiff in 1275, but it was never incorporated by charter, and only once, in 1300, returned members to parliament.
During the English Civil War, Lydford was the haunt of the then notorious Gubbins band, a gang of ruthless cut-throats and highwaymen, who took advantage of the turmoil of the times to ply their villainry. According to one account of the time:
Gubbins-land is a Scythia within England, and they pure heathens therein. Their language is the drosse of the dregs of the vulgar Devonian, They hold together like burrs: offend one and all will avenge their quarrel.
In 1987 the parish of Lydford finally lost its claim to be the largest parish in England. It was split into two civil parishes, Lydford and Dartmoor Forest. The ecclesiastical parish has also been split, with Princetown made a separate parish.
Lydford Church
The dedication of the parish church to St. Petrock would seem to indicate that it was built on the site of a pre-existing British settlement.
The current church was built in the perpendicular gothic style, and although ostensibly Norman, some of the architectural furniture, for example the font, is of the Anglo-Saxon style (or at latest, early Norman), thus it would appear that the church was rebuilt upon the site of the earlier building.
The church was enlarged in the 13th century and the tower added in the 15th century. In 1890 the vestry and northern aisle were added.
Lydford Castle
Main article: Lydford Castle
Two castles have been built at Lydford, the first immediately in the wake of the Norman Conquest in 1066.
The second castle was built on the site of the first castle in 1132. It was a 3-storey tower, commanding a strategic view over much of the surrounding countryside, and was eminently defensible, with the Gorge on one side, and the land sloping steeply away from it.
Its use changed under Edward I, who made the castle the Stannary prison; its reputation was not good. Sir Richard Grenville used the prison as an oubliette for his political opponents. An order of Parliament during the reign of Henry VIII describes the prison in 1512 as "one of the most hanious, contagious and detestable places in the realm"; Lydford Law was a by-word for injustice. It was also one of the seats of the Bloody Assizes of Hanging Judge Jeffreys.
The prison is commemorated in the poem "Lydford Law" by the Tavistock poet William Browne:
I've often hear of Lydford law,
How in the morn they hang and draw,
And sit in judgement after
At the time of Cromwell's Commonwealth, the castle was entirely in ruins, but in the 18th century it was restored and again used as a prison and as the meeting-place of the manor and borough courts. The site is now maintained by English Heritage, and entry is free of charge.
Lydford's toll road
Lydford is located on the former stagecoach route between Tavistock and Okehampton. Now the A386, this was the Okehampton Turnpike Trust's Tavistock Road , Near Beardon is a 'Take-off' stone set in the verge. On steep hills heavily laden waggons or coaches could add an extra toll-free horse to help pull the vehicle up the hill, but this horse had to be taken off at the top. Very few of these stones still exist in situ.
The church in Lydford is dedicated to St Petroc. St Petroc is a Saint who died in 564 AD. He was a British prince, the son of a welsh king, probably Glywys of Glywysing and Christian Saint who ministered to the people of Devon (Dewnans) and Cornwall (Kernow). In total 17 churches were dedicated to Petroc.
Lydford Churchholds a fine position at the south west corner of the village centre, high above the gorge, between the site of a previous Norman fortified castle and the still-standing Medieval castle. The church is dedicated to St Petrock (alternatively written as “St Petroc”), a Welsh monk who travelled extensively through the West Country in the 6th Century and died in 564. There are at least twenty-seven churches in Devon and Cornwall which bear his name.
Although the construction date of the first church in Lydford is not clear, it seems possible that the location of it and of the present church is that of a simple shelter used by St Petrock when visiting the area. Of course this general region of Celtic people had been Christianised, at least nominally, in the 4th century, following the official conversion of the Romans from paganism in about 330, and it had remained so after the departure of the Romans from Britain in 410; but, certainly, Christianity, in its Romano-Celtic form, was re-invigorated in the two counties by the preaching and work of St Petrock and his fellow monks. A date of 641 for the “dedication of a church to St Petrock” in Lydford has been stated [Ref. 1, below].
In the 7th century there had been the progressive Saxon conversion to Christianity that followed the arrival in SE England in about 600 of special emissaries from Rome. However, the date at which the Lydford area came under Saxon rule is uncertain. The Saxons had moved westwards from SE England and East Anglia, but, for example, did not capture Cirencester and Bath until 577 [Ref. 2, p.38]. The same source (p.54) states that the River Tamar (which is the present Devonshire/Cornwall boundary) was the western edge of Saxon Wessex by approximately 700. It seems likely therefore that the first church construction of some kind in Lydford was Celtic-Christian, and probable that a Saxon-Christian wooden church was constructed on the same site in the 8th century, but with the “St Petrock” name being retained and indicating an influence of the Celtic Christians upon the incoming Saxons.
Saxon Christianity spread progressively and became formalised, and dioceses and minsters existed in Exeter, Crediton, Plympton and Bodmin by about 850 . The fortified Anglo-Saxon town (“burh”) of Lydford was set up by King Alfred in about 880.
The Saxon wooden church in Lydford may have been burnt down by the Vikings when they attacked Tavistock and Lydford in 997 AD, but it is possible that it lasted until well after the Norman Conquest of 1066. But nothing now remains of it. The first mention of a stone church in the town/village is in 1237 [Ref.3]. After that, there are references to building work on the church in 1261 and in the middle of the fifteenth century. At one time a considerable quantity of lead was taken from the roof of the church to repair castles in Cornwall.
Structure, Wood Carvings and Village Models
Lydford Church is a fine and beautiful stone building with a tower, and well deserves to be visited.
A splendid feature of the inside of the Church is an excellent display of intricate wood carvings that form the ends of the pews. These are all different from each other and show a saint or other holy man surrounded by a border of words or of animals and plants. There are creatures from the sea and land, birds, insects, frogs and animals ranging in size from rabbits to goats; there are also many exquisite flowers, amongst them the primrose. Also in the church, at the back, there is a very interesting display of models of the village
Historically Lydford was an economic powerhouse, established as one of the four Saxon burhs of Devon by king Alfred the Great
Absolutely — Lydford’s early prominence is striking. As one of the four Saxon burhs (fortified towns) in Devon established by Alfred the Great, it played a key role in defense and administration during the late 9th century. These burhs were part of Alfred’s strategic network to resist Viking incursions and consolidate royal authority.
📜 Lydford’s Saxon Significance
Burh status: Its designation as a burh meant it had fortifications, a mint, and legal authority. It was a center for trade, governance, and military organization.
Minting coins: During the reign of Ethelred the Unready, Lydford had its own mint, producing coins marked LVD., LVDA, and LVDAN — a clear sign of its economic importance.
Population and taxation: By the time of Edward the Confessor, Lydford was the second most populous settlement in Devon after Exeter. Remarkably, Domesday Book records that it was taxed on par with London, despite its decline post-Conquest.
🏞️ Strategic Location
Situated on the River Lyd and near Lydford Gorge, its geography offered natural defenses and access to trade routes across Dartmoor.
It later became the administrative center for the Forest of Dartmoor, with jurisdiction over vast lands and stannary (tin-mining) courts.
Would you like a timeline of Lydford’s rise and decline, or perhaps a map overlay showing its historical extent and burh connections?
Historically Lydford was an economic powerhouse, established as one of the four Saxon burhs of Devon by king Alfred the Great ,could you please identify the other three and possibly define all four of their boundaries please
See my thinking
Summary
The four Saxon burhs in Devon traditionally associated with Alfred’s burh system are: Exeter, Lydford, Barnstaple (Pilton), and Okehampton. Below I give a concise identification for each and a practical, research-ready reconstruction of their likely medieval boundaries, with the kinds of evidence you should use to refine or map them precisely.
1. Exeter
Identification: The principal Devon burh, built on the site of the Roman city (Isca Dumnoniorum).
Likely boundary (practical reconstruction):
Follow the line of the Roman and medieval city walls and the defensive circuit around the Roman forum and streets.
Practical polygon to use: the area enclosed by the surviving Roman/medieval wall traces that run roughly from the Exe at the south-west, along the later city wall line to the north-east, then back to the river near St Thomas.
Key anchors: the medieval West Gate / Rougemont Castle area; the Roman walls line visible in modern plan; the River Exe as the southern/western limit.
Evidence to cite and map: Roman city plan, medieval wall excavations, historic maps (Chapman, 18th–19th c.), archaeological reports for Rougemont/Exeter.
2. Lydford
Identification: One of Alfred’s Devon burhs, sited on the River Lyd at the western edge of Dartmoor.
Likely boundary (practical reconstruction):
Core around the present village, the castle motte-and-bailey site and St. Petroc’s church; a defensible circuit following the river gorge and steep slopes of Lydford Gorge where available.
Practical polygon: the immediate parish/village footprint bounded by the River Lyd to the west/south-west, rising ground to the north and east that forms natural defences.
Key anchors: Lydford Castle/motte site; the church and medieval street plan; river gorge topography.
Evidence to cite and map: earthworks and castle remains, parish boundary, LiDAR/topographic slope breaks indicating natural defensive edges.
3. Barnstaple (Pilton)
Identification: The Burghal Hidage and later medieval references associate a North Devon burh conventionally identified with Pilton/Barnstaple (Pilton being the older nucleus on the Taw).
Likely boundary (practical reconstruction):
A circuit around the confluence of the River Taw and the Yeo/Torridge approaches that protects the fording/port area.
Practical polygon: an enclosed area including Pilton and the early settlement area on the east bank of the Taw that became Barnstaple, taking rivers and low-lying floodplain margins as limits where defences would be placed.
Key anchors: the medieval marketplace core (Barnstaple town centre), the old Pilton parish, river channels and former fords.
Evidence to cite and map: Domesday entries, early town charters, river channels (historic courses), archaeological investigations at Pilton/Barnstaple.
4. Okehampton
Identification: Often treated as the inland West Devon burh serving routes across Dartmoor toward the interior; Okehampton has visible medieval earthworks and a planned market town pattern consistent with burh function.
Likely boundary (practical reconstruction):
Circuit around the market-place and castle earthworks, using the higher ground slopes to the north and east as natural defensive edges.
Practical polygon: the medieval nucleated town centre including castle motte and adjacent street grid, bounded where topography becomes steeper or less defendable.
Key anchors: Okehampton Castle/motte, main market street, parish boundary traces.
Evidence to cite and map: castle earthworks, street-plan morphology, manorial records, LiDAR showing banked defences.
How I recommend you define and map each burh precisely
Collate primary textual evidence: the Burghal Hidage (for relative hidage and wall lengths), Domesday Book entries, and any surviving Anglo-Saxon charter evidence for each place.
Use archaeological footprints: Roman city walls (Exeter), castle mottes and baileys (Lydford, Okehampton), and any surviving town-ditch/wall traces (Pilton/Barnstaple).
Topography and hydrology: use LiDAR and historic river courses to place natural defensive limits and probable wall alignments.
Historic maps and place‑names: early town plans, tithe maps, and medieval boundary descriptions to refine the polygon edges.
Produce GIS polygons at three confidence levels:
High confidence core (archaeological/structural remains).
Probable extents (historic plan + topography).
Maximum defensible perimeter (based on hidage/wall-length estimates and landscape limits).
Sources and next steps (practical)
Primary sources to consult: Burghal Hidage; Domesday Book entries for Devon manors and towns; Anglo-Saxon charters; early medieval chronicles.
Secondary evidence: county archaeological reports (Devon HER), LiDAR / historic environment records, Ordnance Survey historical mapping.
If you want, I can:
Produce GIS-ready polygons for each burh using the reconstruction approach above.
Draft a step-by-step mapping workflow (QGIS-ready) showing which layers to use and how to convert textual wall-lengths into perimeter estimates.
Create printable map overlays showing the three confidence bands for each burh.
Would you like me to produce GIS polygon coordinates (GeoJSON) for these reconstructions or a detailed QGIS workflow next?
Anglo-Saxon Town defending Wessex against the Cornish and the Vikings
LYDFORDis a place of considerable historical importance since it was one of the approximately thirty towns ("burhs") set up by one of the The Anglo-Saxons Kings of Wessex, Alfred the Great (born 849, died 899, reigned 871-899) as militarised communities for defence of his country against the Vikings of Denmark (who had been making progressively stronger attacks, first on northern England and then on southern and western England since AD 865), and very possibly also against raiders from Cornwall.
The Anglo-Saxon Kingdom of Wessexcomprised essentially the present counties of Hampshire, Dorset, Wiltshire, Somerset and Devon. The Saxons had captured northern parts of what is now Dorset probably by about AD 658(Hinton 1998, page 38)and reached the river that is now called the "River Tamar" by about AD 700(Campbell, John and Wormald 1982/1991, page 54), after slowly but progressively moving and conquering westwards from the original areas of Eastern England in which they had arrived from Northern Continental Europe from AD 410 onwards after the departure of the Roman armies. There are legends in old literature (eg, in a poem in the "Black Book of Carmarthen") that refer to a King of Devon named Gerontius (subsequently called "Saint Gerontius") and/or Geraint, and his wife Enid, and that he died in a battle fought between the Britons and the Saxons in about AD 508. It seems very possible that the particular battle was not in Devon, but was in the area of what is now Portchester in Hampshire, a battle that is recorded in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. The award of the term "Saint" to Gerontius is due to the fact that the Britons of the West of England were Christians (because of the previous occupation of the country by the Romans) but that the Saxons were not Christians at that date; so death in battle against the Saxons counted as martyrdom. His saint-day in the year is the 10th of August. In all this, there is however the confusion that there was a King of Cornwall who died in AD 596, who also had the name "Gerontius", and he also was given the title "King Saint".(General reference concerning saints: Farmer, 1997).
Although it is not clear when the area that is now called Cornwall in the south-west of England came under full Anglo-Saxon control, a monk living in the early ninth century wrote that King Egbert of Wessex (AD 802-839) "ravished Cornwall from east to west" in AD 815(Matthews, 1986). It has been noted also(Radford, 1939)that the Saxon royal records show that King Egbert granted lands in East Cornwall to the See of Sherborne in AD 835, and so it seems that the eastern part of present day Cornwall had been incorporated, at least tentatively, into Wessex by that latter date. Nevertheless, even about forty years later, the most western fortified community of Wessex was that of Lydford, set up by King Alfred as described below, and it is likely that it was intended as a defence not only against the Vikings but also against the Cornish.
Lydford, initially "Hlidan" and later "Hlidanford", was established as a fortified town by King Alfred, within the years 870-890 AD, for the purpose of defending the western edge of his country, and the particular site was chosen because of the steep and close downward slopes towards the east, the south (to what is now called Lydford Gorge and the west; only the northern side of the Lydford site could be easily vulnerable, and here was constructed the tall and broad defence-bank of stone and earththat survives in near entirety to the present day. The north-south main street of the Saxon town still exists as the road of and through the present-day village, and the other Saxon streets, running at right angles to that, are now lanes and bridle paths. It is likely that the original Saxon church of Lydford, having walls of wood, was constructed sometime during the 8th century.
The total area including farming land associated with and defended by the Lydford burh can be estimated from information in the set of 9th-century Anglo-Saxon documents called the "Burghal Hidage". There it is stated that (in translation) "To Lydford belong one hundred and fifty hides less ten hides"(Hill 1969, page 90), where a "hide" (often written as "hid" and "hiwise") was defined as the agricultural area needed to sustain one peasant family. The difficulty, however, is that no known Anglo-Saxon documents define a hide in terms of acres or other exact unit of area, and it seems likely that the size of a hide was not the same in different parts of the overall Anglo-Saxon domain. It has been suggested(Stenton 1971, page 279)that, where hides were small, the situation was that it was considered that the peasants were poor and so needed less land to support them, and, indeeed, that, although a hide in what is now Cambridgeshire was about 120 acres (49 hectares), the corresponding area in present-day Wiltshire and Dorset, and probably in much of the then Kingdon of Wessex, was about 40 acres (16 ha). So, if we apply the latter figure to the 140 hides which the Burghal Hidage states for Lydford, we find an area of about 5600 acres (2270 ha) associated with the Lydford burh. That is of course much larger than the area of the burh itself.
At times of possible enemy attack (by Vikings generally, but probably also by the Cornish Dumnoni tribes in the case of Lydford), the peasants of the land associated with a burh congregated within the defensible boundary of the burh, and the Burghal Hidage states that the peasants were required to provide a defensive force of one man per hide. The Burghal Hidage says(Hill 1969, pages 90, 91)also that each pole-length (ie 16.5 feet, ie close to 5.0 metres) of rampart wall was to be defended by four men. Assessment of the ramparts of many of King Alfred's burhs has indicated that their lengths mostly agree well or very well with the values calculated as above in terms of the number of hides belonging to the burh. For example, the calculation for Winchester of 2400 hides gives a rampart wall length of 3018 metres, which is within 1% of the actual length of the perimeter wall of old Winchester(Campbell, John and Wormald 1991, page 153).
So we can be tempted to apply the same calculation to Lydford's 140 hides, and that leads to a rampart wall length of 175 metres. Interestingly, that is fairly similar to the length of the dominant part of the still visible Anglo-Saxon stone and earth defensive bank, as described above, at the north of the Lydford burh.
As described in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, in AD 997, during the reign of Aelthelred II,Vikings, having landed at what is now Plymouth at the mouth of the River Tamar, travelled northwards and strongly attacked Lydford (presumably for the silver and coins described below), and then returned south, destroying and plundering Tavistock Abbey on their way. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle does not state that Lydford was captured by the Vikings in that attack, and John Allan (2002) has stated that the lack of a break, at that date, in the coin-minting activity at Lydford suggests that the Vikings did not gain access into Lydford. That Lydford-Viking battle of AD 997 is commemorated by aRoadside Plaque, showing a Danish axe on a Saxon shield, at the southern entrance to the Saxon town area (a little way down the hill) and by a Viking-styleRunic Stonecarved, from local granite, in the field next to the Castle. The plaque was made by a Lydford resident, John Luttman, in 1990, and the Runic Stone was set up in AD 1997 as part of the commemorative 1000thanniversary of the Viking attack, but this time in the presence of a group of peaceful and welcomed Danish visitors.
A Coin-Minting Town for Anglo-Saxon Wessex
Of further considerable interest and importance is that Lydford was one of a number of Anglo-Saxon coin-minting centres, that in Lydford being established in about AD 973 (Allan, 2002). Silver rather than gold was the currency metal in England for most of the period 600-1066 AD and beyond, and the Lydford area had rich silver mines; indeed one of the existing roads in the village is still called"Silver Street". Coins in silver called "Lydford Pennies" were minted during the reigns of successive Anglo-Saxon and Danish kings, Aethelred II, Canute, Harold I and Edward the Confessor and were used throughout the Kingdom of Wessex. It is thought that such a silver penny represented the value of about one day's work for a Saxon peasant. In agricultural terms, its value has been estimated as between a third and a fifth of the price of a sheep and about a tenth of the price of a cow (Passmore M, 2001)).
The coins of the Anglo-Saxons were made at a variety of local mints by expert metal workers called "Moneyers". It is known that individual moneyers worked in different places during their coin-minting careers, and details of the careers of two moneyers, Hunwine and Aelfwine, whose lives included silver-penny fabrication at Lydford have been described.
It has been estimated (Allan, 2002) that the Lydford Mint produced somewhat more than 1.5 million silver pennies during its operational period from about AD 973 to 1066. But it must be remembered that, initially, every six years and, later, every three years, all existing silver pennies were recalled by the Crown Authority, and pennies of identical size and weight but of changed design were minted from the same silver. There are twenty-one Lydford Silver Pennies in the British Museum and several in the Royal Albert Memorial Museum in Exeter, but museums in Scandinavia, especially in Stockholm, contain several hundred Lydford Pennies, mostly, no doubt, the result of the "Dangeld" payment exorted from the Anglo-Saxons by the Vikings more than one thousand years ago.
A particularly interesting fact is that a collection of 523 Anglo-Saxon silver pennies found in 1851 in Valdarve in Sweden contained a very significant fraction, 68 out of the 523, of Lydford Pennies (Allan, 2002). However, since 66 of those 68 Lydford coins were of the "Aethelred Last Small Cross" type, minted in the period AD 1009-1016, their arrival in Scandinavia could not have resulted from the Viking attack on Lydford in AD 997. So the reason for the presence of such number of Lydford Pennies in the Valdarve find is not known.
Since the arrival of the Vikings at Lydford in AD 997 and their attack upon the town must have been expected, one may wonder whether there are Lydford Pennies, still not found, that were hidden by inhabitants of Lydford who were killed in the defence of their town. There is no record of any Lydford Penny having yet been found in Devon (Allan, 2002).The End of the Anglo-Saxon Period
The Battle of Hastings of 1066 and the resultant capture of the whole of England by the Normans marked the formal end of the Anglo-Saxon period. The first Norman castle in Lydford, probably essentially a fort, was built soon after 1066, and the existence of Baron de Brionne's large Norman Castle in Okehampton was reported in the Domesday Book of 1086. It is clear that the area that is now called "West Devon" that includes Lydford was essentially under the control of the Normans within a few years of 1066.
The life of the ordinary people of Lydford was probably however not much changed by those events. A piece of pottery, described as Saxo-Norman "Grog-Ware" of the late 10th/11th centuries, has been recently found in Lydford, and it is very likely that such pottery was in use for many years both before and after the Norman Conquest.
Addyman P V, "Excavations at Lydford, Devon: Third Interim Report"
Archaeology Dept, Queen's University, Belfast (three pages, 1966)
Allan J, "The Anglo-Saxon Mint at Lydford",
Rep. Trans. Devonshire Assoc. Advmt Sci.134(2002) 9-32
Allan J and Timms S, "Saxon Pennies of the Mints of Lydford and Totnes in the Exeter City Museum"
in 'Treasures of Ancient Devon' (Devon Books, 1996) pages 30-31
Barber C, "Lydford & Brent Tor" (Obelisk Publications, Exeter, 2004), 32 pages
including a variety of interesting b/w photographs: Price, approx Ł2.99
Barber C, "Railways On and Around Dartmoor", (Obelisk Publications, Exeter, 1997), 32 pages that
include photographs and descriptions of the two railway systems that existed at and near Lydford
Bateman M (Canon), "Lydford Lives", 48 pages (Lydford Parochial Church Council, 1991).Biddle M "Towns" in'The Archaeology of Anglo-Saxon England'(1976, Wilson D M, Editor)
Browne W (William), "Lydford Journey", Poem of 1644, containing the words
"I oft have heard of Lydford Law:
How in the morn they hang and draw
And sit in judgement after."
Campbell J, John E and Wormald P, "The Anglo-Saxons" (Phaidon 1982, Penguin 1991) 272 pages:
full of information, excellently written and including many beautiful photographs of Anglo-Saxon jewellery,
manuscripts etc and informative maps.
Department of the Environment: Ancient Monuments and Historic Buildings,
"Lydford Castle, Devonshire" (an 8-page leaflet, published by HMSO, 1964, 1977)
Devon Federation of Women's Institutes, "Lydford" in 'The Devon Village Book'
(Countryside Books and D.F.W.I., 1990, reprinted 1994), pages 150-151
Gore, D, "The Vikings and Devon" (2001)
English Heritage, "Lydford Saxon Town and Castle: A Brief Guide" (1992)
distributed by the Dartmoor National Park Authority:
double-sided A4 leaflet, including map of Lydford and photograph of the Castle.
English Heritage ?, "Lydford History Trail", (date=?): an informative leaflet of four A4 pages.
English Heritage ?, "Lydford Village Historic Trail", (date=?):
a leaflet of seven A4 pages including map of the Saxon Town and amusing sketches.
Garmonsway G N, "The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" [translated into modern English]
(Everyman's Library 1972, 1992), page 131
Gent T, "Excavations in Advance of an Extension to the Castle Inn, Lydford",
Exeter Archaeology,Report 95.62(1995)
Griffith F, "The Anglo-Saxon Burh at Lydford" in 'Devon's Past: An Aerial View'
(Devon Books, 1988) page 68-69: text and a fine and very clear 1984 aerial photograph of Lydford.
Griffith F, "Powder Mills, Lydford" in 'Devon's Past: An Aerial View' (Devon Books, 1988) page 108,
about the gunpowder factory near Cherrybrook in Lydford Parish: text & photograph.
Haslam J, "Anglo-Saxon Towns in Southern England" (1984)
Higham R A, "Public and Private Defence in the Medieaval South West Town, Castle and Fort"
in'Security and Defence in South-West England before 1800'
(ESH 19, University of Exeter, 1987, edited by R A Higham) pages 27-50
Hill, D, "The Burghal Hidage: The Establishment of a Text" in Medieval Archaelogy XIII (1969) 84-92
Hoskins W G "Devon" (1972, 1978)
Lydford Parochial Church Council & Wans J "St Petrock's Church, Lydford" (LPCC 1983), 14 pages.
Maddicott J R "Trade, Industry and the Wealth of King Alfred" Past & Present123(1989) 3-51
Mitchell V and Smith K, "Southern Main Lines: Exeter to Tavistock" (Middleton Press, 1996), 96 pages
of railway photographs with texts, maps and data, including of Lydford.
National Records, "The Burghal Hidage" (probably of Alfred the Great, King of Wessex, about AD 880)
National Records,"The Domesday Book" (William the First, King of England, AD 1086)
Newman P, "The Town and Castle Earthworks at Lydford, Devon: Survey Report" 20 pages
(English Heritage, 2000)
Nicholas J and Reeve G, "The Okehampton Line: The Southern Railway Route between Exeter,
Tavistock & Plymouth" (Irwell Press, 2001), 236 pages containing many photographs incl. of Lydford
Ordnance Survey, First Edition (1882), Map at scale of 1:2500
Pegg J, "Discover the Church at Lydford" (publication journal and date not yet known),
article, one A4 page
Radford C A R, "The Later Pre-Conquest Boroughs and Their Defences"
Medieaval Archaeol.14(1970) pages 83-103
Radford G H (Mrs), "History of the Church at Lydford, with Some Account of Its Rectors",
Trans. Devonshire Assoc. for the Advancement of Science, Literature and Art
XXI(1889) pages 171-200
Radford G H, "Lydford Town", Trans. Devonshire Assoc.37(1905) 175-187
Sale R (text) and Chapman C (photographs), "Dartmoor: Official National Park Guide",(Dartmoor National Park, 2000), 112 pages.
Saunders A D "Lydford Castle, Devon", Medieaval Archaeol.24(1980) pages 123-164
Spooner G M and Russell F S (Editors), "Worth's Dartmoor" (1967, David & Charles Publishers)
A detailed, reference presentation of the archaeology of Dartmoor, compiled from the published
work of R Hansford Worth.
The National Trust, "Lydford Gorge" (National Trust Enterprises, 1993):
an illustrated souvenir booklet of 32 pages.
Thorn C and Thorn F (Editors) "Domesday Book, Devon" (1985)
Thorpe G S (Rector of Lydford) "St Petrock's Church, Lydford, Dartmoor, Devon:
The People's Heritage; Its History and Its Treasures"
(Wheaton & Company, Exeter, 1933: printed for presentation),
323 pages including reflections on many religious saints and personalities.
Timms S, "The Royal Town of Lydford" in Devon Archaeology No.3, (Dartmoor Issue)
(Devon Archeaological Society, 1985) pages 19-23. Concerning the Viking threat to Anglo-Saxon England
and Lydford as a defensive burh, the article states"We know that Lydford served its purpose, for in 997
it repulsed an attack by the Danes, who went on to sack Tavistock Abbey.". Note that this well-respected
historian says "repulsed"; other articles have strongly implied that the Danish attack against Lydford was successful.
Todd M, "South-West to AD1000" (1987)
Weddell P J, "Excavations at Southgate Cottages, Lydford"
Devon Archeaological Society Proceedings No. 39 (1981) pages 119-140
Weeks B et al "The Book of Lydford" (containing more than 300 historic photographs, maps etc)
Publication Date: November 2004; Ł19.95 in A4-sized hardback of 160 pages.
Wilson D "The Anglo Saxons", 184 pages (Thames & Hudson 1960; Rev.Edn, Pelican/Penguin 1971).
Wilson D M and Hurst D G, "Medieval Britain" in Medieval Archaelogy (1964 - 1968)
Wootton M & S, "The Little Book of Lydford: Facts and Legends" (Caradon Printers, Callington,
Cornwall 1970, 1972, 1981) 32 pages of text and photgraphs.
Worth R N, "Lydford and its Castle", Trans. Devonshire Assoc.6(1879) 282-302.I express my thanks to Mrs Barbara Weeks and to Mrs Mary Barkell respectively for informing me about the books listed above concerning Lydford Church and concerning the railways.
"Chageyford in the dirt"—The making of Chagford—The old clerk—The church—Tincombe Lane—Chagford Common—Flint finds— Scaur Hill circle—Stone rows—The Tolmen—The Teign river— Camps on it—Drewsteignton cromlech—Gidleigh—Old farmhouses —Fernworthy—The Grey Wethers—Teignhead House—Browne's House—Story about it—Grimspound—Birch Tor stone rows— Chaw Gully—The Webburn.
CHAGFORD is in Domesday written Chagéford, and this is the local pronunciation of the name at the present day. The natives say, "Chageyford in the dirt—O good Lord!"But Chagford has had the ability and promptitude to get out of the dirt and prove itself to be anything but a stick-in-the-mud place. It is with places as with people, some have good luck fall to them, others make their fortunes for themselves. Okehampton belongs to the former class, Chagford to the latter. It owes almost everything to a late rector, who, resolved on pushing the place, invited down magazine editors and professional littérateurs entertained them, drove them about, and was rewarded by articles appearing in journals and serials, belauding Chagford for its salubrious climate, its incomparable scenery, its ready hospitality, its rural sweetness, and its archaeological interest. Whither the writers pointed with their pens, thither the public ran, and Chagford was made. It has now every appliance suitable—pure water, electric lighting, telephone, a bicycle shop, and doctors to patch broken heads and set broken limbs of those upset from the "bikes." Chagford is undoubtedly a picturesque and pleasant spot. It is situated near Dartmoor, and is sheltered from the cold and from the rainy drift that comes from the south-west. The lodging-house keepers know how to make visitors comfortable, and to charge for so doing. The church has been restored, coaches run to bring visitors, and the roads and lanes have been widened.I recall the church before modern ideas had penetrated to Chagford. At that time the clerk, who also led the orchestra, gave out the psalm from his seat under the reading-desk, then, whistling the tune, he marched slowly down the nave, ascended to the gallery with leisure, and the performance began.The church, dedicated to S. Michael, was rebuilt in the middle of the fifteenth century, when the Gorges family owned much land in the parish. Their cognisance, the whirlpool, a canting cognisance (gurges) appears in the bosses of the roof. It contains two monuments of some importance: one is a handsome stone altar tomb, with a canopy supported on columns, in memory of Sir John Whiddon, of Whiddon Park, Judge of Queen's Bench, who died in 1575; the other is to commemorate John Prouze, who died in 1664.The Three Crowns Inn, opposite the church, is a picturesque building of the seventeenth century. Chagford was one of the Stannary towns, but no remains of the court-house exist. On Mattadon, above the town, stands a rude early cross of granite. The ascent to the moor by Tincombe Lane, as I remember it half a century ago, was no better than a watercourse, strewn with boulders, to be scrambled up or down at the risk of dislocation of the ankle. It then well merited the descriptive lines:—
"Tincombe Lane is all uphill Or downhill, as you take it; You tumble up, and crack your crown, Or tumble down and break it.
"Tincombe Lane is crook'd and straight,
Here pothook, there as arrow,
'Tis smooth to foot, 'tis full of rut,
'Tis wide, and then, 'tis narrow.
"Tincombe Lane is just like life,
From when you leave your mother;
'Tis sometimes this, 'tis sometimes that,
'Tis one thing or the other."
Now all is changed. A steam-roller goes up and down Tincombe Lane, the angles have been rounded, the precipitous portions made easy, the ruts filled up. And life likewise is now made easy for the rising generation—possibly too easy. Ruggedness had a charm of its own, and bred vigour of constitution and moral physique.
Chagford having lost, by death, the whistling clerk, started a blind organist. Now, also, he is gone. Every peculiarity is being crushed out of modern life by the steam-roller, civilisation.
Chagford Common, as I recall it, half a century ago, was strewn thick with hut circles. One ascended to it by Tincombe Lane and came into a prehistoric world, a Pompeii of a past before Rome was. It was dense with hut circles, pounds, and every sort of relic of the ancient inhabitants of the moor. But inclosures have been made, and but a very few relics of the aboriginal settlement remain. One of the most curious, the "Roundy Pound," only escaped through urgent remonstrance made to spare it. The road carried over the common annually eats up the remains of old, as the road-menders take away the stones from the hut circles to metal the highway.
At Batworthy, one of the inclosures, there must have been anciently a manufactory of flint tools and weapons. Countless spalls of flint and a fine collection of fabricated weapons and tools have been found there, and the collection has been presented from this place to the Plymouth Municipal Museum.
On Gidleigh Common, beside the Teign, opposite Batworthy, is Scaur Hill circle. It consists of thirty-two stones, at present, of which eight are prostrate. The highest of the stones is a little over six feet. The circle is ninety-two feet in diameter. Apparently leading towards this ring, on the Chagford side of the river, was a very long double row of stones, with a second double row or avenue branching from it.
There was a third double row, which started from the Longstone, near Caistor Rock. This Longstone
is still standing, but the stone rows have been shamefully robbed by a farmer to build his newtake walls. I give plan of the rows as taken by me in 1851. There was another line of stones leading from the Three Boys to the Longstone. The Three Boys were three big stones that have disappeared, and the line from them has also been obliterated. This portion I unfortunately did not plan in 1851.
In the valley of the Teign is the so-called tolmen, a natural formation. In the same slab or stone may be seen the beginnings of a second hole. But it is curious as showing that the river at one time rolled at a higher elevation than at present. The scenes on a ramble up the river from Chagford to Holy Street Mill and the mill itself are familiar to many, as having furnished subjects for pictures in the Royal Academy.
The river Teign below Whiddon Park winds in and out among wooded precipitous hills to where the Exeter road descends in zigzags to Fingle Bridge, passing on its way Cranbrook Castle, a stone camp. The brook in the name is a corruption of burgh or burrh. On the opposite side of the valley, frowning across at Cranbrook, is Prestonbury Camp.
With advantage the river may be followed down for several miles to Dunsford Bridge, and the opportunity is then obtained of gathering white heath which grows on the slopes. At Shilstone in Drewsteignton is the only cromlech in the county. It is a fine monument. A few years ago it fell, but has been re-erected in its old position. After recent ploughing flints may be picked up in the field where it stands.
Gidleigh merits a visit, the road to it presenting many delicious peeps. Gidleigh possesses the ruin of a doll castle that once belonged to the Prouze family. The church contains a screen in good preservation. In the parish of Throwleigh is the interesting manor house Wanson, of which I have told a story in my Old English Home.
But perhaps more interesting than manor houses are the old farm buildings in the neighbourhood of Chagford, rapidly disappearing or being altered out of recognition to adapt them to serve as lodging-houses to receive visitors.
One such adaptation may be noticed in Tincombe Lane. An old house is passed, where the ancient mullioned windows have been heightened and the floors and ceilings raised, to the lasting injury of the house itself, considered from a picturesque point of view. A passable road leads up the South Teign to Fernworthy, a substantial farm in a singularly lone spot. But there was another farm even more lonely at Assacombe, where a lateral stream descends to the Teign, but it has been abandoned, and consists now of ruin only. Near it is a well-preserved double stone row leading from a cairn and finishing at a blocking-stone.
At Fernworthy itself is a circle of upright stones and the remains of several stone rows sorely mutilated for the construction of a newtake wall. In a tumulus near these monuments was found an urn containing ashes, with a flint knife, and another, very small, of bronze or copper, and a large polished button of horn. On Chagford Common, near Watern Hill, is a double pair of rows leading from a cairn and a small menhir, to blocking -stones. Although the stones of which they are composed are small, the rows are remarkably well preserved.
It will repay the visitor to continue his ascent of the South Teign to the Grey Wethers, two circles of stone, of which, however, many are fallen. Here exploration, such as has been conducted at Fernworthy circle, shows that the floors are deep in ashes, and this leads to the surmise that the circles were the crematories of the dead who lie in the cairns and tunnels in the neighbourhood.
Near the source of the North Teign is Teignhead House, one of the most solitary spots in England. A shepherd resides there, but it is not for many winters that a woman can endure the isolation and retain her reason.
And yet there remain the ruins of a house in a still more lonely situation. The moorman points it out as Browne's House.
Although, judging from the dilapidation and the lichened condition of the stones, one could have supposed that this edifice was of great antiquity, yet it is not so by any means. There are those still alive who remember when the chimney fell; and who had heard of both the building, the occupying, and the destruction of Browne's House. Few indeed have seen the ruin, for it is in so remote a spot that only the shepherd, the rush-cutter, and the occasional fisherman approach it.
BEGINNINGS
To stand on the actual spot where a river starts its life is a curious feeling — to watch the water bubbling up from the depths of the moor at one’s feet as it starts its journey to the sea — although inevitably reminiscent of Tennyson’s brook that went on forever — like man, it still has a beginning and an end, its yesterdays, todays and tomorrows are filled with the dramas, and tragedies, of life itself, which occur on or near its banks, all to become part of history. One thing is certain, the River Lemon has been bearing its soft, peaty water to the Teign since the Bronze Age, for near the springs in Bagtor Mire where one tributary, the Sig rises, there are hut circles where once an agricultural site stood by this source of water. Some say the name Lemon comes from the Celtic word for elm, others that Lemmon is of Saxon origin taken from Llammau ,
stones, which, when associated with Afon, a river, means literally ‘stones in a river to walk upon’. Before bridges were built in the neighbourhood, all the fords of the Lemon did have big stepping stones, some of which could still be seen crossing the river behind Wolborough Street until the year 1785, replaced by the Union Bridge in 1822 which is still in use today. Unlike the Dart, the Lemon doesn’t start in a remote part of the
moor. In fact it is simple for anyone to find its ‘beginnings’ in a mire near the old Haytor main or No 1 Quarry, where work started in 1820 and Mr George Templer of Stover built his tramway to link Haytor with the coast. You can still see the foundations of the houses where the quarrymen lived. He also built a public house at Haytor Vale, with dwellings either side for the miners who, before then, had lived
in cottages scattered about the moor. At the feet of these workings the river starts. Not sluggish for long, soon it hurries with a kind of urgency over granite pebbles, its water bright and clear in the summer sunlight - seeming so harmless and peaceful, running under the road and past the burned-out ruin of the Moorland Hotel, a reminder of one of the many fires which have occurred on its banks. Here, at its beginnings, controversy once raged, for water used to be taken from it to feed the leat or pot water, the sole supply for Ilsington village, and Dick Wills, parish historian of Narracombe, whose family have farmed there for fourteen generations, told me there were many accusations from the thirteenth century onwards that too much water was taken, thus depriving the manor mill, Bagtor, of its supply, whilst the leat was feeding the mills of Ilsington. Liverton and Pool. It seems,’ he said ‘that there was a trough at the source and from a hole in this the water ran through the fields to Ilsington. The villagers used to go and make the hole bigger so more water ran their way. This caused a certain amount of ill feeling! ’
But for a moment we come back to the present century. On the
night of 6 March 1970, when the Bovey police and their 250 guests
were enjoying their twenty-first annual ball, soon after midnight
everyone was asked to file out of the ballroom into the courtyard, and
as they went they saw smoke pouring from the air vents, and outside
flames were leaping from the roof of the hotel.
The police tackled the fire with extinguishers until ten appliances
arrived with sixty firemen, but all they could do was to stop the blaze
from entirely destroying the hotel. A large section of the upper floor
was wiped out and extensive damage caused to the ground floor. It
was thought that the fire had started as the result of faulty wiring,
but fortunately at least there were no casualties, four children who
had been asleep upstairs being carried to safety. The following
morning the police had to open up a special depot for people to pick
up their coats at the police station in Newton Abbot, among them a
silver mink. Much to everyone’s relief the draw money and prizes
had also been saved! It was the biggest hotel fire in the area for
years, and now it is known as the Hotel with no (Guests, for it has re
mained an empty shell ever since. All you can hear as you stand
looking over the gate is the whistling of the wind through the glass
less windows. The owners did want to rebuild it on a bigger scale,
but the plan was turned down by the Dartmoor National Park Com
mittee. At the entrance is a board which states CLOSED UNTIL
FURTHER NOTICE. Could it perhaps be forever?
Let us look now at something beautiful instead, for it is only fair to
visit the Lemon’s main tributary while we are on this part of the
moor — the River Sig which rises in Bagtor Mire under Rippon
5
SMITH’S WOOD TO SIGFORD
You can enter Smith’s wood either from Bagtor Mill end, or from Sigford itself where a lane leads up to Smith’s Wood cottage, now called Kate’s cottage. This was most likely once a miner’s cottage standing in a typical Devon wood with a mixture of beech, oak and hazel, carpeted with moss and, in their season, rich with the colour of bluebells, pink campion and the deeper crimson of foxgloves, the lower branches of the trees entwined with dog roses and sweet smelling honeysuckle, a paradise of peace and beauty, and always the sound of running water like background music . . . Just under a mile from the road stands the cottage. Mr Retallick had warned me there had been changes, the trees cut down, the ground levelled, and a new house built, but it still came as something of a shock to see the present building with its wooden shutters, a new cesspool and storage tanks, and the ‘up and over’ metal door to the
garage. Perhaps most incongruous of all amidst this sylvan peace, a yellow alarm bell marked Securicor shining garishly on the wall. It seems the lane had been dug up so the alarm cable might be laid and taken to the police station in Ashburton. It all seemed a little larger than life — as one of the locals said, she couldn’t remember a crime of any sort taking place in the area! Such perhaps is progress. In the village of Sigford itself the Lemon really becomes a fully grown river, for it is joined by its two companions — the River Sig of which I have already written, itself swollen now by Langworthy brook meeting it under an arch from where the two of them flow into the Lemon a few yards further on. The Langworthy Brook has been the cause of quite a bit of controversy in the past and I myself have seen water the colour of tomato soup run past our house! This it seems is due to ‘they arsenic mines’ at Owlacombe. These were worked up until the 1920s for arsenic and tin, and the streams which run down into the brook carry ochre. Thus when the springs rise and the mines flood, all this colours the water which eventually reaches the Lemon. In spite of the consternation, it apparently is harmless to man and boast, on the opposite side of the road are the Owlacombe Beams, very
old workings which some people say could go back to Roman times. They are medieval at least, open cast, and were once worked by hand.At the cross roads in the village a mill once stood for grinding corn, but in 1710 disaster struck the family who lived there, wiping tail woven children and the mother, the father being the only survival The Nosworthys were the millers thus affected, Dick Wills’ ancestors, and he said, ‘It may have been the plague or small pox, we don't know, but by some miracle the father escaped, he returned Io Mannton and eventually married again.’ I looked for the site but could only find the barns and outhouses; it I still called The Mill and the leat can be seen. Risdon in his book, where he alludes to the moor as ‘The mother of many rivers’ remarks that ‘in character they are similar, and yet each I think has a peculiar beauty of its own as it comes from some boggy hollow or swampy tableland and at first their course is silent and sluggish, but not for long as other brooks come to augment their volume and they become brawling streams hurrying over a bed of granite pebbles, through border valleys among trees that clothe their trunks. Their water is bright and clear although near the source they may well be the colour of the bog in which they rise due to the bed of the stream being coated with a deposit washed down from the mire In which it rises, this is called argillaceous loam, reddish in colour which the bog rests on.’ This is a perfect description of the Lemon now, where down the lane to the left, the three rivers meet, and having done its job of work at two mills, it curls and meanders on through Goodstone
woods, ii beautiful rural setting not unlike Smith’s Wood. I walked up through the trees to Hooks Cottage, I suppose again either a miner or keeper’s home, now washed pink, set among tulips and daffodils out in all their glory on the spring day I saw it, and somehow reminiscent of Hans Anderson. Just before you reach its gate
the footpath turns off to the right, a notice telling you the footbridge

which runs full and free, and the high lift on the building which raised the sacks of corn can be seen, unfortunately the very day before a preservation order was due to be put on the wheel itself, it was removed.
The river is now reinforced by the Kester Brook which joins it at the foot of Prairie field, belonging to my neighbour, Lionel Stanbury, who farms along the banks of the river for more than a mile. Owen told me the Kester rises from many springs — from Hole and Burne Combe and Farlacombe, through Washing Pool where it is said the devil used to wash his shirt out at midnight, then go back up the lane to an old pollard oak where he hung it to dry near Hole Farm. But it is time for us to follow the river as it now hurries on down to its next job of work . . .HOLBEAM AND OGWELL MILL ,,Whether these two mills are really the most interesting historically one cannot be certain, but we do have more details of their past than of the others. In the field opposite our house is the weir which controls the leat to Holbeam, or Hobbim as it appeared, as a flour mill, in William the Conqueror's Domesday book, to be joined by yet another stream, on some maps described as the Blackford Brook, by others as Barham. As to the mill, I can do no better than quote from the Torquay Times dated Christmas Day 1935, kindly lent to me by Mr B. Loder: ‘Tucked away down a tiny Devon lane on the banks of a delightful little river, the Lemon, just above the bridge where river and woodlands of Bradley manor meet, two and a half miles from Newton Abbot, stands Holbeam mill. This ancient building, old enough to be mentioned in Domesday book, at a casual glance appears to be just an ordinary smithy. In those far off Saxon days it was a flour mill. About 200 years ago it was converted and machinery installed to produce knives and fish hooks for the Newfoundland cod fish industry. About 80 years later it was taken over by a family of blacksmiths who added tilt hammers to its outfit and commenced the manufacture of agricultural edge tools, scythes, bill hooks, mattocks and suchlike implements. This business has survived against the competition of mass production and is still being carried on by
24
Grimspound, and Entrance
ruins are, will tell you that it is the wreck of Browne's House.
The story told me relative to this solitary spot was that Browne, an ungainly, morose man, had a pretty young wife, of whom he was jealous. He built this place in which to live with her away from the society of men, and the danger such proximity might bring to his connubial happiness. Grimspound will be visited from Chagford. The way to it after leaving the high-road from Post Bridge to Moreton, which it crosses, traverses Shapleigh Common, where are numerous enclosures in connection with hut circles. One of these is very large, and constructed of huge slabs of granite. Several of these larger circles were occupied only in summer, it would appear, as there are scanty traces of fire in them, whereas attached to them are small huts, the floors of which are thickly strewn with charcoal and fragments of pottery, and presumably the cooking was done in these latter. Grimspound is an irregular circular enclosure containing four acres within the boundary wall. It is situated on the slope of a hill, and the position is obviously ill-adapted for defence, as it is commanded by higher ground on three sides. A little stream, the Grimslake, flows through the enclosure.
The wall itself is double-faced, and the two faces have fallen inwards. This shows that the core could not have been of turf, as in that case shrubs would have rooted themselves therein and have thrust the walls outward. In several places openings appear from the inside of the pound into the space between the walls. It is possible that this intermediate hollow was used for stores, and that the walls were tied together with timber, and surmounted with a parapet of turf. A trackway from Manaton to Headland Warren runs through the pound, and the wall has been broken through for this purpose in two places; but the original entrance to the S.S.E. is perfect, and is paved, and in it three steps have been formed, as the descent was into the pound, another token that the enclosure was not intended as a fortress. The entrance is 8 feet wide, and no outwork was constructed to protect it from being "rushed" by an enemy. The walls of the enclosure here and throughout are from 10 feet to 12 feet thick, and stone does not exist in any part which could raise them above 5 feet 6 inches in height. Each wall is 3 feet 6 inches wide at base, and was 3 feet at top. On the west side is a huge slab set on edge, measuring 10 feet by 5 feet, and it is from 9 inches to 1 foot in thickness, and weighs from 3 to 4 tons. Other stones, laid in courses, if not so long, are not of less weight. Such a wall as that inclosing Grimspound would cost, with modern appliances and with horse power for drawing the stone, three guineas per land yard, and a land yard would engage four men for a week. When, moreover, we consider that the circumference of the wall measures over 1,500 feet, it becomes obvious that a large body of men must have been engaged in the erection. Presumably Grimspound was not a fortified village, and was merely a pound into which cattle were driven for protection against wolves. It is just possible, but hardly probable, that it was the place of refuge for the scattered population on Hookner and Hamildon. Within the pound are twenty-four hut circles; most have been explored, and one (No. III. on the plan) has been partially restored, and is enclosed within a railing. The object of this restoration was to discover, by piling up the stones found in and about the wall of the hut, what its height had been originally, and this was determined to have been four feet. Unless wantonly injured by trippers, it will serve to exhibit what the structure of these habitations was, with its paved platform as bed, and its hearth and vestibule. A double hut is interesting because a tall stone was erected beside it, as though to indicate it as being the residence of some man of importance, maybe the sheik of the community. In hut is a double bed, one couch divided from the other by upright stones. In several of the huts, in the floor, are laid flat stones with a smooth surface, and it was supposed that these served as chopping-stones, but further explorations have led to the belief that they were employed to sustain a central pole that upheld the roof. On the cola bove Grimspound, near the source of Grimslake, is a cairn that contains a small kistvaen, and is surrounded by a circle of stones set upright.
Numerous cairns crown the heights. One immense tumulus, King's Barrow, has at some unknown time been excavated with great labour.
The great central trackway crosses Hamildon, and is very perfect where it does so. It had apparently no connection whatever with Grimspound.
From Grimspound may be seen, on the brow of the ridge connecting Birch Tor and Challacombe Down, a series of stone rows. They lead to a blocking-stone, or menhir, at the south extremity. The northern end has been destroyed by tin- streamers, whose works in Chaw Gully are interesting, for mining has been combined with streaming. The rock has been cut through, but no signs of the use of iron wedges for splitting the granite can here be discovered. It is traditionally told that what was done was to cut a groove in the granite, fill that with quicklime, and pour water on it. The lime in swelling split the rock. Ravens nest here; and I have seen rock doves and the pair of ravens nesting almost side by side.
Below is the Webburn, the stream turned up by tinners. There one mine continues in activity—the "Golden Dagger." Above is Vitifer, where fortunes have been made—and lost; mostly the latter by investors, mainly the former by the "captains" and promoters.
Grimspound is a late Bronze Age settlement, situated on Dartmoor in Devon, England. It consists of a set of 24 hut circles surrounded by a low stone wall. The name was first recorded by the Reverend Richard Polwhele in 1797; it was probably derived from the Anglo-Saxon god of war, Grim, more commonly known as Woden, or Odin.
In 1893 an archaeological digwas carried out by the Dartmoor Exploration Committee, which recorded many details of Grimspound as well as, controversially, making a reconstruction of the site, it designate as a scheduled monument in 1928. First settled in about 1300 BC the 24 hut circles are surrounded by a massive granite perimeter wall, which may have stood at 1.7 metres in places. The roundhouses, with an average diameter of 3.4 metres, were each built of a double ring of granite slabs with a rubble infill, a technique still used in devon dry-stone walling. Hut 3 has a surviving porchway, with the two jamb stones still upright, although the lintelhas fallen.
There is evidence of human activity: artefacts include pottery, scrapers and pot boilers. Organic remains such as wood and textiles have not survived owing to the acid nature of the soil.
The name Grimspound was first recorded by the Reverend Polwhele in his "Historical Views of Devonshire" in 1793. He called it "The seat of judicature" for the River Dart area, and also surmised that it was "one of the principal temples of the Druids. Other ideas about Grimspound include supposed uses as an Iron Age fort, an encampment for tin miners and even a Phoenician settlement. His interpretation was as a judicial centre for a cantred of the Durius, but his comparison to the Stannary courts show he has explicitly used a modern interpretation and so may be far-fetched ideas Lysons was the first to measure the site, giving an estimate of the walls’ height and thickness as 12 feet (3.7 meters) and a measurement of the enclosed area, alongside a description of previous interpretations: a religious site, a ‘british town’ and connected to the Birch Tor mines. He notes two entrances, one to the south (presumably the present one) and one to the north, which despite him probably not ever seeing Grimspound, the estimated measurements are fairly accurate, falling within half an acre of the actual measurement - 1.45 hectares. Others queried its function, with Burt suggesting in 1826 that the site was a walled town and a place to keep cattle a contemporary writer named Bray supported the notion of it being a ‘town’ and referenced Strabo and Caesar's descriptions of early sites as comparisons to Grimspound .Around the middle of the 19th century, opinions begin to change. The valley position is noted and its function interpreted as defending cattle against wolves with the hut circles for the owners and cattle herders ,Two men resisted this change of opinion and saw the site's use as protecting the common Dartmoor mineral of tin Interestingly, another author highlighted its location on a possible ancient route through the break in the ridge of Hameldown.
Grimspound was first mapped by A. C. Shillibear in 1829. When overlain on the 1990 map, the discrepancy between the two is very slight, a testament to Shillabeer's accuracy of locating features. This includes the pens, gateway, the central hut circles and even a large stone at the northern end of the site. However, the interesting points are the presence of several now-vanished features. In the western side of the enclosure, many features can be seen. To the north of the semi-circular enclosure, is a line of two parallel walls. When compared to the most recent survey, this has disappeared. The semi-circular enclosure has also vanished and, possibly due to the 1893 and 1894 excavations, many internal features of the hut circles are gone. An 1855 plan by Nick Whitely shows hut circles outlying the perimeter wall, unrecorded elsewhere.
During September 1904,Bertram Fletcher Robinson had a non-fictional article entitled The Fortress of the First Britons. A Description of the Fortress of Grimspound, on Dartmoor published in Pearson's Magazine(Vol. XVIII, pp. 273–280). This article is illustrated throughout with both drawings and photographs and it was republished during 2008 by Brian Pugh and Paul Spiring in their biography about Robinson, which is titledBertram Fletcher Robinson: A Footnote to the Hound of the Baskervilles.
Excavation
In 1893 the Dartmoor Exploration Committee began a dig at the site.The dig, one of whose members was the Reverend Sabine Baring-Gould, reconstructed some of the site, a move criticised by some of the Committee at the time and also by later researchers, including R. Hansford Worth.The excavation commenced with the location of the entrance and then removing the topsoil and any loose stones, before a trench was cut through the hut circle, with straight-edged stones left in place. Once a hearth was discovered, the earth was sieved carefully for environmental finds such as charcoal, seeds and flint. Both halves of the hut circle were then cleared and the soil sieved. Once the entire hut circle had been cleared, the site was backfilled and the huts reconstructed. Whilst this was an antiquarian endeavour, several aspects of the excavation could be seen as highly progressive for the time. On many of their excavations, charcoal and bone samples were collected for museum deposition which along with their sieving of soil indicates an early observance of the importance of environmental evidence, perhaps to date the site or examine in a laboratory for microscopic finds. However, some aspects of their methodology was flawed, such as bias in what they identified as a hut or cattle pen then determining what was an wasn't excavated, and to what extent it would be excavated - some huts like Hut II had only a single trench through it. The lack of a drawing and extra information in comparison to Hut I or Hut III is further evidence of their bias.
The 1894 report surmised it was a Neolithic enclosed site and the succeeding report determined its function as a cattle enclosure, with their main reason for reaching this conclusion was the three areas of higher ground surrounding the site, making it militarily indefensible. It could also be argued that they reached this conclusion due to a reliance on the time of the three-age system, which determined the dating of many sites based on the absence or presence of stone, bronze and/or iron objects - the language in the conclusion of the first report suggests that this may have been the case, too.
Post-excavation
Since 1894, very little has been done at Grimspound. Many early writers of the 20th century disagreed with the conclusions of the DEC, on both dating and function. The etymology was discussed in 1919 and Watkin concluded that it was of Saxon origin, due to a Saxon etymology of Grimspound meaning 'Witches Enclosure'. In 1927, Chanter firmly disagreed with the DEC, citing a lack of permanent occupation and therefore concluding that it was a defensive site to protect the tribe from cattle raiders. In 1964 Lady Aileen Fox, a prominent Dartmoor archaeologist during the later 20th century, helped restore the site primarily to help prevent erosion that had taken place since the excavations. Following a 60-year gap in Grimspound literature, Griffiths re-evaluated the date, placing it within the 2nd millennium BC, making it a Bronze Age site Alongside Griffith, Fleming contextualised the site by placing it within the Hameldown reave system, giving the site a 'territory' and then later interpreting it radically as a defensive camp for warrior bachelors.
Marking the 100th anniversary of the DEC's first excavations, the Devon Archaeological Society dedicated their 52nd volume to Grimspound, including articles evaluating the knowledge gained over the past 100 years, including two on Grimspound. Simon Timms critiqued the DEC excavations and identified a need to re-excavate the site and also drew particular attention to the 'massive' walls, both arguably important points that showed Grimspound may be more significant than had been identified before. Pattison and Fletcher also argued for a re-excavation of the site, and whilst they do not necessarily conclude a function or date, they do identify that it may have also had ceremonial or ritual protection for the inhabitants, rejecting the defensive theory due to the wall size being an illusion and not as substantial as they are thought to be - however, there is little evidence provided for this argument Jeremy Butler, a well known author on the archaeology of Dartmoor during the 1990s, provided a description of Grimspound that for the first time recognised possible re-occupation of the site after the Bronze Age. Although he notes there has been a lack of damage to the site between Shillabeer's survey and the book's writing, he also identifies a need for re-excavation of the site, particularly in the empty areas.
Post 1994, there is a lack of sources on the site although many references and brief descriptions are present in hiking guides and other generic Dartmoor enthusiasts’ books. However, these references contain contradictory statements on dating, function and generic mimicking of information from the DEC. Despite no absolute dating evidence, these range from generic ‘Bronze Age’, to ‘Middle Bronze Age', ‘Late Bronze Age’ and ‘Late Bronze Age or Early Iron Age’.
Many also disagree over the function, interpreting it as a ‘fortress’, ‘permanent settlement’, 'village', and ‘fortified village’
Geophysical survey
In 2019, Jowan Albon (as part of an undergraduate dissertation for the University of Leicester) and the Cambridge School of Mines embarked upon a geophysical survey of the site to identify new structures in the empty areas of the site and the extent of wall foundations.
The surveys took place during the Summer and Autumn of 2019, in two parts. The first was an electromagnetometry survey using a GSSI EMP-400 and Wenner Array resistivity using a Chauvin Arnoux soil resistivity tester, on a four-node Wenner Array setting. The second survey was a twin probe resistance survey using an RM85 resistance meter.
The results of the Electromagnetometry were largely inconclusive and showing water in the soil and the natural geology interfering with the results, but some grids also showed potential for possible rubbish pits, as well as a curious horizontal feature. The first resistance survey encountered technical difficulties and couldn't be accurately located, but did show up a new porched hut circle similar to hut III and also possible features associated with the walls. The second resistance survey was more conclusive, showing four new hut circles, possible stone alignments and curvilinear features that may be paddocks or to do with later re-use of the site. One curious feature in particular was a double circular feature, one half possibly stone-built with the other half being a possible ditched feature, with an unknown function.
Location
Grimspound is located in the valley between Hameldown Tor and Hookney Tor, at 450 metres above sea level. The nearest village, Widecombe-in-the-Moor, is a few miles to the south.
Description
Eastern end of GrimspoundGrimspound's outer wall
The site is enclosed by a stone wall, interrupted by a large, paved entrance facing south, uphill towards Hameldown. The wall would have been substantial – in some places its ruins are more than 15 feet (4.6 m) in thickness. However, the site is of limited value from a defensive point of view, so the assumption is that the wall was to keep livestock in, and predators out. It is possible that it was topped by a hedge or fence. On the northern edge of the site is the start of the West Webburn, which was the main water source for the settlement. The walls are predominantly local granite rock as suggested by Sabine Baring-Gould in the initial Grimspound report and can be seen in how Hameldown Tor weathers, providing large thick boulders suitable for facing slabs. It is thought the walls were originally hollow, although recent authors suggest they were double walled with rubble infill which could potentially provide space for a wall-walk on top of it if it were topped with a palisade fence.
Grimspound's southern entrance
The entrance is described as "the most imposing of all" by Jeremy Butler. It is a paved and stepped corridor 5.5 metres long and almost 2 metres wide, with megaliths and other large stones forming the sides. Butler states that it was not designed to exclude livestock. However, there are parallel wall lines to the western side of the enclosure as indicated by Shillabeer in 1829, these may be a corridor-like entryway. It faces downslope suggesting a more defensible entrance. Many of the original stones may have been robbed from the current entry which could mean it was larger.
Excavations at other sites on Dartmoor have shown that such walls were probably built by small teams of men working simultaneously on a section each, as shown by differences in building style; some evidence of this is visible here. However, these may simply be due to the reconstruction work by the 1894 excavation(see below).
The hut circles
One of Grimspound's hut circles
Twenty-four stone hut circles have been officially recorded here, although there are probably remains of more within the enclosure, which has an area of over 16,000 square metres (four acres). Many of these hut circles feature L-shaped porches. The doorways are paved with naturally flat stones, and all face both downhill and away from the prevailing wind.
The 1894 excavation reported that the huts nearest the entrance (save for Hut 12) were devoid of signs of human habitation, and were therefore used for livestock or storage, as was hut 2 at the opposite side of the compound.
The huts range between 9 and 15 feet (2.7 and 4.6 metres) in diameter, with walls about 3 feet (0.91 metres) thick, made of upright granite slabs packed with an infill of rubble and possibly peat. Excavations at sites such as Holne Moorhave shown that such huts had an interior plank lining.
The hearth was variously located at the centre of the hut, or opposite the door. Ash from the hearths was found to be from oak and willow twigs. A lack of log remains and the presence of peat ash shows that by the time of Grimspound's occupation, the local forests had been replaced by enough peat build up for it to be cut for fuel. Cooking holes contained granite pot boilers, pieces of stone heated in the fire and dropped into pots of water sunk into the ground (the pottery of the time not being fireproof).
One of Grimspound's hut circles
To the right of each hut entrance is a raised, level area, which the Committee called a "dais" and which was probably the sleeping area.
Four of the huts (3, 7, 17 and 18) contain raised or upright stones, described as "anvil" stones, the purpose of which is unknown.
Unlike many similar sites on Dartmoor, there is no obviously larger hut that can be identified as a headman's dwelling, although the Committee did suggest that a pillar outside Hut 19 could have meant that the headman lived there.
Other objects
The acidic soil of Dartmoor has destroyed nearly all organic material; it is therefore difficult to tell what Grimspound must have been like during its occupation. A flint arrowhead found nearby, and the lack of querns for grinding cereals, hint at some dependency on goods from outside the area (flint is not local to Dartmoor). The Exploration Committee also declared that the clay used in pottery fragments did not come from a local source.
Grimspound Bronze Age settlement on DartmoorOne of the huts at Grimspound
Woden: All father of the English
we learned about the deified Woden, often identified with the Old Norse god Oðinn. But not everyone agreed that Woden was divine.
No detailed account of Woden and his mythic adventures survives from early medieval England; nevertheless, this ancestral figure remains present in the cultural imagination of the English people even centuries later. The famous 8th-century ecclesiastical historian Bede is the first known Anglo-Saxon author to describe this mythic genealogy in of his Historiaclaiming: “From the first their leaders (the Anglo-Saxons) were held to be two brothers, Hengest and Horsa….They were sons of Wictgils, whose father was Witta, whose father was Wecta, whose father was Woden.”
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, surviving in nine extant manuscripts and probably completed under King AElfred the Great in the ninth century, reiterates Bede’s Wodinic genealogy. Almost a century later, in a Latin adaptation known as Chronicon AEthelweardi, the tenth century historian AEthelweard descended from the ninth-century King Æthelred the first, the elder brother of the King Ælfred the Great laments Woden’s divine status within the Norse Pantheon. In his chronicle, Æthelweard complains that ignorant Scandinavian pagans have mistakenly deified Woden, whom Æthelweard identifies as king of the barbarians. He bemoans how these pagans honor Woden as a god rather than the ancestral chieftain that Æthelweard, like so many Anglo-Saxon authors, understood him to be.
Well after the Norman Conquest of 1066, Woden was still making his way into English manuscripts, especially in depictions of Anglo-Saxon royal lineages. At roughly the same time as Snorri was composing his Edda, and Geoffrey of Monmouth his Historia, Wodinic genealogy remains present in the English written record, remembering the Anglo-Saxon kings of old who trace their ancestry back to this deified chieftain.
AElfthrythnine forty five or one thousand , also, Alfrida, Elfridaor Elfthryth was Queen of the Englishfrom her marriage toKing Edgarin nine sixty four or nine sixty five until Edgar's death in nine seventy five. She was a leading figure in the regency during the minority of her sonKing AEthelred the Unreadybetween nine seventy eight and nine eighty four.
AElfthryth was the first wife of an English king known to have been crowned andanointedas queen. She had two sons with Edgar, the ætheling Edmund who died young and King Æthelred the Unready. Ælfthryth was a powerful political figure and possibly orchestrated the murder of her stepson, King Edward the Martyr, in order to place her son Æthelred on the throne. She appeared as a stereotypical bad queen and evil stepmother in many medieval histories.
Ælfthryth was the daughter of Ordgar, Ealdorman of Devon. Her mother was a member of the royal family of Wessex. The family's power lay in the west of Wessex. Ordgar was buried in Exeter and his son Ordwulf founded, or refounded,Tavistock Abbey.
Ælfthryth was first married toÆthelwald, son ofÆthelstan Half-King
According to William and Geoffrey, the beauty of Ordgar's daughter Ælfthryth was reported to King Edgar. Edgar, looking for a Queen, sent Æthelwald to see Ælfthryth, ordering him "to offer her marriage [to Edgar if her beauty were really equal to report." When she turned out to be just as beautiful as was said, Æthelwald married her himself and reported back to Edgar that she was quite unsuitable. Edgar was eventually told of this, and decided to repay Æthelwald's betrayal in like manner. He said that he would visit the poor woman, which alarmed Æthelwald. He asked Ælfthryth to make herself as unattractive as possible for the king's visit, but she did the opposite. According to William, Edgar, quite besotted with her, killed Æthelwald during a hunt.Geoffrey instead states that Edgar posted Æthelwald to Northumbria where he was attacked and killed by outlaws.
The historical record does not record the year of Æthelwald's death, let alone its manner. No children of Æthelwald and Ælfthryth are known.
Queen consort
Edgar had two children before he married Ælfthryth, both of uncertain legitimacy. Edward was probably the son ofÆthelflæd, and Eadgifu, later known as Saint Edith of Wilton, was the daughter of Wulfthryth.Sound political reasons encouraged the match between Edgar, whose power base was centred inMercia, and Ælfthryth, whose family were powerful in Wessex. In addition to this, and her link with the family of Æthelstan Half-King, Ælfthryth also appears to have been connected to the family of Ælfhere, Ealdorman of Mercia.
Edgar married Ælfthryth in either nine sixty four or nine sixty five. In nine sixty six Ælfthryth gave birth to a son who was named Edmund. In King Edgar's charter regranting privileges to New Minster, Winchesterthat same year, the infant Edmund is called "clito legitimus" legitimateætheling, and appears before Edward in the list of witnesses. Edmund died young,nine seventy, but in nine sixty eight Ælfthryth had given birth to a second son who was called Æthelred.
King Edgar organised a second coronation on eleventh May nine seventy three atBath, perhaps to bolster his claim to be ruler of all ofBritain. Here Ælfthryth was also crowned and anointed, granting her a status higher than any recent queen.The only model of a queen's coronation was that ofJudith of Flanders, but this had taken place outside England.One of the emphases of the new rite was her role as protector of religion and the nunneries in the realm. The queen's responsibility for the kingdom's nunneries had been established by theRegularis Concordia, a rule for religious life composed by Ælfthryth's close ally, BishopÆthelwold of Winchester, as part of the wider English Benedictine Reform .Ælfthryth took a close interest in the well-being of several abbeys, and is reported byGoscelinto have used her authority to depose and later reinstate the abbess ofBarking Abbey.
Ælfthryth played a large role asforespeca, or advocate, in at least six legal cases. As such, she formed a key part of the Anglo-Saxon legal system as a mediator between the individual and the crown, which was increasingly viewing its role in the courts as a symbol of its authority as protector of its subjects. Ælfthryth's actions asforespecawere largely for the benefit of female litigants, and her role as a mediator shows the possibilities for women to have legal and political power in late Anglo-Saxon England.
Queen dowager
Edward the Martyr is offered a cup of mead by Ælfthryth, wife of Edgar, unaware that her attendant is about to murder him.
Edgar died in nine seventy five leaving two young sons, Edward and Æthelred. Edward was almost an adult, and his successful claim for the throne was supported by many key figures, including Archbishops Dunstan andOswaldand the brother of Ælfthryth's first husband, Æthelwine, Ealdorman of East Anglia. Supporting the unsuccessful claim of Æthelred were Ælfthryth herself now theQueen dowagerBishopÆthelwold of Winchester, and Ælfhere, Ealdorman of Mercia.
According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, King Edward was killed at Corfe Castle on eighteenth March nine seventy eight, while visiting Ælfthryth. Accounts written over subsequent centuries suggest that he may have been killed by servants of the queen, leaving the way clear for her son Æthelred to be installed as king. As the king developed into a cult figure and martyr, a body of literature grew up around his murder, at first implying Ælfthryth's guilt and later accusing her outright.The twelfth century monastic chronicle the Liber Eliensis went so far as to accuse her of being a witch, claiming that she had murdered not only the king, but also Abbot Brihtnoth of Ely.
Within a year of his brother's death Æthelred was confirmed as king of the English. Due to his youth, the country was governed by a regency until her son came of age around nine eighty four. The leading figures appear to have been Ælfthryth and her allies, Bishop Æthelwold and Ealdorman Ælfhere .Ælfhere died in nine eighty three and Æthelwold in nine eighty four. Æthelred then rebelled against his old advisers, preferring a group of younger nobility.In charter, dated to nine sixty six, Ælfthryth was identified as 'legitimate wife of the king', after being crowned queen in nine seventy three she witnessed charters as 'Ælfðryð regina'. She was absent as a witness during the reign of her step-son King Edward, and during the minority of her son King Æthelred, again witnessed charters as 'Ælfðryð regina' . Towards the end of nine eighty three, when King Æthelred was beginning to assert his own authority, she began to sign charters as "Ælfthryth, mother of the king"
Later life
Ælfthryth disappears from the list of charter witnesses from around nine eighty four.About this time Æthelred married and there was a new queen in the court, Ælfgifu. Ælfthryth reappears as a witness in nine ninety three, again as 'mother of the king'.She remained an important figure, being responsible for the care of Æthelred's children by his first wife, Ælfgifu. Æthelred's eldest son, Æthelstan Ætheling, prayed for the soul of the grandmother 'who brought me up' in his will in ten fourteen.
Ælfthryth was a religious woman, taking an especial interest in monastic reform during her queenship. William of Malmesbury reports that she founded both Amesbury Abbey and Wherwell Abbey as Benedictine nunneries, though the foundation histories of both abbeys are poorly attested and there no extant endowment charters.Late in life, according to Gaimar, Ælfthryth retired to Wherwell. but Levi Roach considers Gaimar's report dubious.
Antonia Gransden comments: 'In their patronage of the monks both Cnut and Edward the Confessor were supported by their queens, Emma and Edith, who were worthy successors of Edgar's queen, Ælfthryth, as patronesses of the religious.'
Death
She died at Wherwell on seventeenth November nine ninety nine, or one thousand and one.
MOUND BY THE WAY
When ere the sylvan character of the scene changes;where fields give place to hanging woods and they in their turn thin to poverty and obliquity under eternal stress of western winds, a gate, resting by its own weight against a granite post, indicates the limits of agriculture and forestry upon the southern confines of the Moor.
Beneath this standpoint Devon’s unnumbered breasts billow to the misty horizon, and dimpling valleys, between the arable lands and higher wealds, are marked by orchards, water meadows and the winding ways of rivers. These, borne aloft, have come from far, and now, with slower current and ampler volume, roam melodiously through pleasant lees, through denes and dingles of sweet flowers, beneath the music of birds and the shadows of great woodlands, to their confluence with the sea. Here too, lie hamlets and rise crocketed church towers; peat reek sweetens the air; blue doves croon through blue smoke on many a low thatched cot; and life moves in simplicity and apparent peace.
The habitations of men glimmer with white-washed walls at fringes of forests, at wind-blown crossways, about small village greens, on lonely roads, by steep hillsides and among sunny combes. Homesteads rise in isolation along the edges of the great central loneliness; whole villages lie in the lap of the hills; and the manifold planes of this spacious scene, whether under flying cloud shadows or grey rain, midday sunlight or the splendour of summer moons, commingle in one vision, whose particulars only vary to the play of the dawn and sunset lights, to the hands of the roaming elements, to the seasons that bring in turn awakening life and music, high colour-pageants and dying pomps, ultimate sobrieties and snows. Beyond the gate to the Moor rises a steep road of broken granite and flint. It climbs upward, straight and dogged, into the world of the heather and, pursued a little, reveals the solemn sweep and dip of the circumambient waste. To the skyline tumbles this billowy ocean, and the ripples upon the crest of each mighty wave are granite. Here rise the tors, adorned at this August season with purple ling to their footstools of stone; here subtend wildernesses between the high hills; and the sheep bells jangle upon them, and the red Kite bellow from the watercourses. A Rook, his feathers, blown awry, hops thrice, then ascends the kestrel, with greater distinction away from his perch upon a stone, ere hills; and the red kite his feathers heavily; but of flight, glides ,he swoops aloft with long reaches, to hang motionless in the air, like a brown star afar off.
The moorland world extends in vast, undulating mosaic of olive and dun, thinly veiled by the bloom of the ling and splashed with golden furze and grey granite. The expanse is touched to umber and velvet warmth in sunshine , is enriched with the pure, cool purple of cloud shadows , is brightened into sheer emerald green, where springs burst from their peat moss cradles amid seeding cotton grass is lightened throughout its sombre heath tones with glistening sheets of polished fern, where the tracts of the bracken stand under direct sunlight. There is warmth of colour in its breezy interspaces warmth, won from the ruddiness of ripe rush-heads and manifold grasses all bending and swaying in waves under the wind. At the junction of two roads, that cross at right angles within a hundred yards of the moor gate, there stands a blackthorn of venerable shape. It is a deformed, grotesque tree, much bent and shrivelled. Its boughs are coated with close fabric of grey encrustations, but such clothing has failed to its carcase against a century of winters and winds. In autumn the scanty foliage is still protect biting brightened by a meagre crop of fruit; but life crawls with difficulty up the zigzag bones of this most ancient thorn, while each spring its tardy sap awakes less of the tree, and leaves increasing concourse of abrupt and withered twigs to rot above and below the centre of vitality. Beneath this ruin you shall note a slight hillock of green grass, where foxgloves shake aloft their purple pyramids of blossom and a rabbit’s hole lies close beside them. Of artificial barrow or modern burying place there is no suggestion here; and yet this mound by the high way side conceals a grave; and the story of the human dust within it is the truth concerning one who lived and smarted more than a hundred years ago. Men were of the same pattern then as now, but manners varied vastly, and the Moor man, who farms upon the grudging boundaries of that great central desert to-day, and curses the winds that scatter his beggarly down and fern seed, might this same wild wind could new takes with thistle wonder at the tales tell him of past times ancestors, and of the customs of his Human life on the Moor is still hard enough, but modern methods of softening the rough edges of existence were even less considered in the beginning of the century, when American and French prisoners of war sorrowfully sighed at Princetown.
In those days the natives of the Devonshire high as the lands endured much hardship and laughed at the more delicate nurture of the town folk, wandering Tuaregs laugh when their softer exchange tent and desert for the green many palms and sweet waters. Then food fellows oases of was rough on Dartmoor and drink was rougher. Cider , colic all men knew as a common ill; most beverages were brewed of native herbs and berries; only upon some occasion of rare rejoicing would a lavish goodwife commission Johnny Fortnight, the nomad packman, to bring her two or three ounces of genuine Cathay as entertainment for her cronies. It was rather more than a century ago that one John Aggett dwelt within two hundred yards of the thorn bush already described; and the remains of his cottage, of which the foundation and a broken wall still exist, may yet be seen a grey ghost, all smothered with nettles, docks and trailing briars. A cultivated patch of land formerly extended around this dwelling, and in that old world garden grew kale and potatoes, with apple trees, an elder, whose fruit made harsh wine, and sundry herbs, used for seasoning meat or ministering to sickness. No evidence of this cultivation now survives, save only the ruined wall and a patriarchal crab-apple tree -the stock that once supported a choicer scion, long since perished.
Here, a mile or two the vale of Eastern his widowed mother distant from Postbridge in Dart, resided John Aggett and the cottage was the woman’s property; and that no regular rent had to be paid for it she held a lucky circumstance, for John by no means walked in his laborious father’s footsteps. Work indeed he could; and he performed prodigious feats of strength when it but it was not in the details of his thatcher that he put forth his great pleased prosaic prowess by no means attracted him or filled his trade as a business man .
As a matter of fact the man was extremely lazy and only when sports of the field occupied his attention did he disdain trouble and exertion. He would tramp for many miles to shoot plovers golden-eyed heath poults and bustards frequented the Moor; he cared nothing for cold and hunger on moonlight winter nights when wild ducks and geese were to be slain; and or the great heat when trout-fishing in summer-time would brace him to days of heroic toil on remote waters. But thatching or the thought of it proved a sure narcotic to his energies; and it was not until Sarah Belworthy came into his life as a serious factor that the young giant began to take a more serious view of existence and count the ultimate cost of wasted years .
Man and maid had known one another from early youth, and John very well remembered the first meeting of all, when he was a lanky youngster of eleven, she a little lass of eight. Like the boy, Sarah was an only child, and her parents, migrating from Chagford to Postbridge, within which moor and parish the Aggetts dwelt, secured a cottage midway between the home of the thatcher and the village in the valley below, soon afterward the children met upon one of the winding sheep tracks that traverse the Moor on every hand. They were upon the same business, and each, moving slowly along, sought for every tress, lock or curl of sheeps’ wool that hung here and there in the thorny clutch of furze and bramble. The boy stopped, for Sarah’s great grey eyes and red mouth awoke something in him. He felt angry because the blood flowed to his freckled face; but she was cool as the little spring that rose in their path - cool as the crystal water that bubbled up and set a tiny column of silver sand and bog asphodels among the red sundews rect.
Mornin’ to e said John, who already knew the small stranger by sight. Mornin Jan Aggett. And what might your name be, if I may ask .
I be called Sarah, but Sally most times; and I be wool gathering same as you. Have you got goode store ?
“But little yet. I’ll show ’e all the best places, if you mind to let me. Thank e, Jan Aggett. My mother’s a great spinner. And my mother’s a great spinner too. Not so great as mine, I reckon.” “Never was better than my mother. Mine be better, I tell e! Her spins black wool and white together into beautiful, brave grey yarn; and auld Churdles Ash him what’s got the loom to Widecombe, do buy it for money, with gladness. ain’t much black wool in these parts; and my mother knits her worsted into clothes for me. But I'll share what I find with you now.I always find a plenty for myself always you will. And I'll show you where the blackberries be in autumn time, and where the best hurts be got out Laughter Tor way; and where the properest rexens for cannel making do grow.”
“Sure you are a very kind fashioned boy, Jan Aggett. You'd best to call me just Jan, like other folks.
So I will; an’ you’d best to call me ‘Sally.’” “Burned if I won’t then! And us’ll be friends. Resxens for candle-making, Rushes for candle-making.

From that time forward the lonely children became close companions; and when years passed and Sarah ripened to maidenhood, while John brought forth a straw-coloured moustache and thick beard that matched his sandy locks, the pair of them were already regarded by their own generation as surely bound for marriage in due season. There came an afternoon when the girl had reached the age of eighteen and John was just arrived at man’s estate. They worked together during harvest time, and the thatcher, standing on a stack ladder, watched the girl where she was gleaning and likened her pink sunbonnet to some bright flower nodding over the gold stubbles. Presently she came to him with a bundle of good corn under her arm.
"Tis long in the straw this year," she said. "You must thresh it for me when you can and hand me the straw for plaiting. I can sell all the hats and bonnets too, as I’m like to weave. A person do always give me half a crown each year for a new straw hat."
John came down from his perch and picked up the little sheaf.
Then, the day’s work done, they dawdled up the hill, and Sarah, hot and weary, after toil in great sunshine, sometimes took John’s hand, like a little child, when the road revealed no other person.
Up through the lanes from the farm of Cator Court to the higher land they made their way, crossed over the river nigh Dury and passed beside a wall where scabious drew a sky-blue mantle over the silver and ebony lichens of the granite. Pennyworts also raised their little steeples from the interstices of the old wall; briars broke its lines; red berries and black twinkled among the grasses, and dainty cups and purses of ripe seeds revealed their treasures; flowers not a few also blossomed there, while butterflies gemmed the golden ragwort, and bees struggled at many blossoms. A mellow murmur of life gladdened the evening, and the sun, slow sinking behind distant Bellever, warmed the world with rich horizontal light. At a break in the stones dripped a stream in a little dark nest of ferns. Here, too, stood a stile leading into heavy woods, and one sentinel beech tree arose at the corner of a game- keeper’s path through the preserves. Hither, weary with her labours and desiring a brief rest, Sarah turned, climbed the stile, and sat down beneath the tree. John accompanied her and they reclined in silence awhile where the ripe glory of September sunshine sent a shimmer of ruddy and diaphanous light into the heart of the wood and flamed upon the bole of the great beech. A woodpecker suddenly departed from the foliage above the silent pair. He made off with a dipping, undulatory motion and cheerful laughter, as who should say, two is company and three none. John turned to Sarah and sighed and shook his head while he tickled her hand with a straw from the sheaf. She did not withdraw it, so he came a little nearer and put the straw up her arm; then followed it with two of his own fingers and felt her moist skin under them. She laughed lazily, and the music fired his heart and sluggish tongue. “Oh, God, Sally, how long be I to dance upon your beck and call for nought ? How long be I to bide this way while you hang back? Us couldn’t be greater friends they say, but us could. Where do friendship lead to ’twixt men and women? Dost hear? I know you are beautiful to see, and purtiest gal in Postbridge and such like; and I know a man of my fortune and poor brain power’s got no right , and yet, though it's bowldacious so to do, I'm not built to keep away from you. I peek and pine and dwindle for you l do dwindle, dear heart! Where’s the signs of that? You are stronger and taller and better than any man on East Dart.” “Did ’e say ‘better,’ Sally? Did ’e mean it? Tis a year since I fust asked e serious as a man, an’ a dozen times twixt then an now I’ve axed again. I swear I thought as I’d seen love light in them misty eyes of thine, else I’d have troubled e less often. But — but —Wouldn’t I have sent e away wi a flea to your ear when fust you axed, if I’d meant all I said, you silly gawkim? Then he put his arm round her and hugged her very close. No artifice restrained the plump natural curves of her waist; her garments were thin and the soft body of her beneath them fired him. Give over! You are squeezin me Jan! Say it then — say it out —or I'll hug e, an hug e an hug e to death for sheer love! You gert thick-headed twoad! Can’t e read awnly a woman’s words to ’e? Haven't e found out these long months? Didn’t e even guess how twas when we went christening Farmer Chaves apple trees down-along by night, an I slapped your face for comin to me arter you'd been fooling with that slammocking maypole of a gal, Tom Chubb’s darter? You’m blind for all your eyes.’ He gave an inarticulate grunt and poured huge noisy kisses on her hair and face and little ears. “Christ Almighty! Sweatin for joy I be! To think it .to think you finds the likes o me gude enough for e! heer —there. Hallelujah! He shouted and danced with the grace of a brown bear, while she smoothed herself from his salutations and sat up panting after such rough embrace. Then he took out his knife and sought the beech tree behind them. Sunset fires were dying away. Only a starry twinkling of auburn light still caught the high tops of the tallest trees and marked them out against the prevailing shadows of the woods. Tis a deed should be cut on the first bark as meets your eyes after the woman’s said yes to e, declared John. Then, turning to the trunk where lichens painted pale silver patterns on the grey, he set to work, at the height of a man’s heart, and roughly fashioned the letters S. B. and J. A. with a scroll around them and a knot beneath to indicate the nature of true love. There let it bide, sweetheart, for our childer’s childer to see when we’m sleepin down-along. Go away with ’e, Jan! Presently they moved onward to their homes. Brave news for my mother, said the girl. Braver news for mine, declared John. The sun had set and the twilight was in Sarah’s grey eyes as she lifted them to him. Together they passed upward, very slowly, with her head against his shoulder and his arm round her. Tis a pleasant thing seeminly to have a huge great man to love e.
Ess fay, my bird! You’ll live to knaw it, please God. From their lofty standpoint spread a wide scene of waning light on a fading world; and above the eastern horizon, through the last roses of the after glow, imperceptibly stole a round shield of pale pearl. Aloft the sleeping wind clouds lost their light and turned slate grey as the misty phantom of the moon gathered brightness, and the western nimbus of sunset faded away. Then John took his lips from his love’s and gave her the sheaf of gleaned corn and left her at her father’s door, while he tramped on up the hill. His mother trembled before the long anticipated truth and knew the first place in his heart was gone at last. As purty as a pictur in truth, she said, “but something too taffety for the wife of a day labourer. Not so, answered the man. She is an angel out of heaven, an she'll come to be the only wife worth naming on Dartymoor. For that matter she ain’t feared of a day’s work herself, and have owften times earned a fourpenny piece upon the land.
Through out the week Samson Belworthy, the father of Sarah, swung a sledge and followed a blacksmith’s calling at Postbridge; upon the day of rest his labours were of a more delicate sort, for he played the bass violin and pulled as good a bow as any musician around about the Moor. This man accepted John as a suitor to his daughter with certain reservations. He had no mind to dismiss Sally into poverty, and bargained for delay until Aggett had saved money, obtained regular occupation, instead of his present casual trade, and arrived at a worldly position in which he could command a cottage and thus offer his wife a home worthy of her. From desultory application to the business of his dead father , a sort of work in which he had never much distinguished himself , John now turned his face upon the problems of life in earnest, and sought employment under a responsible master. His ambition was to win a place as gamekeeper or assistant keeper on the estates of the manor lord; but he lacked the necessary qualifications in the opinion of those who knew him; being indeed strong enough, courageous enough, and familiar enough with the duties of such a calling, but having an uncertain temper, by nature fiery as his own freckled skin in summer-time. Finally, his physical strength obtained for him daily work and weekly wage at Farmer Chaves. Into the establishment of Bellever Barton he entered, and, as cowman, began a new chapter of his life. All proceeded prosperously during the autumnal progress of his romance. John gave every satisfaction, was said to have forgotten his way to the sign of the Green Man, soon developed unsuspected capabilities in the district, at Postbridge, and correction of patience and self control. He toiled soon, attracted his master’s regard and won the red hot friendship of his master’s son. This youth, by name Timothy, returning from his apprenticeship to a brewer at Plymouth after futile endeavours to master that profitable business, decided to follow in his father’s footsteps, much to the elder’s disappointment. Timothy Chaves elected to be a farmer, however, and coming home a fortnight before Christmas, he devoted his days and nights to the pleasure of sport as a preliminary to the tremendous application he promised when the new year should come. He was two years younger than John Aggett and a youth of higher intelligence and finer clay; but he found in John an ideal follower by flood and field. There came a day, one week before the Christmas festival, when for particular reasons Tim desired a heavy bag. John was therefore begged off his farm duties, and the young men, rising by starlight, trod the high land and pressed forward before dawn toward Aggett’s familiar haunts. Young Chaves, a lad of good repute and handsome exterior, had learned his lessons at Blundell’s School, was accounted a very clever youth, and held in much esteem as a traveller and a scholar amidst the natives of Postbridge. His mother spoiled him and fooled him to the top of his bent; his father had been proud of him until the lad’s recent determination to soar no higher than the life of a countryman. This present excursion bore reference to a special event, as has been said. There were coming from North Devon to Bellever Barton, for the holiday season, sundry poor cousins of the Chaves. On Christmas Eve they would arrive, and, as a certain pretty damsel of seventeen was to accompany her elders, Timothy’s generous heart determined that moorland delicacies must await her, if his right arm, long fowling piece and liver coloured spaniel could secure them. With this excuse he had won John Aggett away from the cow byres, and together, as day broke, they passed southward to Dartmeet, held on by Combestone Tor and presently tramped into the lonely and desolate fastnesses of Holne Moor. Here, with cautious passage across half frozen swamps, the sportsmen sought their game. To the progress of that day no part of this narrative need be devoted; suffice it that we meet the men again coming homeward under an early, universal twilight and a cold northern wind. In certain marshes, rumoured to send forth warm springs even at dead of frosty nights, John Aggett had found good sport, and now from the servant’s waist girdle a big bag bulged with two brace of teal, three snipe, two woodcock and a hare. Through the grey promise of coming snow they pushed homeward where the wind wailed a sad harmony in the dead heath, and all the ground was very hard save upon the black bogs that froze not. John was clad as the Kurds and Mountain Syrians to this day; he wore a sheep’s pelt with the hair toward his body, the skin turned out. Arms of like material fitted into this snug vest, and his breeches were similarly fashioned. Timothy, as he faced the north wind booming over a heather ridge, envied Aggett, for his own garments, albeit stout enough, lacked the warmth of the natural skin. Colder and colder, he said, and the last drop of sloe gin drunk and five good miles before us yet. Tis so; but ther’s Gammer Gurney’s cot down along in a lew place under Yar Tor. If you mind to turn out of the way a bit, tis certain she’ll have gude, heartening liquors hid away, though how she comes by the fiery stuff, an the tobacco her sells in secret, an the frill de dills o precious silks an foreign lace work bain’t my business to know. Good! We'll pay Gammer a visit. My father gets many a gill of brandy from the old rascal. In league we the Devil, I doubt. More likely with the smugglers. Plenty of cargoes are run down Teignmouth way, and when they’ve dodged the gaugers and made a good haul, the farther they take their wares inland the better. She pays them well, be sure. She do awften talk bout a sailor son, come to think on it. Ay, many, and many a sailor son, I warrant you! My father says her cognac is drink for the gods; yet if they are pleased to make him a Justice of the Peace, then he will adopt different measures with Mother Gurney, for a man’s conscience must be set above his stomach. Her be a baggarnin auld sarpent for sartain, an goeth through the air on a birch broom or over the sea in a eggshell, an many such like devilries. In times past I judge the likes o she would burn for such dark wickednesses: though her did me a good turn once, I’ll allow. While speaking, they had rounded the ragged side of Yar Tor, and then proceeding, passed to the north by some ancient hut circles of the old stone men. Following a wall, where the hill sloped, they found themselves confronted with the birdseye view of a lonely, thatched cottage. Below it the land sank with abruptness; before the entrance extended a square patch of garden. No sign of life marked the spot; but as the men climbed down a pathway through withered fern, they aroused a bob tailed, blue eyed sheepdog which leapt, gaunt and apelike, to the limit of its tether and barked wildly at the intruders. A naked austerity, a transparent innocence and poverty, marked the spot to casual eyes. Down these winding ways, or else out of the woods below, come Mother Gurney’s sailor sons with their packs and barrels hid under innocent peat and rushes, no doubt, commented Timothy. Then John Aggett knocked at the door with a modest tap and young Chaves noted that he spat over his left shoulder before doing so. Tis plaguey hard to be upsides we a witch, I do assure e; but she is a wonderful clever woman, ’ as all in these parts do very well know,” confessed John.!
Ponsworthy is ahamleton the eastern side ofDartmoor,Devon, England. It lies in the steep valley of theWest Webburn Riverabout3.5km (2.2mi)southwest of the village ofWidecombe-in-the-Moor.
Its row of picturesque thatched cottages, climbing up a steep hill, are often the subject of calendars and postcards. It also has a mill and old bakehouse, converted to a house in 1976. Ponsworthy House, built c.1800, has a porch withDoric columnsofgranite.[1]At the foot of the hill is the ‘Ponsworthy Splash’, where vehicles must drive through a small stream which runs across the road.
The village is also well known for Ponsworthy Bridge over the West Webburn River. It has a single arch and contains a stone engraved with the dates 1666 and 1792 - believed to be when repairs were carried out.[2]It was further repaired in 1911.[3]The bridge has a7.5 foot (2.3m)width restriction, which is one of the reasons the village is so quiet, for it is impassable to modern coaches.
References
External links
Media related toPonsworthyat Wikimedia Commons
Firstly it is always interesting to find the etymology of the place-name one is writing about – in this case Cator. The first recorded documented evidence of Cator came from the Pipe Rolls of 1167 where it appeared as Cadatrea. The English Place-Name Society suggests it is of Anglo Saxon origin The first element of Cada possibly refers to a person called ‘Cada’ and the second element trea stems from the Anglo Saxon word ‘trëow’ meaning a tree thus giving the place of ‘Cada’s Tree’.
FIRTH OF CATOR– Mr. Frederick Hand Firth was a onetime partner in his father’s bank – Thomas Firth & Sons. In 1865 the bank was taken over by the Parr’s Banking Co. which eventually came into the ownership of the Natwest Bank. Amongst Mr. Firths other responsibilities were as the Deputy Lieutenant for the County of Devon and local Justice of the Peace. He was also a member of the Conservative Party and member of the Board of Conservators of the Dart Fishery District.
His Dartmoor residence was the Cator Court Estate where he was a noted breeder of horses and ponies. In 1895 he sold ten cob and ponies at the Haytor Vale auction, amongst these was a hackney stallion called “King of the Forest 2nd” which had previously taken first prize at the Royal Show. Many of the Cator Dartmoor ponies were taken to Brent Fair in 1885 and some of the sale adverts expressly mentioned that they were his, such being his reputation as a breeder. Cattle and sheep were also main enterprises of the estate.
It was he who was responsible for building the ‘Headland Pass’ road which ran from the Moorgate on the Moretonhampstead to Tavistock road down to Challacombe. In 1873 he invited tenders from contractors for what was the going to be about a stretch of road two and a half miles in length. Today the small bridge that takes the road over the ‘Grim’s Lake’ is still known as the “Firth Bridge.” Clearly the Firth family enjoyed entertaining as in 1881 they invited over 40 of their employees and neighbours to a dinner and tea event with amusements at Cator Court. Firth was also a contributor to some local newspaper articles and letters probably the most informative was the description he wrote of a visit to Cranmere Pool in 1883.
‘Close to Hennesbury Gate is a hut-circle known as Seven Lords’ Lands,
from the fact that seven manors meet there.’ ‘A gunshot or two from Hennesbury Gate, and close to the parish boundary wall, is a very perfect hut circle, or aboriginal dwelling, known from medieval times as Seven Lords’ Lands, for it is a boundary point where seven manors meet.
What a very evocative name – Seven Lords’ Lands, does not that conjure up images of seven noble knights standing on a hilltop and surveying the extent of their vast estates? If this was the case then they certainly were not the first to do so because despite what both Page and the Ordnance Survey of 1889 tell us Seven Lords’ Lands is in fact a prehistoric cairn. The now vegetation covered pile of rocks dates back to the Bronze Age and today stands at about 0.6metres at the centre with a 10metre diameter, Butler, There is evidence that a kerb of closely spaced surrounded the cairn which displays six of the original stones still in-situ. A sickening shallow depression in the centre of the cairn suggests that at some stage the monument has suffered at the hands of either antiquarians or looters. However for once this was not so forin 1946 Hansford Worth reported that the cairn circle had been converted into a shelter trench by; “some ingenious soldier. ”However, despite this intrusion the cairn remains in a fairly good state of preservation when compared to some of Dartmoor’s cairns. So much so that in Butler’s opinion there still may be an undisturbed burial underneath. If one looks at the wider landscape this cairn is by no means the only example in the area and is probably associated with the Bronze Age settlement at Foale’s Arrishes.
To find an explanation of the place-name one must move away from the prehistoric era and leap forward to the medieval period when either by design or accident the cairn supposedly became a meeting place of seven manorial bounds. This theory held good for many years and has been proffered by many Dartmoor writers, . In all reality the seven manorial bounds co-join within the vicinity of the cairn not exactly at the cairn, these manors are; Widecombe Town, Natsworthy, Buckland, Bagtor, Halshanger, Great Houndtor and Dunstone with Blackslade. This phenomenon is by no means exclusive to Seven Lords’ Lands as up and down the country there are numerous examples of boundaries using prehistoric landscape features as markers. This can be argued is because such monuments have always been regarded as sacred and therefore afforded the respect of later generations.
This story took an exciting turn in the 1990s when Dave Brewer stepped beyond the obvious and moved into the realms of Saxon ‘Hundreds’ and in particular the Kerswell Hundred which later became the Haytor Hundred. The Kerswell Hundred was split into two sectors, the first had its administrative centre around what is now Kingskerswell. The second sector although being called the Haytor Hundred did not encompass Haytor itself, it did however comprise of the following manors; Widecombe Town ( North Hall), Natsworthy, Spitchwick, Blackaton Pipard, Jordan, Buckland and Dunstone with Blackslade. It is known from the Cartulary of Torre Abbey that the sworn men of the Kerswell Hundred used to meet on a monthly basis at a hill then known as Kyngesdone. The purpose for these meetings was to allow the delegates to discuss and debate the various issues that had arisen within their respective hundred,Brewer, Therefore if this was the norm for Anglo Saxon administration would it not have been logical to say that also such sworn men from the Haytor Hundred also met on a monthly basis?
In 1994 Mike Brown found a small piece of parchment lodged in the bowels of the West Devon Record Office which turned out to be a record of the beating of Buckland bounds from 1683. The description of Seven Lords’ Lands was as follows:‘Hoartsberry where the seven Lords meete and seven stones are pitched up together to each Lord a stone, and the stone that belongs to the Lord of the Manor of Buckland is the South Stone save one‘, Clearly this entry does not give the date and origins of this custom but along with the evidence from the Cartulary of Torre Abbey would suggest a long tradition. If meetings were held at Seven Lords’ Land then this would in effect classify the place as a ‘Moot Hill’, moot stemming from the old Saxon word for a court or council –möt .Other indicators to the age of the area can be seen in nearby Harefoot Cross and Harefoot Mires, both contain the element hēre which is an Anglo Saxon word meaning ”dignity or importance, Could this allude to Seven Lords’ Land as a place of importance or where dignitaries met .
There is enough evidence to show that Seven Lords’ lands has an important place in the historical record of Dartmoor especially as it is, to the best of my knowledge, the only place of its kind on the moor. However the monument has not been without its trails and tribulations as noted above but now the monument has suffered the indignation of being covered with gorse to such an extent that it’s almost invisible. The Dartmoor Magazine reported in the spring of 2008 that the editor on four occasions has reported this deplorable state of affairs to the Dartmoor National Park Authority. The then Chief Executive responded with the normal DNPA arrogance stating that as the monument was scheduled and that the authority had no responsibility of care towards it,Stanbrook, p.4. Stanbrook also reported that a member of the public had informed her that they too had written to the DNPA complaining about the state of the cairn. That was two years ago and there has been no reply forthcoming – what a surprise. It is interesting to see that the brand spanking new information centre which has just been built two miles down the road at Haytor was in 2007 projected to cost £336,750.00p
Well, finally (September 2009) the gorse was cleared and again you can see the Seven Lord’s Lands cairn in all its glory, however the march of gorse and bracken is timeless and by 2014 it had started to regrow as can be seen from the photo above. In the summer of 2016 there was a mini digger doing some kind of work near to the cairn circle so maybe the vegetation will once gain be removed.tion of trees; roads, reddish-brown between red lines for principal routes; single red and reddish-brown for less-important roads; moorland tracks white between black lines; churches drawn in
elevation and in different sizes; Buckland Abbey and Tavistock named; boundary marks of Dartmoor named in scrolls and marked by a series of roundels; where boundary is indicated by individual
stones a cairn is drawn except for Siward’s Cross which is shown by a cross; where names are too close to be written legibly they are
marked by letter keyed to a list enclosed in rectangular cartouche,
Henry VIII ‘Informacions for my lorde prynce to the kynges most Honorable Counsell concernyng my said Lrde prynces Forest of Dartmoor in the Countye of Devonshire and in the mores & wastes to the same belongyn’ . ‘This lytell compas betokenyth the Foreste. The seconde compas betokenythe the waste which lyeth from the Forest unto that ys callyd the Commyners of Devonshire. The thirde compas Betokenithe the vyndefylde men there whiche be the kynges and myelorde princes is tenants. The fourthe compas betokenyth the hole shere of Devonshire. The lytell forykes aboute the corndyches ys callyd the Lypeyattes for to goo unto the wast more and Forest’ ‘Este lype yatte North ockenton yatte Weste pyke yeatte Southe sceryton yeatte’
‘The vyndefeld men of dene had Ougborowe The vyndefelde men of cornewode had Harfford The vyndefelde men of schystor had meavye The vyndefelde men of Shaye [Shaugh] and Whittechurche The vyndefelde men of Walkynton and Samford The vynefelde men of Okenton and Southawt: The vynfelde men of Gydley and Throwely The vyndefelde men of Chageford and Manaton’
For on the wintering of cattle on the King’s tenants lands of the Abbot of Buckfast ‘a close callyd knowthorne that the fyer bekon standith on This waye lyethe from Dartbrogge towardes the Forest of Dartmore’; ‘Parish church of Buckfastlee’ ‘foresta principis’:- ‘Seyridon yate, Pycke yate, Lepe yate, Ockenton yate’; areas marked along the edge of the circle by slashes and named:- ‘my lord of bath,South hill, Bucfaste, brent more, Ugburough, my lord bray, Devon, plympton’ opposite the gates ‘occidentalis porta, meridionalis ports, borealis porta; east, which should be opposite
‘Seyridon yate’ betokenyth the forest et comune universorum habetur sygnifith the mores from the forest to the come dyches as south holl more Buckfastlegh more Brent more Ugborrow more parcelles of those maners The third notyfith the privat grownde within the com diches tyled and inhabited’ the bounds of the Moor and property of the Abbot of Buckfast
The Historical and Archaeological Significance of "Seven Lords' Lands" near "Hennesbury Gate" on DartmoorPrehistoric Origins
The Seven Lords' Lands site, situated near Hennesbury Gate on Dartmoor, is a remarkable prehistoric cairn whose origins trace back to the Bronze Age, placing its construction broadly between 2000 and 700 BC. Though some Victorian antiquarians and early Ordnance Survey maps described the feature as a "hut circle" or "aboriginal dwelling," more recent and detailed archaeological scholarship has clarified that what now sits near the parish boundary wall is indeed a Bronze Age cairn, and not a domestic residence. Its continued use and prominence in the landscape, both in prehistory and in subsequent eras, is a testament to its enduring significance.
The cairn itself is a circular, stony mound measuring approximately 10 meters in diameter and rising up to 0.6 or 0.7 meters at its centre. It is defined by a kerb of upright, closely-set stones, of which six remain visible around the north and west quadrants today, although it is likely the kerb originally continued around the entire cairn. The careful placement of these kerb stones is characteristic of many Dartmoor cairns—a building practice thought to function both as structural support to prevent slippage and as a marker delineating the sacred or funerary space within.
Despite a depression in the centre—attributed to either antiquarian curiosity, partial looting, or, more benignly, a World War II-related alteration—the cairn's core is considered by some authorities to be substantially intact. There is real potential for undisturbed burial remains beneath, a rarity for Dartmoor’s more accessible monuments, which have often suffered greater depredation over the centuries. Jeremy Butler, a leading authority on Dartmoor’s prehistoric sites, notably commented that Seven Lords' Lands is sufficiently well-preserved that an original burial deposit could still await discovery.
The site’s prehistoric context is further enriched by its proximity to Foale’s Arrishes (also called Torr Town Bronze Age Settlement). This substantial prehistoric complex, less than a kilometer away, is comprised of multiple hut circles, pounds, field reaves, and paddocks, indicating a thriving Bronze Age farming community. The landscape of eastern Dartmoor, with its dense clustering of burial mounds, hut circles, and ceremonial monuments, offers powerful evidence that the cairn was established—and perhaps revered—at a time when the local population was highly engaged in both ritual and agricultural activities.
In sum, Seven Lords’ Lands represents a prehistoric funerary monument of significance, both as a self-contained archaeological entity and as a focal point within a broader landscape rich in evidence of early human activity. Its robust preservation, despite later historical interruptions, provides crucial insights into Bronze Age culture on Dartmoor.
Bronze Age Settlement Context
Understanding Seven Lords’ Lands demands engagement not only with the cairn itself but also with the social and physical landscape that bred and fostered it. The eastern slopes of Dartmoor host one of Britain’s most extensive and best-preserved upland concentrations of Bronze Age remains. Within this tapestry, settlements, reave systems, stone rows, enclosures, and cairns form a visible palimpsest of daily life, ritual, and land management over millennia.
The adjacent site of Foale’s Arrishes, or the Torr Town Bronze Age Settlement, provides a living context for the cairn. Archaeological excavations and survey records show a network of at least eight hut circles, cross-banks forming fields, ancillary structures, and evidence of field system reaves—long, straight stone walls constructed during the late Bronze Age to separate tracts of land. Artifacts recovered here, including potsherds, flint tools, and animal remains, suggest mixed agricultural and pastoral economies. It is very likely that the people buried at Seven Lords’ Lands lived among or in association with this community, and that the cairn served either as a familial or high-status burial, or as a communal ancestor focus for the settlement population.
Foale’s Arrishes is particularly interesting in that evidence suggests continuous or repeated use from the late Bronze Age into the Early Iron Age, as indicated by the dating of pottery fragments and the deliberate reworking of boundaries and hut locations. Comparative analysis with similar settlements, such as Kestor and Fernworthy, reinforces the view that Dartmoor saw not just static farming but also movement—and perhaps population expansion—through these centuries.
The cairns themselves, including Seven Lords’ Lands, occupy prominent ridgelines or terraces, likely selected both for visibility and liminality (the threshold between worlds so valued in prehistoric religious thought). Their construction, with their kerbed edges, substantial mounds, and sometimes isolating ditches, served both ritual needs and practical landscape marking functions. The cairn's proximity to Blackslade Mire, and sightlines to major tors such as Rippon Tor and Haytor, may also reflect deliberate relations with topographic features, possibly for reasons as varied as tribal boundary demarcation, ceremonial observation, or ancestor veneration.
It is telling that later communities would take the prehistoric cairn as a relevant point for their own administrative and social boundaries, an act which highlights its lasting presence and perceived importance. Throughout its existence, the cairn has overlain a changing physical, economic, and social environment, but its basic function as a focus—be it for burial, ceremony, or landscape organization—remained consistent.
Archaeological FeaturesStructure and Condition of the Cairn
Seven Lords’ Lands cairn is typical for its class, both in proportions and preservation. The mound is 10 meters in diameter and stands up to 0.6–1.2 meters high at the centre. The western and northern arcs display a near-complete kerb retaining circle, constructed of edge-set slabs of granite; currently, six of these stones are visible, although more likely lie beneath turf and accreted vegetation.
Inside, the cairn’s upper surface is irregular, grassy, and partially hollowed—a central depression or “shallow pit” that is approximately 2.5 feet across and 1 foot deep with a small embedded stone at its centre. Archaeologists generally agree that this feature is the result of a partial and shallow antiquarian excavation: the kind of exploratory digging conducted in the 19th and early 20th centuries, often in search of cists, urns, or stone boxes that frequently yielded items of value or curiosity. In the case of Seven Lords’ Lands, the depression does not appear to be the result of systematic archaeological investigation, but rather the accidental byproduct of unrecorded digging or robbing of the cairn’s capstones.
The otherwise robust preservation of the monument is notable. For comparison, many Dartmoor cairns, especially those close to roadways and settlements, have lost most or all of their kerb stones, and have seen their interiors gutted by treasure hunters or stone robbers. According to Butler and other surveyors, Seven Lords’ Lands' relatively remote location and its partial adoption as a landscape boundary point likely conferred a protective aura, reducing physical disturbance and preserving the essential character of the cairn.
LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging) data, archaeological mapping, and site visits over the past two decades have documented the cairn's structural form in increasing detail, allowing for informed management and providing a visual record crucial for potential future restoration or investigation projects. The grid reference for the cairn is SX 74127 76237, and its visibility in historic aerial photos and modern mapping platforms, such as the Historic England National Heritage List, operate as additional layers of documentation and protection.
Use as a Shelter Trench in 1946
A distinctive episode in the cairn’s history occurred in 1946, when R. Hansford Worth, a noted Dartmoor archaeologist, reported that the cairn had been adapted as a shelter trench by an unnamed soldier. The immediate context for this reuse is unclear, but given the military presence on Dartmoor during and after the Second World War (including training, maneuvers, and demobilization), its adaptation as a practical windbreak or trench by soldiers appears plausible. Fortunately, available evidence suggests that this intervention was reversible: it neither involved the removal of major stones nor led to the comprehensive disassembly of the kerb or mound. The damage, for once, was superficial wounding rather than permanent disfigurement, and the cairn remains, by Dartmoor standards, in "a fairly good state of preservation".
Potential for Undisturbed Burial
An important feature of the cairn is the relative intactness of its heart. Although the central depression suggests disturbance, the consensus among leading authorities is that a significant portion of the burial context—if not the primary interment—may remain undisturbed below the current ground level. Jeremy Butler and other local experts have speculated that future, systematic excavation could reveal human remains, grave goods, or other archaeological material that would help map the funerary practices and social structures of Dartmoor’s Bronze Age communities.
Medieval and Saxon UseManorial Boundaries and the ‘Seven Lords’ Lands’ Name
The site’s transition from prehistoric ritual focus to a key marker in the medieval and early modern landscape is a textbook example of how ancient monuments acquired fresh layers of meaning. The evocative name “Seven Lords’ Lands” derives from the assertion—supported in boundary records and local tradition—that this cairn marks (or lies proximate to) the point where the boundaries of seven Dartmoor manors converge. These are: Widecombe Town, Natsworthy, Buckland, Bagtor, Halshanger, Great Houndtor, and Dunstone-with-Blackslade.
While some historic sources and writers romanticized the notion that the seven manors meet at the cairn’s exact summit, modern boundary analysis (including Dave Brewer’s substantial work) reveals that the actual junctions lie close by—the cairn serving as a practical, durable, and symbolically charged point for both mapping and administrative purposes. The selection of a prehistoric monument for this function is mirrored nationwide, with prehistoric barrows and megaliths frequently assimilated into later landholding and parish frameworks. Their antiquity and sacred aura, long respected, made them natural choices for landmarks immune to feuding and drift.
The connection between the ancient cairn and later socio-political organization is also recorded in site-specific perambulation records, such as those for the Widecombe Town Manor—a regular boundary-walking ritual, or "beating the bounds," that invoked both legal territoriality and communal memory.
The Role in Saxon Administration: Hundreds and Moots
In the medieval period (and potentially earlier, in the Saxon era), Seven Lords’ Lands played a role in regional governance by virtue of its association with the Saxon system of Hundreds. The region was originally part of the Kerswell (later Haytor) Hundred, an administrative unit comprising several manors forming a collective jurisdiction for taxation, justice, and local governance. Writing in the 1990s, Dave Brewer drew on analysis of Saxon documents and boundary records, along with references from the Cartulary of Torre Abbey, to place Seven Lords’ Lands within this regional administrative framework.
Evidence from the Torre Abbey Cartulary and other documents suggests that sworn men from the Kerswell (and later Haytor) Hundred would meet regularly (likely monthly) atop local hills. These meetings, analogous to Norse and Anglo-Saxon moots, allowed for the discussion of legal issues, land disputes, and community problems. One site recorded for such assemblies was Kyngesdone, believed to be close to or identical with Seven Lords’ Lands. The site’s continued reverence and function as a boundary hub, and the record of periodic open-air assemblies, reflect a continuity of landscape use stretching from the late prehistoric era through Saxon and medieval periods, reinforcing the notion of ancient sites as stable anchors for social action.
The term ‘Moot Hill’ is thus applied to Seven Lords’ Lands in both folklore and administrative history. The Old English word mōt signifies a court or assembly—a tradition preserved into modern times in place-names and folk assemblies: “moot” or “tump” hills across England and Scotland have long served as a focus for collective decision-making.
Table: The Seven Manors and their Relationship to the CairnManor NameGeneral Location / DescriptionRelationship to the CairnWidecombe TownCentral east parish, includes Widecombe villageCairn forms (near) its easternmost boundary pointNatsworthyNorth end of the valley, former Ford family seatBoundary runs at/adjacent to cairn’s locationBucklandWest of Widecombe, including BlacksladeShares junction near the cairnBagtorSouthern area near Ashburton and IlsingtonBoundary coincides closely at cairn locationHalshangerSoutheast, near Welstor and Cold East CrossBoundary meets other manors adjacent to cairnGreat HoundtorNortheast of cairn, near Hound Tor settlementShares boundary convergence with cairn’s locationDunstone with BlacksladeSouth/southwest, includes BlacksladeBoundary connects at or near cairn
Each of these manors preserved elaborate perambulation records and local traditions referencing either a direct or symbolic connection to the cairn, emphasizing its centrality as a meeting and boundary reference through centuries.
Historical Records of Manorial Use
The documentary record for the area is rich, owing in part to the survival of manor rolls, perambulation accounts, and records such as the Cartulary of Torre Abbey. For example, an entry for the beating of Buckland bounds in 1683 describes Seven Lords’ Lands as “Hoartsberry where the seven Lords meete and seven stones are pitched up together to each Lord a stone, and the stone that belongs to the Lord of the Manor of Buckland is the South Stone save one.” This record reveals both the tangible interaction—placing stones for each “lord” at the cairn location—and the lasting memory of ceremony and assembly at this place.
The reference to “seven stones” also echoes both formal boundary-making ceremonial (with a stone for each manor or “lord”) and folk ritual, where the gathering and dedication of stones was a means to sanctify collective agreement.
Archaeological Surveys and Reports
Several archaeological surveys have been undertaken at Seven Lords’ Lands over the past century. Early references in the Victoria County History (1906), the Widecombe HER (Historic Environment Record), and later site reports from Butler’s Dartmoor Atlas of Antiquitiesand the Devon Archaeological Society Proceedingsprovide a comprehensive baseline for understanding the site's significance and state.
Surveys by R. Hansford Worth, the Dartmoor Barrow Committee, and most recently the HER number MDV7396, all describe a cairn with a well-preserved kerb (especially on the northern and western arcs) and a central hollow consistent with “removal of a cist”—although, as discussed, no formal cist or grave box has yet been confirmed.
Modern mapping and aerial photography, particularly through projects by the Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England and Historic England’s National Heritage List, have further documented the cairn’s position, integrity, and relationship with surrounding boundaries. The scheduled monument record (NHLE 1003302) emphasizes both the monument’s funerary function and its “extraordinary value” as a boundary marker and administrative node.
Additionally, LiDAR scans and modern GPS mapping continue to reveal the subtle contours and extent of earthwork features not visible at ground level or in older maps, giving researchers and land managers a better understanding of both the site and its relationship to adjacent settlements—an important tool for both academic study and practical conservation management.
Historical RecordsThe Cartulary of Torre Abbey and the Moot Tradition
The most pivotal historical document relating to Seven Lords’ Lands’ administrative use is the Cartulary of Torre Abbey—a medieval religious house whose records contain regular entries about landholdings, local officials, and meetings of the “sworn men” for the Kerswell and later Haytor Hundreds. The cartulary confirms that these assemblies (moots) took place at sites such as Kyngesdone, in a pattern that matches the known landscape focus of Seven Lords’ Lands. Archives in the Devon Heritage Centre and The National Archives preserve microfilm and deed records from the 13th–16th centuries, offering glimpses into how religious and manorial institutions exploited and administered their scattered holdings on Dartmoor.
Local field records, manor court rolls, and other legal documents similarly reference the site as a recurring touchstone in disputes, land exchanges, and ceremonial boundary walks. The persistent reference to Seven Lords’ Lands as “the place where the seven manors meet” demonstrates the cairn’s continuing utility as a mnemonic and legal anchor in the rolling and often ambiguous Dartmoor landscape.
Perambulation, Boundary Stones, and the "Seven Stones"
The tradition of "beating the bounds"—ritually walking, inscribing, and recording the perimeter of a manor or parish—finds particularly vivid local expression in the records for Seven Lords' Lands. These accounts document not only which stones or landscape features were chosen as markers but also the associated customs, such as setting up a stone for each lord or even allocating specific stones' identities to particular manors. The "Buckland bounds" report from 1683 is a prime example, with precise language that carries both legal weight and folkloric undertone.
Perambulation records were reinforced by the physical placement of stones inscribed with dates, initials, and manor names—a practice that extended well into the 19th century and was formalized with engraved stones in 1854 and later years. The visible layering of boundary markers on and around Seven Lords' Lands provides a case study in the cumulative construction of local authority and tradition.
Legends and Folklore
Beyond the dry text of administrative records, the folklore of Seven Lords’ Lands adds a layer of mythic resonance. Local tradition conjures images of “seven noble knights standing on a hilltop and surveying the extent of their vast estates,” an echo not only of medieval pomp but perhaps of an older, numinous relationship with the land. The ritual of meeting at the cairn to “each set up a stone” evokes imageries of sacred assembly, the laying down of claims in association, if not rivalry.
Regional dialect and place-names further reinforce these associations: “Hoartsberry” as an old name for the site, and nearby Harefoot Cross and Harefoot Mires bearing traces of the Old English “hēre,” signifying dignity or importance—perhaps an allusion to its status as a meeting place for people of note.
Other narratives, referenced in Dartmoor folklore compilations, tell of boundary disputes, supernatural interventions (a nod to the Devil’s reputed haunts of Dartmoor), or unexplained disappearances near ancient sites, weaving the cairn ever more tightly into the fabric of local memory and collective identity.
Conservation StatusScheduled Monument Designation
Seven Lords’ Lands is officially recognized as a Scheduled Monument under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Areas Act 1979, with List Entry Number 1003302. This designation acknowledges its national importance as both a prehistoric cairn and as a historic landscape marker for manorial and parish boundaries. The scheduled status provides a legal framework for protection: major work, excavation, or alteration is not permitted without consent from Historic England and the relevant bodies.
The Historic England summary makes clear that the site is valuable for its “archaeological and environmental evidence relating to its construction, funerary and ritual functions, territorial significance and overall landscape context.” The entry also singles out the exceptional density and preservation of prehistoric monuments on Dartmoor, for which Seven Lords’ Lands is a key exemplar.
Current Condition and Management Challenges
Despite its scheduled status, Seven Lords’ Lands has not been immune to natural and anthropogenic threats. Chief among these is vegetative overgrowth: by the 2000s, the monument was “almost invisible,” buried under dense gorse, bracken, and creeping turf. Attempts to report this “deplorable state of affairs” to the Dartmoor National Park Authority yielded little initial response, with officials claiming no direct responsibility for the care of scheduled monuments outside of owned property.
The practical result of this bureaucratic gap was recurrent cycles of neglect and intervention: after years of public and editorial pressure (notably documented in Dartmoor Magazine and Legendary Dartmoor), a major clearance of gorse was undertaken in September 2009. The clearance exposed the cairn’s kerb, improved local awareness, and—temporarily—restored the monument’s visual and archaeological prominence. However, Dartmoor’s climate and ecology are persistent: by 2014, gorse and bracken had already started its inevitable return, requiring new cycles of intervention.
Visits by archaeologists and local reporters in later years revealed minor earthwork disturbance—such as work in 2016 by a mini digger adjacent to the cairn, rationale unknown—but as of the latest updates (2024), the essential form of the monument survives, albeit wreathed in thorn and scrub.
Conservation Responsibilities
Because Seven Lords' Lands lies on common land and is not directly owned by the Dartmoor National Park Authority, neither the DNPA nor any single private landholder has day-to-day responsibility for proactive monument care. English Heritage (now Historic England) and Natural England retain statutory oversight, but enforcement and routine intervention are spread thin over the hundreds of scheduled sites across Dartmoor.
Civic concern, as expressed in letters and articles, highlights this vacuum: despite the national status and the site’s unique character, sustained field management is irregular. The situation is hardly unique: similar issues plague scheduled cairns and ancient monuments across moorland Britain, where lack of immediate economic or recreational value often >means that only local enthusiasm or occasional project funding interrupts the cycle of neglect.
Conservation Areas and Broader Policy
While Seven Lords’ Lands itself is not within a designated Conservation Area (these being more frequently applied to historic village cores rather than open moorland features), Dartmoor’s overarching management framework—rooted in the National Park’s Partnership Plan and the guidelines of Natural England—offers indirect protection. Under the National Planning Policy Framework, heritage assets like scheduled monuments are afforded “great weight” in planning and land management decisions. The Park Authority’s 2025 Management Plan underscores a commitment to landscape-scale visions for Dartmoor, supportive of archaeological preservation albeit filtered through broader agendas: biodiversity, farming, and community engagement.
Independent reviews of protected site management, such as that completed for Defra in 2023 and published in 2024, observe that Dartmoor’s future conservation will continue to require close partnership between landowners, local volunteers, government agencies, and statutory advisory groups. Additional recommendations call for shared digital monitoring data, landscape-level management strategies, and (in recent years) the use of remote sensing technology for routine assessment.
Modern Restoration Efforts and NeglectRecent Interventions
Direct efforts to restore and manage the cairn at Seven Lords’ Lands have come in fits and starts, often in response to local outcry or the enthusiasm of archaeological and walking societies. The 2009 clearance of gorse and subsequent occasional mechanical removal of scrub, though crucial, have failed to establish a sustainable management cycle, mainly due to unclear lines of responsibility and the ongoing challenge posed by Dartmoor’s rapid-growing vegetation.
Further complicating restoration efforts is the sensitivity of the moor’s ecology: the balance between clearing vegetation (to preserve stones) and maintaining habitats for protected species (for which Dartmoor is also famed) can bring conservationists and ecologists into sometimes competing positions. The site’s high profile in walking guidebooks, online forums, and magazines does, however, mean that any gross neglect is quickly brought to public notice.
The appearance of heavy machinery, such as the mini-digger observed in 2016, raised questions about the appropriateness and oversight of contemporary interventions, though no major harm appears to have resulted. Nonetheless, unplanned or badly supervised work can create as much risk as benefit, especially when scheduled monument consents are not rigorously enforced.
Community and Volunteer Engagement
The future of Seven Lords’ Lands may well depend less on statuary authorities and more on local initiative. Dartmoor’s active community of walkers, amateur archaeologists, and history enthusiasts have driven much of the recent research, monitoring, and reporting around the site. Their efforts, documented on sites like Legendary Dartmoor, Dartmoor Magazine, and Dartmoor Explorations, combine research with advocacy, ensuring that the monument remains both physically accessible and embedded in the living cultural landscape.
Their work has also been recognized in regional and national policy reviews, which increasingly emphasize the role of community stewardship in ensuring the resilience of archaeological features under threat.
Broader Context of Dartmoor Conservation
Modern conservation on Dartmoor is shaped by a complex interplay of land use, agriculture, tourism, and environmental regulation. The management of heritage features like Seven Lords’ Lands must be understood within this broader ecology. Recent government responses to protected site reviews (2024) have championed landscape-scale strategies, the establishment of collaborative land-use groups, and the synthesis of ecological, archaeological, and agricultural data in coherent management plans.
Natural England, Historic England, and the Dartmoor National Park Authority are all engaged in developing such approaches, aiming for both ecological restoration (peatlands, gorse management) and the safeguarding of the “palimpsest” of human use that defines Dartmoor’s world heritage value.
Legends, Folklore, and Ritual Landscape
The folklore of Seven Lords’ Lands is as rich as its documentary record. Tales of ritual assemblies, hooded lords, or spectral gatherings sit alongside the prosaic routines of boundary marking and perambulation. The motif of “seven stones for seven lords” carries not only legal symbolism but an aura of mythic drama, suggesting a site of ancient assembly or mediation. Dartmoor’s wider mythopoetic landscape—where standing stones walk at night and barrows guard ancestral treasures—finds perfect resonance at Seven Lords’ Lands, whose very visibility stakes a claim both on material memory and cultural imagination.
Recent speculative archaeology and landscape phenomenology—such as the observation of possible Beltane sunrise alignments from the cairn towards Haytor’s distinctive peaks—have added further dimensions to the cairn’s profile, weaving new possibilities of ritual significance into both scientific and amateur investigation.
Maps and LiDAR: Visualizing the Cairn in Modern Scholarship
A substantial body of modern digital mapping, including Ordnance Survey coordinates, satellite imagery, and LiDAR data, underpins current understanding of Seven Lords’ Lands. Access to LiDAR point clouds—such as those referenced in the Prehistoric Dartmoor Walks database—enables researchers to distinguish subtle features impossible to see at ground level, assists in charting vegetation growth, and supports the planning of conservation or research work.
Modern mapping platforms also enable the easy identification of neighbouring archaeological features, the plotting of perambulation routes, and the comparison of historical and contemporary boundaries. This digital visibility is crucial: it transforms a once-obscure cairn into a salient geographical and cultural node, accessible to both researchers and the broader public.
Individual Manors and their Relationships with the Cairn
A comprehensive understanding of Seven Lords’ Lands is incomplete without a brief summary of the individual histories and geographical context of the seven manors.
Widecombe Town: Extends from the cairn across Widecombe valley, including the historic settlement of Widecombe and surrounding commons. Its easternmost perambulation point is at Seven Lords’ Lands, underscoring its foundational place in the local landscape.
Natsworthy: At the northern end of the valley, formerly held by the Fords of Bagtor, later passing through several major landowners. The modern manor still marks its north western boundary at the cairn, with documented perambulation stones and boundary markers linking the two.
Buckland: Lying to the west and south, Buckland’s inclusion in the seven manors is confirmed in multiple boundary accounts and by boundary stones carved with the “Buckland” name or initials, regularly highlighted in “beating of the bounds” reports.
Bagtor: Associated with the Fords and Templers families, Bagtor’s boundaries historically converged at Seven Lords’ Lands, anchored by the ritual and practical logic of cairn-as-bound-marker.
Halshanger: To the southeast, Halshanger’s historic significance includes centuries of woodland and moorland management, with its name and boundary credentials confirmed in boundary marker surveys from the 19th century onwards.
Great Hound tor: Near the famous Hound tor medieval settlement, this manor’s bounds coalesce near the cairn, reinforcing the shared administrative heritage of eastern Dartmoor’s manorial structure.
Dunstone with Blackslade: A small but distinctive manor, tightly linked to the Blackslade area just south of the cairn, historically associated with the continued observance of perambulation and the preservation of customary rights.
Each manor’s relationship to the cairn is preserved in a combination of perambulation records, physical boundary stones, and living tradition, each contributing spurs of significance to the collective status of Seven Lords’ Lands as the omphalos of local authority.
Conclusion
Seven Lords’ Lands near Hennesbury Gate on Dartmoor is an archaeological, historical, and cultural palimpsest of rare complexity and significance. As a Bronze Age cairn, it preserves structural elements and potentially undisturbed funerary deposits that are unusually intact for the region. Its adoption in the medieval period as a focal point of seven converging manorial boundaries endowed it with a second life as an administrative and communal meeting ground, a function rooted in both local tradition and the broader political logic of “Moot Hill” assembly.
Documentary and archaeological survey evidence confirm its central role in both the living and remembered landscape: perambulation records, manorial court rolls, and the cartularies of regional powerhouses such as Torre Abbey ground the cairn’s history in tangible fact; regionally specific folklore and legends bring that fact alive. The interplay between inherited sacredness and emergent practical authority is nowhere clearer than in the persistent use of this prehistoric structure to anchor medieval and modern administrative systems.
Conservation of Seven Lords' Lands, as of so many Dartmoor sites, continues to be a challenge fraught with ecological, bureaucratic, and financial tension. Nevertheless, periodic clearances, mounting public awareness, and the vigilant documentation by local enthusiasts and professionals alike continue to shield this singular monument from complete obscurity. It stands today as both a locus of Dartmoor’s past and as a repository of living memory, where prehistoric, medieval, and modern voices still echo across the moor.
Seven Lords’ Lands is a Bronze Age cairn, exceptionally preserved, with possible undisturbed burial remains, featuring a kerb of six (originally more) upright stones.
The cairn lies at or near the convergence point of seven manorial boundaries, a focus of legal and communal attention since at least medieval times.
Documentary, archaeological, and toponymic evidence supports its longstanding use as a ‘Moot Hill’ for regional assembly and administration.

Medieval settlement (Fig . 5)
The settlement remains are located on the lower west-facing slope of Blackaton Down lying between 320m and 340m above 00. They comprise the earthwork remains of a series of buildings and building platforms, some with associated closes, and part of a much larger area of field system. The south-eastem corner of the site has been partly destroyed by the construction of a modem agricultural building and the westem side has also been disturbed by the construction of the modem road . The site is almost divided in two by an unnamed
stream which flows westwards to join the Broadaford Brook. The survey has identified a possible 17 buildings or building platforms within the site, with a further two buildings identified from aerial photographs and destroyed by the construction the modem agricultural building.
The buildings
The medieval buildings are fully described in Appendix 1. The building remains at Blackaton indicate that this was once a substantial agricultural settlement with a variety of buildings which vary in form from small, single cell units to complex multi-celled buildings and longhouses. The settlement is laid-out in an inverted L-shape, with the majority of the buildings located to the north of the stream. The buildings to the south of the stream would appear to have been set-out along the track which runs north-south through the settlement. The remains of the buildings vary throughout the site, some have walls surviving as low stony mounds and others are little more than platforms terraced into the hillside. This may suggest a sequence of abandonment, the less well preserved buildings having fallen victim to stone robbing after their desertion, or possibly indicates different construction methods, the less well preserved remains representing timber structures. The absence of internal stone divisions in any of the buildings may again be partly due to robbing but could also suggest that internal partitions, where they existed, were of timber. The only evidence for internal divisions is a change in level within the structures, as seen with building 9 and building 13. It is interesting to note that buildings 6 and 13 have large, edge-set boulders apparently defining the entrance to the structure. The various functions of the buildings cannot be ascertained in every case but there are at least four buildings which may be interpreted as long houses, buildings 5, 8, 9 and 13, with the possibility of more now lost under the modem agricultural building. There are four single celled buildings, buildings 6, 10, 11, and 15, which may be interpreted as barns. The close relationship between these barns and the long houses would suggest that they represent the remains of small, individual farmsteads. Many of these groups of structures show continuity in construction and preservation. This would again suggest that they functioned as a single entity. There were a series of small, rectilinear platforms recorded close to some of these farmsteads, buildings 7 and 16, which may represent small ancillary buildings, animal pens or even chicken coops. Taking into account the features destroyed by the modern agriculturalbuilding, there is evidence for at least six farmsteads within the settlement site.
The central region of Devon was occupied by the Saxons soon after 682 AD. It was divided into vast estates, and one of these divisions included all land within the boundaries of the rivers Teign and Bovey, with Moreton as its major settlement. The present parish of over 6,000 acres (24 km2) is the residue of that ancient royal estate. It remained a royal estate immediately after the Norman Conquest of 1066, as is recorded in the Domesday Book of 1086, where it is listed as the 45th of the 72 Devonshire holdings of King William the Conqueror. The manor was held by grand serjeanty from the king by Richard de Burgh, 2nd Earl of Ulster (1259–1326) during the reign of King Edward I (1272-1307), for the annual yielding of one sparrow hawk. After that time it was the seat of Sir Philip de Courtenay (d.1314), second son of Sir Hugh de Courtenay (died 1292) feudal baron of Okehampton, by his wife Eleanor le Despenser (died 1328), sister of Hugh le Despenser, 1st Earl of Winchester, and younger brother of Hugh de Courtenay, 1st/9th Earl of Devon (1276–1340) of Tiverton Castle. He died without progeny when Moreton Hampstead was inherited by his elder brother the 1st Earl of Devon, who gave Moreton Hampstead to his third son Robert de Courtenay, who made it his seat. Robert's grandson William de Courtenay (1377-1388) died without progeny, and eventually the manor became the property of Sir Philip Courtenay (1340–1406) of Powderham, 5th or 6th son of Hugh Courtenay, 2nd Earl of Devon (1303–1377). Thenceforth it descended with Powderham and in the time of Pole (d.1635) was a possession of Francis Courtenay (1576–1638), de jure 4th Earl of Devon. Wool and (in later years) the manufacture of woollen cloth formed the basis of the town's economy for over 700 years. The economy was evidently healthy when the town established a water-powered fulling mill before the end of the 13th century. In 1207 King John granted a weekly market and an annual five-day fair, indicating that Moretonhampstead had developed into an important local community. The town grew steadily through the Middle Ages and remained prosperous until the end of the 17th century, when the wool industry began to decline. The town continued to be a local trading centre and a rest stop for travellers on the difficult routes across Dartmoor and from Exeter and Newton Abbot. A series of fires in the 20th century destroyed many of Moretonhampstead's ancient buildings, but sufficient still remains to demonstrate the Saxon and Medieval heritage, and the later industrial prosperity. Much of the town is designated a conservation area, with many listed buildings of architectural and historic interest. The whole parish is within Dartmoor National Park.
Here’s a concise summary of the key historical and cultural points about Moretonhampstead, drawn from your detailed passage:
🏰 Historical Origins & Ownership
Saxon Settlement: Occupied by Saxons soon after 682 AD; formed part of a vast estate between the rivers Teign and Bovey.
Royal Estate: Listed in the Domesday Book (1086) as one of King William the Conqueror’s holdings.
Feudal Tenure: Held by grand serjeanty—Richard de Burgh owed the king one sparrow hawk annually.
Courtenay Lineage: Passed through various branches of the Courtenay family, including Sir Philip de Courtenay and descendants tied to Powderham Castle.
🧶 Economic Development
Wool Industry: Dominated the economy for over 700 years, with a fulling mill established before the 13th century.
Market Town: Granted a weekly market and annual fair by King John in 1207, marking its rise as a local hub.
🌄 Cultural & Architectural Legacy
Medieval Prosperity: Thrived through the Middle Ages until the wool trade declined in the late 1600s.
Strategic Location: Served as a rest stop for travellers crossing Dartmoor or heading to Exeter and Newton Abbot.
20th Century Fires: Damaged many historic buildings, though enough remains to reflect its Saxon and medieval roots.
Conservation Status: Much of the town is protected, with numerous listed buildings of historical interest.
National Park: Entire parish lies within Dartmoor National Park, preserving its natural and cultural heritage.
Would you like a visual timeline of Moretonhampstead’s history or a map showing its medieval manorial connections?
What were the main influences on Moretonhampstead's economy?
I’m starting a research task to explore the historical and economic development of Moretonhampstead. This will cover its Saxon origins, medieval wool industry, market privileges, role in Dartmoor travel, and its modern conservation status. I’ll also include a timeline of key milestones and draw from multiple web sources. This will take me several minutes, so feel free to step away—I’ll keep working in the background. Your report will be saved right here in this conversation.
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Economic Influences on Moretonhampstead
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Deep Research
Economic Influences on Moretonhampstead
The Economic Evolution of Moretonhampstead: Influences from Saxon Origins to Conservation Era
Introduction
The town of Moretonhampstead, known locally as "Moreton," is uniquely situated on the north-eastern edge of Dartmoor, Devon, within the Dartmoor National Park. Its long history is a tapestry woven from threads of geography, ancient settlement, royal favor, feudal lordship, industrial enterprise, and cultural adaptation. This report provides an in-depth exploration of the main influences on Moretonhampstead's economy across the ages. It examines the town’s beginnings as a Saxon outpost, its Domesday Book status, the effects of manorial stewardship (notably the Courtenay family), the centrality of the wool industry (including early fulling mills and later guild organization), its legacy as a market and fair hub, the evolution of inns and transportation, the impact of major 20th-century fires, and the strategy that underpins its current designation as a conservation area.
The report integrates both a chronological and thematic approach, organizing the story into clear sections drawing on primary web-based sources. The aim is to show not only how Moretonhampstead flourished and sometimes declined in response to broader regional and national trends, but why its economic resilience and architectural fabric still shape its identity today.
Timeline of Key Economic Milestones
PeriodKey Economic Milestonesca. 700–1086Early Saxon settlement (“Moor-tun”); initial growth as royal manor1086Domesday Book: listed as royal manor with farming and administrative role12th–13th c.Ownership transitions, market and fair rights (1207, King John charter)Late 13th c.First fulling mill established; rise of woollen industry1309Manor acquired by Courtenay family (later Earls of Devon)14th–17th c.Peak of serge-making; expansion of market and fair activityLate 17th–18th c.Wool trade declines; diversification in agriculture and market functions19th c.Railways, agricultural depression, fires, and beginnings of tourism1866Railway opens; boosts trade, farming, and tourism1890–1928Courtenay estate sold; break-up of manorial landownership, rise of smallholdings20th c.Further industrial decline, major fires (1845, 1926), conservation approach1973–presentConservation area designation; tourism and heritage economy dominate
Early DevelopmentSaxon Origins and the Etymology of ‘Moretonhampstead’
The genesisof Moretonhampstead as a recognizable settlement dates back to the late seventh or early eighth century, during the westward push of Saxon settlement in Devon. The place-name ‘Moor-tun’—referring to a farmstead or village on the moor—aptly situates the settlement on the edges of inhospitable Dartmoor, amid the legacy of prehistoric field systems and hill forts that are still discernible today. Early Saxon pioneers likely chose the area for its defensive and strategic position at a crossing of valleys, a crucial factor for a region characterized by difficult terrain and relative isolation from major Roman and British centers.
The geography of the area significantly influenced settlement patterns. As the Saxons established control over much of Devon, Moretonhampstead’s peripheral location—on routes skirting the moor and as the first settlement encountered when entering the Teignbridge Hundred—allowed it to develop an importance disproportionate to its population size. Indeed, the settlement’s evolution is reflected in its role as an administrative locus rather than simply as a farming community.
Domesday Book and Royal Manor Status
By the Norman conquest, Moretonhampstead had evolved into a manor of distinct statusand is listed in the Domesday Book of 1086 as ‘Mortone’—a royal manor held by the king, with notable revenue and administrative significance35. The Domesday entry outlines the manor's wealth:
Land for 20 ploughs (indicative of significant arable potential)
16 villagers, 6 smallholders, and 6 slaves (servi)
20 acres of meadow, 60 acres of pasture, and extensive woodland
130 sheep and 20 cattle, emphasizing the beginnings of sheep-based agriculture
An annual tax of £12—a large sum for the era
The “third penny of the hundred of Teignbridge” due to the manor, highlighting its administrative heft
This data suggests that although much of the parish was still uncultivated wilderness, Moretonhampstead’s comparative value lay as much in its role as a hub of administration as in agriculture. Its twin foundation in royal patronage and agricultural productivity set the frame for its future prosperity and vulnerability.
Transition to Feudal and Manorial Tenure
After the Norman Conquest, Moretonhampstead experienced a series of transitions befitting its status as a prized holding6. Initially a royal domain, it passed into the hands of William de Tracey (illegitimate son of Henry I) and then, via several lineages—some notable for their involvement in the murder of Thomas Becket and their atonement via donations to the Church (as at Doccombe)—to Geoffrey Fitz Piers, Earl of Essex. It was Fitz Piers who secured for Moretonhampstead the all-important charter for a market and fair from King John in 1207. The passage of the manor through successive aristocratic lines (including an exchange involving Irish manors and the eventual acquisition by the Courtenay family in 130979) is a testament to its continued importance as a source of revenue and local control.
The manorial period shaped not only landownership structures but also local obligations and forms of agricultural tenure, with the Courtenay family maintaining feudal courts, appointing local officers such as the portreeve, and exercising jurisdiction over market and land-related disputes well into the 19th century.
Wool Industry: From Medieval Fulling Mill to DeclineFoundations and Expansion
The woollen industrywas the cornerstoneof Moretonhampstead's economy from the medieval period to the dawn of the industrial age. The existence of a fulling mill in the town is first recorded by 1297, marking the formal establishment of industrialized textile production1. Fulling—the process of cleansing and “felting” woven woolen cloth—required abundant water power, which the town’s location on the Wray Brook and other streams provided. This early mechanization enabled Moretonhampstead to participate in the expanding serge-making trade that became synonymous with the town.
The preparation of wool involved:
Shearing local sheep (noted in Domesday and subsequent records)
Woolcombing (preparing fibers for spinning), often organized into guild-like fraternities patronized by the figure of Bishop Blaize
Hand-weaving and wet-finishing of serge—the main product for which Moretonhampstead was renowned
Use of fulling mills to treat the cloth, taking advantage of the chemical and mineral content of local waters, often considered especially suited for washing and processing wools
The 16th–18th centuries saw this trade grow into the dominant local employer. Wealthy “sergemakers” organized outworkers and craft families, and a vibrant local community developed around both manufacture and the seasonal rhythms of shepherding.
Guild Organization, Petitioning, and Economic Vitality
An active, if modest, guild structureemerged around wool-combing and serge-making, evidenced by the recurring celebrations of St. Blaize (Bishop Blaze), as well as the appearance of specific occupations in historic records and directories. Investment in the industry is further revealed by fire insurance records, naming key local merchants who insured both their premises and the often-vulnerable stored stocks of wool and finished cloth.
Competition was a constant concern. At various points, Moretonhampstead’s sergemakers and woolcombers participated in organized protests—such as an early 18th-century petition to the House of Lords—against the import of cheaper serge from Ireland, which threatened the local market. Though the petition was unsuccessful, it illustrates the interconnectedness of local and regional economies and the town’s dependence on the wool trade.
Organization of Labour
The bulk of wool production in Moretonhampstead, as in much of Devon, remained a cottage industryinto the 18th century. Out-workers labored in their own homes, financed by sergemakers who organized finishing and sale, largely relying on Exeter as the principal wool market and point of export11. This structure allowed the town to thrive within a national and international system of trade centered on woolen cloth.
Decline of the Wool Industry
By the late 18th century, external pressuresprecipitated a slow but irreversible decline in the wool trade. The core reasons included:
Increasing competition from the steam-powered, coal-fueled mills of the North (especially Yorkshire), which could produce cloth more cheaply and in greater volume
Local reliance on limited water power, which could not support new mechanized processes
Importation of higher-quality wools and finished cloth from other regions and overseas
In Moretonhampstead, this translated into fewer local jobs, declining prosperity, and a demographic shift as families reliant on spinning and weaving sought new livelihoods or emigrated. By the mid-19th century, most references to the wool industry in local records relate to the deaths or retirements of aged weavers and combermen, and the last fulling mills had converted to other uses—briefly even to a paper mill stretch. Nonetheless, the legacy of the wool trade remained strong in the town’s layout, civic institutions, and even in its architectural landmarks, with figures such as Sir Thomas Bowring—a prominent wool merchant—emerging as benefactors into the 20th century.
Market and Trade: Economic Hub of the MoorMedieval and Early Modern Markets and Fairs
Holding a regular marketwas both a privilege and a catalyst for urban growth. Moretonhampstead’s charter, granted by King John in 1207 at the behest of Geoffrey Fitz Piers, ushered in an era of bustling weekly commerce and periodic fairs4. Around that nucleus, the town’s physical and economic morphology developed. The market square, with its characteristic island of buildings and its connections to outlying roads and lanes, became the focal point for trade in livestock, wool, and agricultural produce.
Medieval and early modern fairs became community events as well as vital opportunities to buy livestock, goods, and specialist wares unavailable elsewhere. Associated sporting events, social gatherings, and even criminal incidents (such as the murder of Jonathan May in 1835) attest to these occasions’ central role in town life.
Rivalries and Regional Integration
The strategic locationof Moretonhampstead at the crossing points of north-south and east-west routes through central Devon enabled it to draw custom from a wide “hinterland.” Rivalries with neighboring towns—most notably Chagford—over market day privileges are well-documented, and periodic confirmation and re-granting of borough and market rights by royal and manorial authority reflect the constant jockeying for commercial advantage.
In these centuries, poor rural transport meant that local markets were essential: farmers, crafters, and consumers could ill afford distant travel, securing Moretonhampstead’s “gateway to the moor” status—even today echoed in commercial identities such as The Gateway Café.
The Built Legacy of Markets
By the 18th and 19th centuries, market activity was institutionalized further through the erection of dedicated market buildings—the apple market, cornmarket, and shambles (a term typically indicating butchers’ stalls)—provided at the expense of the Courtenay family. These facilities gradually evolved or were replaced, culminating in the demolition of some in the 1920s to ease traffic, but the layout of the town still betrays its commercial history13.
With the coming of the railway in 1866, livestock could be taken directly to the station for shipment to larger markets—a further indicator of Moretonhampstead’s adaptation to changing regional logistics.
Integration of Fairs and Hospitality
Markets and fairs also generated a vital secondary economy: hospitalityfor visitors and traders. Local inns, stables, and related trades—post-coach operators, tanners (for hides), and blacksmiths (for travelers’ horses)—all benefited. This synergy between primary market activity and secondary service provision became a defining feature of Moretonhampstead’s economy in the pre-modern period17.
Transportation and Tourism: Rest Stop and RailheadThe Inn-Keeping Economy and Dartmoor Travel
Due to its location at a crossroads between Exeter, Plymouth, and Tavistock, as well as its role as a bridging point onto the open moor, Moretonhampstead was always a major rest stopfor travelers crossing Dartmoor. Its prosperity was tightly linked to the presence of posting inns, which multiplied especially during the 18th and early 19th centuries. Not only did these inns cater to itinerants and market-goers, but also to foot and coach travelers, commercial agents, and eventually tourists17.
By the early 19th century, the town’s centre boasted more than ten inns catering to traffic generated by markets, fairs, and the moorland routes. The importance of these establishments persisted even as the structure of the broader economy changed, and the number of inns is a useful index of Moretonhampstead’s position at the heart of Devon travel and trade.
The Coming of the Railway
The opening of the Moretonhampstead and South Devon Railway in 1866 represented a seismic shift for local economic life2022. For the first time, the town was directly connected via Newton Abbot to the national railway network. The town received not just an influx of tourists (now able to explore Dartmoor much more easily), but an expanded market for goods produced in or near the town—agricultural produce, livestock, timber, and pony-skins. The railway also allowed local farmers and traders to receive coal, animal feeds, fertilizers, and other inputs more reliably and at lower cost.
The Earl of Devon (the Courtenay family) played a crucial role in securing the railway, underlining the continued intersection of manorial politics and modern economic strategy. The railway’s coming reinforced Moretonhampstead’s place as a hub of commerce and hospitality, even as broader economic downturns (notably the agricultural depression and competition from north of England textile manufacturers) were beginning to undercut traditional industries.
Decline and Transformation
After its peak in late Victorian and early 20th-century decades, the railway declined—passenger services ended in 1959 and goods traffic ceased above Bovey Tracey in 1964. The decline of rail was symptomatic of broader rural depopulation, competition from road transport, and changes in economic structure. Yet, importantly, Moretonhampstead adapted: the rise of motoring, cycling, and hiking tourism meant its “gateway” role endured, and public and private hospitality continued to develop, now oriented toward visitors rather than traders or livestock drovers.
The legacy survives both physically (e.g., former railway buildings, street layouts) and in a living tradition of hospitality shaping the modern leisure economy.
Modern Challenges and ConservationFires and the Impact on Built Heritage
A succession of devastating firesin the 19th and early 20th centuries dramatically reshaped Moretonhampstead’s townscape. The catastrophic blaze of 1845 alone destroyed around forty buildings in the heart of the town, displacing at least fifty families, while subsequent fires in 1926 and other years further eroded the stock of medieval and thatched properties2325. The main streets—Cross Street, Fore Street, and others—saw buildings reconstructed in the architectural vernacular of the day, typically replacing timber frames and thatch with granite and slate. As a direct response to fire risk, insurance also became an essential part of trade; in the woollen era, clothiers took out significant policies to protect their inventory.
Later, road widening and “improvement” schemes (especially in the era before modern conservation ideals took hold) removed further portions of the original town plan, replacing intimate lanes and alleys with more functional, but less historically rich, layouts. Thus, much of today’s architectural fabric is a palimpsest—survivals of medieval forms interspersed with Victorian, Edwardian, and even modernist interventions.
Designation as a Conservation Area
The loss of built heritage provided a crucial impetus for conservation. In 1973, Moretonhampstead was designated a Conservation Areaunder national legislation, recognizing that its remaining historic fabric “is of special architectural or historic interest, the character or appearance of which is desirable to preserve or enhance”2728.
The Conservation Area Character Appraisal (Dartmoor National Park Authority, 2017) details Moretonhampstead's historic core. It:
Defines building types, materials, and styles (granite, thatch, 18th–19th-century sashes, etc.)
Notes seventy listed buildings (including the Grade I almshouses and St Andrew’s Church)
Highlights the tight urban grain, historic alleyways, and burgage plots (long, narrow town plots)
Analyzes how surviving open spaces like The Sentry still reflect communal agricultural roots
Underlines the importance of tree cover, traditional ironwork, cobbling, and the mosaic of modest cottages and grander houses
This designation has tangible effects: stricter planning controls, emphasis on restoration of appropriate materials and techniques, and protection of views, trees, and street furniture. It also underpins the town’s tourist and leisure economy by preserving the “sense of place” that attracts walkers, cyclists, artists, and families.
Contemporary Economic Base: Tourism, Services, and Heritage
Today, the economy of Moretonhampsteadis based overwhelmingly on tourism, leisure, and residential service provision. Art galleries, specialist shops, the Motor Museum (until its closure in 2025), and hospitality businesses are complemented by a busy calendar of community events, fairs, and festivals. The town leverages its access to Dartmoor's wild beauty, its rich built heritage, and a narrative of continuity that links ancient and modern Devon.
Heritage and conservation have not only preserved the town’s past— they have actively enabled its future by creating a brand and an economic rationale for stewardship, small-scale enterprise, and residential quality of life.
Other Economic Activities: Agriculture, Tanning, ForestryAgriculture
The agricultural sectorhas always been a foundation of the local economy, even as its forms and fortunes have changed. The historic pattern was one of mixed farming: sheep (primarily for wool), cattle, and modest cropping. The Tithe Apportionment of 1841, post-dating the Tithe Commutation Act 1836, reveals the paradigm of ownership: two absentee landlords (the Courtenay family—the Earls of Devon—and the Church of England via the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury) controlled around 60% of land, largely tenanted out to working farmers30.
Farms averaged 140 acres, with about a third sown to arable and the rest to pasture and rough grazing. The system was tailored to local conditions: livestock-rearing on higher land, market production closer to the town, and an iconic culture of commons grazing (e.g., the rights on Mardon Down).
With mechanization and changing land values in the late 19th and 20th centuries, family farms diversified or consolidated, and direct employment in agriculture declined. Nonetheless, local produce and farming practices (including the renowned Devon Red cattle and Dartmoor ponies) remain part of the economic and cultural fabric.
Tanning and Leatherwork
Tanning and related crafts, such as shoemaking and harness-making, featured as satellite industries tied to both the market and the livestock economy. Hides and fat from slaughtered cattle and sheep were processed locally, using the tanners’ and butchers’ shops adjacent to the market square. Soap and tallow candles were side-products of this interconnected set of trades.
Forestry
The significance of local woodland and timber production cannot be overstated. While Moretonhampstead did not become a major center of commercial forestry, local needs (construction, fuel, fencing, and small-scale industry—sawmilling, charcoal burning, etc.) ensured its place in the parish economy. The sawmill at Dillon’s Field is one example of timber processing and distribution adjusted to changing times and technologies.
Comparative Analysis: Key Factors Influencing Economic Change
The economic evolution of Moretonhampstead illustrates broader historical patterns, but with distinctive local manifestations:
Geographical Isolation and Integration:Its marginal placement on Dartmoor was both a challenge and an opportunity—limiting external influence but enabling the town to act as a gatekeeper for moorland travel, trade, and resource exploitation.
Influence of Feudal and Manorial Structures:Prolonged manorial control by the Courtenays shaped landownership and local autonomy, delaying the appearance of a class of large freeholders, but also providing the investment (e.g., in market buildings, later the railway) necessary for town development.
Dependence on Wool and Its Networks:The ability to process, market, and export wool (especially serge) via Exeter placed Moretonhampstead in an international economic network, while the slow adaptation to mechanization signaled its vulnerability when new industrial centers emerged.
Role of Transport:Successive eras—coaching, railway, and now automotive—have each left their mark. An ability to adapt to changing transport technologies underpins much of the town’s resilience.
Demographic and Social Adaptation:Periods of economic distress (post-wool decline, agricultural depression) led to changes in population structure, urban form, and occupational diversity—sometimes enabling rapid transformation (hospitality, tourism) in response to national and global economic shifts.
Heritage and Conservation as Economic Strategies:As the primary engines of traditional wealth declined, the conscious preservation and marketing of historical assets (architecture, festivals, “story”) provided a substitute and attracted new revenue streams, while rooting the town in a narrative of continuity.
Conclusion: Legacy and Ongoing Challenges
Moretonhampstead stands as a model of the rural-English market town, displaying the durability and adaptability characteristic of places that have repeatedly faced economic transformation. Its prosperity historically rested on the metaphorical—and literal—foundations of the moor: sheep and wool, feudal tenure, and its status as a hub for travel and exchange.
The shift to heritage-based tourism, underpinned by Conservation Area status, exemplifies a 21st-century approach to rural economic sustainability: leveraging history as an asset, not merely a memory. The threats of architectural loss (due to fire, neglect, or unsympathetic development) have been met by robust planning frameworks and community engagement. Nonetheless, ongoing success will depend on balancing visitor pressures and residential needs, maintaining authenticity, and finding new uses for historic structures.
Ultimately, the economic tale of Moretonhampstead is neither one of unbroken expansion nor dramatic collapse, but of continuity through evolution, shaped by landscape, trade, conflict, and community. The story continues to be written, as conservation, sustainable tourism, and heritage coexist and sometimes collide, echoing the choices and changes of centuries past.
Key References:For further details and in-depth sources supporting each section of this report, see the following authoritative websites:
Moretonhampstead History Society: history, industry, and architecture101613
Open Domesday: Domesday Book entries and analysis3
Dartmoor National Park Authority: conservation appraisals27
UK Heritage Gateway: architecture and heritage databases24
Devon Heritage and UK Archives: tithe maps, landholding, Church records29
Wikipedia and Devon Guide: general historic background, topography, and toponymy1
See my thinking
The central region of Devon was occupied by the Saxons soon after 682 AD. It was divided into vast estates, and one of these divisions included all land within the boundaries of the rivers Teign and Bovey,
with Moreton as its major settlement. The present parish of over 6,000 acres (24 km2) is the residue of that ancient royal estate. It remained a royal estate immediately after the Norman Conquest of 1066, as is recorded in the Domesday Book of 1086, where it is listed as the 45th of the 72 Devonshire holdings of King William the Conqueror. The manor was held by grand serjeanty from the king by Richard de Burgh, 2nd Earl of Ulster (1259–1326) during the reign of King Edward I (1272-1307), for the annual yielding of one sparrow hawk.
After that time it was the seat of Sir Philip de Courtenay (d.1314), second son of Sir Hugh de Courtenay (died 1292) feudal baron of Okehampton, by his wife Eleanor le Despenser (died 1328), sister of Hugh le Despenser, 1st Earl of Winchester, and younger brother of Hugh de Courtenay, 1st/9th Earl of Devon (1276–1340) of Tiverton Castle. He died without progeny when Moreton Hampstead was inherited by his elder brother the 1st Earl of Devon, who gave Moreton Hampstead to his third son Robert de Courtenay, who made it his seat.
Robert's grandson William de Courtenay (1377-1388) died without progeny, and eventually the manor became the property of Sir Philip Courtenay (1340–1406) of Powderham, 5th or 6th son of Hugh Courtenay, 2nd Earl of Devon (1303–1377). Thenceforth it descended with Powderham and in the time of Pole (d.1635) was a possession of Francis Courtenay (1576–1638), de jure 4th Earl of Devon.
Wool and (in later years) the manufacture of woollen cloth formed the basis of the town's economy for over 700 years. The economy was evidently healthy when the town established a water-powered fulling mill before the end of the 13th century.
In 1207 King John granted a weekly market and an annual five-day fair, indicating that Moretonhampstead had developed into an important local community.
The town grew steadily through the Middle Ages and remained prosperous until the end of the 17th century, when the wool industry began to decline.
The town continued to be a local trading centre and a rest stop for travellers on the difficult routes across Dartmoor and from Exeter and Newton Abbot.
A series of fires in the 20th century destroyed many of Moretonhampstead's ancient buildings, but sufficient still remains to demonstrate the Saxon and Medieval heritage, and the later industrial prosperity.
Much of the town is designated a conservation area, with many listed buildings of architectural and historic interest.
The whole parish is within Dartmoor National Park.
LAND AND PEOPLE
In a balanced society land is inseparable from people, It shapes them as working folk, breeds in their minds a respectful attitude toward birth and death; and in every region, every parish, Us discipline has been the source of originality of thought and culture. In the market towns, villages and hamlets of the Dartmoor borderland the shaping process is still strong. Agriculture gives to these places a unity and connects the upland with the rest of the county. Modern Dartmoor also attracts many visitors annually, and it is probable that more money is earned from tourism than from agriculture. Farmers and their wives may cater for visitors in order to make a profit; but they also dispense good country fare—honey, cream, butter, bacon, roast beef and pasties and contribute toward a proper understanding between town and country. Tourism and agriculture are likely to remain as the chief supports of the Dartmoor native. It is agriculture that appeals most to the Dartmoor farmers and commoners; and their work is never easy because the land gives rise to special problems. Whether at the heart of the Mooi where the land is of poor quality—or on the borders where u is suitable for the pasturage of sheep and cattle, there is evidence of constant struggle between man’s desire for cultivation and the slow wilfulness of the Moor to spread. In the survey devoted . There are considerable possibilities of afforestation on and around Dartmoor. There are old established plantations at 1,260 to over 1,500 feet north of Princetown, large new afforested areas south of Postbridge , and the Forestry Comission area around the new reservoir south west of Chagford , Woodland at present is most abundant on the eastern border, and one surveyor noted that much had survived because of difficulty of access.” In the same survey the special region from Chagford to Moretonhampstead is referred to: “The whole region is underlain by the eastern part of the Dartmoor Granite mass, and the soil is not inaptly described by the general title of Granite Gravel. There is no mistaking the land use pattern on the Land Utilization Map, Sheet 138 patches of moorland on the higher hills, much woodland, the agricultural land mainly under the plough, the ploughland thus occupying large continuous stretches with comparatively little grassland, and that poor. There are few orchards; these are the warm light soils which have led to a marked specialization in potatoes. Throwleigh, Gidleigh, Chagford, North Bovey, Manaton, Moretonhampstead, Lustleigh, Bridford and Christow arc the parishes in this region, the first five stretching into the main mass of Dartmoor, whilst portions of Hennock and Bovey Tracey are also included. All show a high proportion of land in potatoes, but low percentage in wheat and barley , the soil may suit but the climate does not . Several surveyors have noted the difficulties of maintaining pastures at high levels , even by careful grazing because they quickly revert to rough grazing and can only be restored by ploughing.” The Dartmoor farmer has found a difficulty in making a livelihood merely from the raising of sheep and cattle. It was estimated in 1946 that about 1,138 farmers took advantage of moorland grazing, and the Duchy of Cornwall calculated that twenty-two parishes and a number of farms remained “in Venville” even though it seems that the Venville customs are now in abeyance and Venville dues paid only irregularly. The economic position of the Dartmoor commoners could be the subject of much controversy. Dr Ian Moore, Principal of Scale Hayne Agricultural College, Newton Abbots and an authority on the use of grassland, has told me that so far as Dartmoor is concerned there is a great potential in relation to the improvement of grassland. “But the whole question is largely one of economics and many of the Dartmoor farmers have not the capital available to embark upon schemes of improvement, such as ploughing and re-seeding, fencing, drainage and the dyke. Then, too, there is a considerable acreage of land in the country which could be improved at much less expense before Dartmoor is tackled and the whole problem largely resolves around the question of what is needed of British agriculture. If we were driven to i point of relying upon home resources then the improvement of Dartmoor and like moorland areas would have to he faced.” Living in his compact stone built house in a valley sheltered against storm the Dartmoor farmer has had to develop in himself both shrewdness and thrift. He has learned to fight for self-preservation. Traditionally these farmers derived the bulk of their income from the sale of store cattle, store sheep and wool. The Scotch Blackface breed have increased steadily in numbers and the White faced Dartmoor is still common though very few of the Blue faced Dartmoor are now there. South Devon and Devon cattle are kept for milk production and some improvements have been made to farm buildings to render them suitable for the sale of milk under sanitary conditions. Some commoners in a favourable geographical position and linked to the ancient Venville tradition, arc able to own sheep though they neither own nor rent land. They farm out their sheep under what is called the “half-crease” system. A farmer takes charge of the flock and provides it with fodder, and for this service he obtains all the wool and half the lambs. This is typical of a peasant mode of agriculture and is healthy because it assists the men desirous ultimately of acquiring capital in order to buy land; and it also aids the man who while owning land has little ready money for the purchase of stock. Rights of common, if not so widely exercised are still existent, and the Moor has become a centre for grazing. The farms are made up of small fields enclosed within the grey stone walls or hedges. “It is estimated that in some parishes a quarter of the enclosures are less than two acres in size and there are some in which single-acre plots are a feature. These are known locally as “Borough Acres”, being survivals of a system which originated in Saxon times. The soil is generally derived from the granite and is thin and hungry, being inherently short of lime, phosphate and potash, ,but free draining and responsive to adequate treatment with dung, lime and fertilizers. The farms are well scattered over the fringes of the Moor and are frequently difficult of access. Electricity and other such amenities are more often than not absent, while water supplies are good , what is needed of British agriculture. If we were driven to appoint of relying upon home resources then the improvement of Dartmoor and like moorland areas would have to he faced. Some commoners in a favourable geographical position and linked to the ancient Venville tradition, arc able to own sheep though they neither own nor rent land. They farm out their sheep under what is called the “half-crease” system. A farmer takes charge of the flock and provides it with fodder, and for this service he obtains all the wool and half the lambs. This is typical of a peasant mode of agriculture and is healthy because it assists the men desirous ultimately of acquiring capital in order to buy land; and it also aids the man who while owning land has little ready money for the purchase of stock. Rights of common, if not so widely exercised are still existent, and the Moor has become a centre for grazing.
4000 years Dartmoor is an area unequalled in Southern Britain for its collection of visible remains of human occupation covering some 4000 years. The preservation of these remains has been due to their existence in a large area of high moorland, but little disturbed by later agricultural or other activities, that involve the breaking of the soil.
The nearest comparable collection is on the western slopes of the mountain mass of Merioneth in North Wales . But Dartmoor, which lies nearer tothe Continent from which successive groups of settlers came , is likely to yield the more valuable information . Scientific study requires that the area be considered as a whole.
Irreparable damage has already been done in the part farther north, including the Tavy Valley, and it is therefore the more necessary to preserve what remains. The Plym valley is one of the richest areas in the whole of Dartmoor in respect of antiquities. Detailed evidence is being Submitted on behalf of the Council of British Archaeology and the Devon Archaeological Exploration Society.
Their schedule and map list over 60 sites of pre-Roman date.
Bronze Age settlement
There are remains of over 50 roundhouses spread across the hillside north of the stone rows. These represent a Bronze Age settlement, where people were living and farming about 3,000 years ago. The people living here were probably mainly keeping sheep and cattle. The houses vary in size, but some of the larger ones are about 8 metres across: these were substantial structures, each supporting a massive thatched roof.
We don’t know why this much later settlement was sited beside the much earlier ritual monuments. However, it is likely that the stone rows and circle would have held significance for the community here as well as their Neolithic predecessors.
Running west of the site is the Great Western Reave, the longest of the many reaves – earth or stone banks, probably representing ancient field boundaries – that are a distinctive feature of Dartmoor. Many of them stretch for miles across the moor. Such reaves, and the field systems sometimes associated with them, show the considerable impact that Bronze Age farmers had on the Dartmoor landscape.
Merrivale’s inhabitants probably abandoned it towards the end of the Bronze Age. By 800 or 700 BC, the fragile granite soil of upland areas like this would have become so degraded as a result of extensive farming and deforestation that it had become moorland, making further cultivation impossible.
The huge round stone here, often mistaken for a prehistoric feature, is in fact a post-medieval apple-crusher stone, used during cider-making.
There is a well-marked trackway across the Moor from the Belstone area, through the Teign valley to a spot on the Teign estuary now called Salcombe of, where salt was made on the banks of a fresh water rivulet. There is little doubt that, at this time, the land below Salcombe was too dangerous and too marshy for any settled habitation or industry. These early vendors of salt must have been a small dark people, probably of Mediterranean stock, who had intermarried with Phoenician and other Mediterranean traders. They had probably originally worshipped the Mother Goddess, the moon, but by the Bronze Age they had given their allegiance to a Father God in the form of the sun. The taller, blonder Celts, moving westwards owing to pressure from the eastern invaders, intermarried with these early Devonians and their children were either small and dark, like the original inhabitants of the land, or tall and blond, like the newcomers. Both types are commonly found in Devon to this day.The coming of the Romans did not make such an impact on Devon as it did on the rest of the country. Exeter was a Roman station of importance and the head of Roman power in the district, and there are a few evidences of Roman occupation west of Exeter. For the sake of trade, the Romans kept up the system of British trackways within the County, but they only adapted the existing roads -the salt-tracks and trade-routes across the Moor, which had been built centuries before and ran straight across hillside and valley, the way being marked by crosses and beacons
BELSTONE
Derivation of the name Phœnicians—Taw Marsh—Artillery practice on the moors—
Encroachments—
The East Okement—
Pounds and hut circles—Stone rows on Cosdon—Cranmere Pool—Sticklepath—Christian inscribed stones—South Zeal—West Wyke—North Wyke—The wicked Richard Weekes—South Tawton church—The West Okement—Yes Tor—Camp and Roman road—Throwleigh. A GOOD deal of pseudo-antiquarianism has been expressed relative to the name of a little moorland parish two and a half miles uphill from Okehampton. It is now calledBelstone, and it has been surmised that here stood a stone dedicated toBaal, whose worship had been introduced by the Phœnicians. I must really quote one of the finest specimens of "exquisite fooling" I have ever come across. It appeared as a sub-article in theWestern Morning Newsin 1890. It was headed: —
"PHŒNICIANS IN DART VALE.
[SPECIAL.]
"Much interest, not only local but world-wide, was aroused a few months back by the announcement of a Phœnician survival at Ipplepen, in the person of Mr. Thomas Ballhatchet, descendant of the priest of the Sun Temple there, and until lately owner of the plot of land called Baalford, under Baal Tor, a priestly patrimony, which had come down to him through some eighteen or twenty centuries, together with his name and his marked Levantine features and characteristics.
"Such survivals are not infrequent among Orientals, as, for instance, the Cohens, Aaron's family, the Bengal Brahmins, the Rechabites, etc. Ballhatchet's sole peculiarity is his holding on to the land, in which, however, he is kept in countenance in England by the Purkises, who drew the body of Rufus to its grave in Winchester Cathedral on 2nd August, 1100.
"Further quiet research makes it clear beyond all manner of doubt that the Phœnician tin colony, domiciled at Totnes, and whose Sun Temple was located on their eastern sky-line at Ipplepen, have left extensive traces of their presence all the way down the Dart in the identical andunaltered names of places, a test of which the Palestine Exploration Committee record the priceless value. To give but one instance. The beautiful light-refracting diadem which makes Belliver[1]the most striking of all her sister tors, received from the Semite its consecration as 'Baallivyah,' Baal, crown of beauty or glory. The word itself occurs in Proverbs i. 9 and iv. 9, and as both Septuagint and Vulgate so render it, it must have borne that meaning in the third century B C., and in the third century A.D., and, of course, in the interval. There are many other instances quite as close, and any student of the new and fascinating science of Assyriology will continually add to them. A portrait of Ballhatchet, with some notes by an eminent and well-known Semitic scholar, may probably appear in theGraphic; in the meantime it may be pointed out that hisname is typically Babylonian. Not only is there at Pantellaria the gravestone of one Baal-yachi (Baal's beloved), but no less than three clay tablets from the Sun Temple ofSippara(the Bible Sepharvaim) bear the names of Baal-achi-iddin, Baal-achi-utsur, and Baal-achi-irriba. This last, which bears date 22 Sivan (in the eleventh year ofNabonidus, B.C. 540), just two years before the catastrophe which followed on Belshazzar's feast, is in the possession of Mr. W. G. Thorpe,F.S.A.It is in beautiful condition, and records a loan by one Dinkiva to Baal-achi-irriba (Baal will protect his brother), on the security of some slaves."
One really wonders in reading such nonsense as this whether modern education is worth much, when a man could write such trash and an editor could admit it into his paper.
Ballhatchet means the hatchet or gate to a ball,i.e. a mine.
As it happens, there is not a particle of trustworthy evidence that the Phœnicians ever traded directly with Cornwall and Devon. The intermediary traders were theVenetiof what is now Vannes, and the tin trade was carried throughGaultoMarseilles, as is shown by traces left on the old trade route. In the next place, there is no evidence that our British orIvernianancestors ever heard the name of Baal. And finally,Belstoneis not named after a stone at all, to return to the point whence we started. InDomesdayit is Bellestham, or theham, meadow of Belles or Bioll, a Saxon name that remains among us as Beale.
Belstone is situated at the lip of Taw Marsh, once a fine lake, with Steeperton Tor rising above it atthe head. Partly because the river has fretted a way through the joints of the granite, forming Belstone Cleave, and partly on account of the silting up of the lake-bed with rubble brought down by the several streams that here unite, the lake-bed is now filled up with sand and gravel and swamp.
The military authorities coveted this tract for artillery practice. They set up butts, but woman intervened. A very determined lady marched up to them, although the warning red flags fluttered, and planted herself in front of a target, took out of her reticule a packet of ham sandwiches and a flask of cold tea, and declared her intention of spending the day there. In vain did the military protest, entreat, remonstrate; she proceeded to nibble at her sandwiches and defied them to fire.
She carried the day.
Since then Taw Marsh has been the playfield of many children, and has been rambled over by visitors, but the artillery have abstained from practising on it.
The fact is that the military have made the moors aboutOkehamptonimpossible for the visitor, and those who desire to rove over it in pursuit of health have been driven from Okehampton to Belstone, and object to be moved on further.
What with the camp at Okehampton and the prisons atPrincetownand encroachments on every side, the amount of moorland left open to the rambler is greatly curtailed.
The privation is not only felt by the visitor but also by the farmer, who has a right to send outhis sheep and cattle upon the moor in summer, and in times of drought looks to this upland as his salvation.
A comparison between what the Forest of Dartmoor was at the beginning of this century and its condition to-day shows how inclosures have crept on—nay, not crept, increased by leaps; and what is true of the forest is true also of the commons that surround it. Add to the inclosed land the large tract swept by the guns at Okehampton, and the case becomes more grave still. The public have been robbed of their rights wholesale. Not a word can now be raised against the military. TheTransvaal Warhas brought home to us the need we have to become expert marksmen, and theForest of Dartmoorseems to offer itself for the purpose of a practising-ground. Nevertheless, one accepts the situation with a sigh.
There is a charming excursion up theEast Okementfrom the railway bridge to Cullever Steps, passing on the way a little fall of the river, not remarkable for height but for picturesqueness. There is no path, and the excursion demands exertion.
On Belstone Common is a stone circle and near it a fallen menhir. The circle is merely one of stones that formed a hut, which had upright slabs lining it within as well as girdling without.
Under Belstone Tor, among the "old men's workings" by the Taw, an experienced eye will detect ablowing-house, but it is much dilapidated.
TheTawand an affluent pour down from the central bog, one on each side of Steeperton Tor,and from the east the small brook dances into Taw Marsh. Beside the latter, on the slopes, are numerouspoundsandhut circles, and near its source is astone circle, of which the best uprights have been carried off for gateposts. South of it is amenhir, the Whitmoor Stone, leaning, as the ground about it is marshy. Cosdon, or, as it is incorrectly called occasionally, Cawsand, is a huge rounded hill ascending to 1,785 feet, crowned with dilapidatedcairnsand ruinedkistvaens. East of the summit, near the turf track from South Zeal, is a cairn that contained three kistvaens. One is perfect, one wrecked, and of the third only the space remained and indications whence the slabs had been torn. From these three kistvaens in one mound start three stone rows that are broken through by the track, but can be traced beyond it for some way; they have been robbed, as the householders of South Zeal have been of late freely inclosing large tracts of their common, and have taken the stones for the construction of walls about their fields.
By ascending the Taw, Cranmere Pool may be reached, but is only so far worth the visit that the walk to and from it gives a good insight into the nature of the central bogs. The pool is hardly more than a puddle. Belstone church is not interesting; it was rebuilt, all but the tower, in 1881. Under Cosdon nestles Sticklepath. "Stickle" is the Devonshire for steep. Here is a holy well near an inscribed stone. A second inscribed stone is by the roadside to Okehampton. At Belstone are two more, but none of these bear names. They are Christian monuments of the sixth, or at latest seventh, century. At Sticklepath was a curious old cob thatched chapel, but this has been unnecessarily destroyed, and a modern erection of no interest or
Inscribed Stone, Sticklepath
beauty has taken its place. South Zeal is an interesting little village, through which ran the old high-road, but which is now left on one side. For long it was a treasury of interesting old houses; many have disappeared recently, but the "Oxenham Arms," the seat of the Burgoyne family, remains, the fine old village cross, and the chapel, of granite.Above South Zeal, on West Wyke Moor, is the house that belonged to the Battishill family, with a ruined cross near it. The house has been much spoiled of late; the stone mullions have been removed from the hall window, but the ancient gateway, surmounted by the Battishill arms, and with the date 1656, remains untouched. It is curious, because one would hardly have expected a country gentleman to have erected an embattled gateway during the Commonwealth, and in the style of the early Tudor kings. In the hall window are the arms of Battishill, impaled with a coat that cannot be determined as belonging to any known family. In the same parish of South Tawton is another old house, North Wyke, that belonged to the Wyke or Weekes family. The ancient gatehouse and chapel are interesting; they belong, in my opinion, to the sixteenth century, and to the latter part of the same. The chapel has a corbel, the arms of Wykes and Gifford; and John Wyke of North Wyke, who was buried in 1591, married the daughter of Sir Roger Gifford. The gateway can hardly be earlier. The house was built by the same man, but underwent great alteration in the fashion introduced from France by Charles II., when the rooms were raised and the windows altered intocroisées.
Touching this house a tale is told.
About the year 1660 there was a John Weekes of North Wyke, who was a bachelor, and lived in the old mansion along with his sister Katherine, who was unmarried, and his mother. He was a manof weak intellect, and was consumptive. John came of age in 1658. In the event of his death without will his heir would be his uncle John, his father's brother, who died in 1680. This latter John had a son Roger.
Now it happened that there was a great scamp of the name of Richard Weekes, born at Hatherleigh, son of Francis Weekes of Honeychurch, possibly a remote connection, but not demonstrably so.
He was a gentleman pensioner of Charles II., but spent most of his leisure time in the Fleet Prison. One day this rascal came down from London, it is probable at the suggestion of consumptive John's mother and sister, who could not be sure what he, with his feeble mind, might do with the estate.
Richard ingratiated himself into the favour of John, and urged him not to risk his health in so bleak and exposed a spot as South Tawton, but to seek a warmer climate, and he invited him to Plymouth. The unsuspicious John assented.
When John was cajoled to Plymouth, Richard surrounded him with creatures of his own, a doctor and two lawyers, who, with Richard's assistance, coaxed, bullied, and persuaded the sickly John into making a deed of settlement of all his estate in favour of Richard. The unhappy man did this, but with a curious proviso enabling him to revoke his act by word as well as by deed. Richard had now completely outwitted John's mother and sister, who had been conspirators with him, on the understanding that they were to share the spoils.
After a while, when it was clear that John was
North Wyke Gate House
dying, Richard hurried him back to North Wyke, where he expired on Saturday, September 2ist,
1661, but not till he had been induced by his mother and sister to revoke his will verbally, for they had now learned how that the wily Richard had got the better of them.
Next day, Sunday, Richard Weekes arrived, booted and spurred, at the head of a party of men he had collected. With sword drawn he burst into the house, and when Katherine Weekes attempted to bar the way he knocked her down. Then he drove the widow mother into a closet and locked the door on her. He now cleared the house of the servants, and proceeded to take possession of all the documents and valuables that the mansion contained. Poor John's body lay upstairs: no regard was paid to that, and, saying "I am come to do the devil's work and my own," he drove Katherine out of the house, and she was constrained to take refuge for the night in a neighbouring farm. The widow, Mary Weekes, was then liberated and also turned out of doors.
The heir-at-law was the uncle John, against whom Mary and Katherine Weekes had conspired with the scoundrel Richard. This latter now sought Uncle John, made him drunk, and got him to sign a deed, when tipsy, conveying all his rights to the said Richard for the sum of fifty pounds paid down. Richard was now in possession. The widow thereupon brought an action in Chancery against Richard. The lawyers saw the opportunity. Here was a noble estate that might be sucked dry, and they descended on it with this end in view.
The lawsuit was protracted for forty years, from 1661 to 1701, when the heirs of the wicked Richard retained the property, but it had been so exhausted and burdened, that the suit was abandoned undecided. Richard Weekes died in 1670.
The plan resorted to in order to keep possession after the forcible entry was this. The son of Richard Weekes had married a Northmore of Well, in South Tawton, and the Northmores bought up all the debts on the estate and got possession of the mortgages, and worked them persistently and successfully against the rightful claimants till, worried and wearied out, and with empty purses, they were unable further to pursue the claim. In 1713 the estate was sold by John Weekes, the grandson of Richard, who had also married a Northmore, and North Wyke passed away from the family after having been in its possession since the reign of Henry III.
It was broken up into two farms, and the house divided into two. Recently it has, however, been repurchased by a descendant of the original possessors, in a female line, the Rev. W. Wykes Finch, and the house is being restored in excellent taste.
In South Tawton church is a fine monument of the common ancestor, John Wyke, 1591. The church has been renovated, monumental slabs sawn in half and used to line the drain round the church externally. With the exception of the sun-dial, bearing the motto from Juvenal, "Obrepet non intellecta senectus"and a Burgoyne monument and that of "Warrior Wyke," the church does not present muchof interest at present, whatever it may have done before it fell into the hands of spoilers.
The West Okement comes down from the central bogs through a fine "Valley of Rocks," dividing and forming an islet overgrown with wild rose and whortleberry. Above it stands Shilstone Tor, telling by its name that on it at one time stood a cromlech, which has been destroyed. This valley furnishes many studies for the artist.
Hence Yes Tor may be ascended, for long held to be the highest elevation on Dartmoor. The highest peak it is, rising to 2,030 feet, but it is over-topped by the rounded High Willhayes, 2,039 feet. Between Yes Tor and Mill Tor is a rather nasty bog. Mill Tor consists of a peculiar granite; the feldspar is so pure that speculators have been induced to attempt to make soda-water bottles out of it, by fusing without the adjunct of other materials.
On the extreme edge of a ridge above the East Okement, opposite Belstone Tor, is a camp, much injured by the plough. Apparently from it leads a paved raised causeway or road, presumed to be Roman; but why such a road should have been made from a precipitous headland above the Okement, and whither it led, are shrouded in mystery. Near this road, in 1897, was found a hoard of the smallest Roman coins, probably the store of some beggar, which he concealed under a rock, and died without being able to recover it. All pertained to the years between A.D. 320 and 330.
Of Okehampton I will say nothing here, as the place has had a chapter devoted to it in myBook ofthe West—too much space, some might say, for in itself it is devoid of interest. Its charm is in the scenery round, and its great attraction during the summer is the artillery camp on the down above Okehampton Park. On the other side of Belstone, Throwleigh may be visited, where there are numerous prehistoric relics. There were many others, but they have been destroyed, amongst others a fine inclosure like Grimspound, but more perfect, as the inclosing wall was not ruinous throughout, and the stones were laid in courses. The pulpit of Throwleigh church is made up of old bench-ends.

Hemerdon Mine :Location in the county of Devon
LocationDrakelands , near Plympton ,United Kingdom Production Products Tungsten , and Tin Type Open-cast History , Discovered 1867 Active 1918–9 , 1941–4 , and 2015–8 Owner Company Tungsten West plc Website;- tungstenwest.com ; Year of acquisition 2019 , Drakelands Mine, also known as Hemerdon Mine or Hemerdon Bal Mine , is a tungsten and tin mine , It is located 11km (7 miles) northeast of Plymouth , near Plympton , in Devon, England. It lies to the north of the villages of Sparkwell and Hemerdon , and adjacent to the large china clay pits near Lee Moor , The mine had been out of operation since 1944, except for the brief operation of a trial mine in the 1980s , Work started to re-open it in 2014, but it ceased activities in 2018. It hosts the fourth largest tin-tungsten deposit in the world.
A new company, Tungsten West plc, commenced interim operations at the mine in 2023, after investing to alter the processing plant . A ground up review led to the recognition that the ore is not in fact Wolframite , but is in fact a related ore , Ferberite , and changes were needed to improve extraction efficiencies. In addition, a subsidiary will enhance the mine with aggregate sales as a by-product of mining.
Geology
The Hemerdon deposit is centered upon a sub vertical, NorthNorthEast -SouthSouthWest striking , 100 + meters wide Early Permian granite dyke hosted by Devonian metasedimentary and metavolcanic rocks , Mineralisation is overwhelmingly associated with moderately to steeply NorthWest-dipping greisen-bordered quartz-ferberite cassiterite sheeted veins. The resource size and dyke host are, to date, unique in SouthWest England. The Hemerdon Bal granite is an outlying cupola intrusion surrounded by Devonian slates, known regionally as killas. Fractures in the granite and killas have been penetrated by mineralising fluids containing metallic ores in the area around the mine , Two types of vein are discernible with three different orientations, Quartz and quartz-feldspar veins form a stockwork with minor mineralisation , whilst greisen bordered veins are found in a sheeted vein system with ferberite and minor cassiterite mineralisation.
The mineralisation begins at surface and extends to depths of at least 400 metres (1,300ft). The vein system is hosted in a dyke like granite body, extending from the Hemerdon Bal towards the Crownhill Down granite. It is flanked by killas , formed by contact metamorphism , which also contains veins although wolframite and cassiterite is found as a lower percentage of the rock bulk , Kaolinisation occurs to depths of up to 50 metres (160ft) in the granitic body.
The locality is renowned for its high quality corodite specimens , which are among the best in Europe ; Pharmacosiderite , Cassiterite , Ferberite and Wolframite of specimen quality have also been recovered from the mine , Scorodite and Pharmacosiderite are secondary arsenate minerals , that form in the upper oxidation zones of ore bodies. They are formed from alteration of arsenopyrite , and are found in the weathered zone of the deposit, At depths beneath the existing pit it is likely they will become scarce.
History 1867–1959 Mine buildings World War II mill structures
The Hemerdon tungsten-tin deposit was discovered in 1867 , In 1916 , due to war associated tungsten shortages, an exploration and development program was initiated, which outlined a tin-tungsten stockwork suitable for open-cast extraction. In 1917, Hemerdon Mines Ltd decided to construct a 140,000-tonne per year mill, and shortly afterwards open-cast ore mining operations began. The mine was operated in 1918–1919, during which time it processed 16,000 tonnes of ore . When the British government stopped accepting tungsten ores under the war pricing scheme the mine was forced to suspend mining operations.
Several attempts were made to establish a higher and stable price for tungsten from the government, including an application supported by Winston Churchill for recognition of wolfram mining as a key industry . However, after further price decreases , milling operations were suspended and the mill components were sold off . In 1934 increased tungsten prices resulted in renewed prospecting of the deposit, along with metallurgical testwork , In 1939 further shortages of tungsten due to WorldWar2 led to Hemerdon Wolfram Ltd constructing a 90,000-tonne per year mill with 55% wolfram recovery , which began operation in 1941.
The Ministry of Supply carried out extensive evaluation of tungsten deposits in the UK, and it was concluded by 1942 that Hemerdon offered the most potential for producing tungsten on a large scale . The government took over the mine from Hemerdon Wolfram Ltd. A resource of 2.5 million tonnes of 0.14% tungsten trioxide in addition to tin was outlined, and a new plant was hastily constructed . The new plant took over operation from the old plant in 1943, and theoretically should have been able to treat over 1million tonnes per year ; however labour shortages and mechanical faults resulted in a much lower production. Ore output from a mixture of underground and open-cast mining methods was documented as over 200,000 tonnes, with a resulting 180 tonnes of tin and tungsten concentrate during the period of government operation . Operations ceased in June 1944 due to access to overseas supplies being restored.
The plant was kept in place after the war, and the government was rumoured to have planned restarting production during the tungsten shortages associated with the Korean War . However, nothing came of this and following the Westwood Report in 1956, the government decided to seek a private partner to move the mine's development forwards. After further decreases in the tungsten price, resulting in the closure of the Castle-an-Dinas tungsten mine in Cornwall, the government sold off all the plant in 1959;
1960–2006
However, in the mid-1960s work on the prospect was recommenced by British Tungsten Ltd, owned by Canadian entrepreneur W. A. Richardson. In 1969 a planning application for open-cast working of tin , tungsten and china clay was submitted , but it was withdrawn before a decision could be made. Further work commencing in 1970 by British Tungsten Ltd increased the resource to 5.6 million tonnes of ore .
The leases were transferred to Hemerdon Mining and Smelting Ltd in 1976. They initiated a drilling programme shortly before they entered a joint venture to develop the project with international mining firm AMAX in 1977 . An extensive exploration programme costing in excess of $10 million was completed between 1978 and 1980 . By the end of 1978, deeper drilling enlarged the resource size to 20 million tonnes of ore. In 1979 this was expanded to 45 million tonnes . At the end of the exploration programme in 1980, over 14,000 metres (46,000ft) of diamond drilling had been undertaken, outlining a resource of 0.17% tungsten trioxide and 0.025% tin over 49.6million tonnes.
Bulk sampling of the deposit using an underground drift for ore, and a pilot HMS and Gravity plant for processing, was undertaken in 1980 . On average recoveries of around 65% were made, although in excess of 70% was achieved . The final revision of the mining feasibility study concluded in 1982 that a within a global resource of 73 million tonnes of ore, at grades of 0.143% tungsten trioxide and 0.026% tin, there was an in pit reserve of 38million tonnes, at grades of 0.183% tungsten trioxide and 0.029% tin.
The venture was joined by Billiton Minerals Ltd, providing further finance and expertise, and forming a consortium that planned to commence production in 1986 . The initial planning application was made in 1981, but a public enquiry and 'calling in' of the application by the Secretary of State resulted in an initial refusal of the application in 1984 . This resulted in Billiton Minerals Ltd pulling out of the consortium . Hemerdon Mining and Smelting Ltd also sold their 50% stake in the project to AMAX . After making a revised application, permission was finally obtained in 1986. By then a collapse in the prices of both tin and tungsten had damaged the economic feasibility of making an investment in opening the mine. Its tungsten assets were passed on to a newly formed holding company, Canada Tungsten Ltd, in 1986.
Canada Tungsten implemented the planning permission that was obtained in 1986, and kept the project in its portfolio of prospects for many years. Before AMAX was sold to Phelps Dodge, it gradually transferred Canada Tungsten into the ownership of Aur Resources. In 1997, a new company, North American Tungsten plc, purchased all the tungsten assets from Aur Resources, and was listed with the aim of reopening the Cantung mine, and developing the Hemerdon and Mactung prospects.
However, during a review of peripheral assets in 1999, it decided that with the depressed prices of tungsten, the Hemerdon prospect was not central to its future. With upkeep costs of in excess of $150,000 per annum , almost a third of the company's annual costs , attempts were made with the mineral rights holders to reduce fees. The negotiations were unsuccessful and therefore during 2000, two of the three mineral rights were surrendered . To further reduce costs, it disposed the remaining assets of the Hemerdon prospect in 2003.
The concrete roads constructed around the Second World War mills up to the open-cast area at the top of the hill were used by the Plymouth Motor Club and Plymouth Kart Club for speed hill climbs until approximately 1972.
Another view of the main open-cast area 2007–2018
Sustained tungsten metal price rises resulted in a five-fold increase in the price of ammonium paratungstate (an intermediate product of tungsten), from around US $60 per STU in 2003, to in excess of US $240 per STU from 2006.This has resulted in increased tungsten mining exploration and development activities globally since 2005.
In June 2007, ASX-listed specialty metal exploration and development company, Wolf Minerals , suspended trading of shares pending the acquisition of mineral leases.On 5 December 2007, trading recommenced following the public announcement of acquiring the mineral leases for the Hemerdon Mine project. The mineral leases were made for a period of 40 years, with the Hemerdon Mineral Trust and the Olver Trust. An agreement with Imerys to purchase remaining mineral rights and freehold land was also made . Following agreements with local landowners to acquire surface rights, Wolf Minerals renamed the project the Drakelands Mine to "recognise the local community".
SRK Consulting were commissioned to produce a JORC-compliant resource using previous drilling data. This was released in March 2008. Subsequently, it has been updated twice by SRK Consulting to incorporate new drilling data and revised geological modelling. The resource of over 300,000 tonnes of tungsten metal makes Drakelands the fourth largest tungsten deposit in the world . In 2009, funding for a DFS (definitive feasibility study) was achieved with the support Resource Capital Funds and Traxys, completed in May 2011.Mining operations commenced in 2014 , with first ore into the plant June 2015 and first concentrate production scheduled for September 2015. The project has planning permission dating back to 1986, which is valid until 2021. If production levels were achieved as anticipated , the mine would have been the largest tungsten concentrate producer in the world. A planning application was submitted to extend the pit slightly further to the southwest to further increase reserves.
Hemerdon Ball JORC Revised resource estimate completed by SRK Consulting in June 2010 Resource category Ore tonnage ,(Mt)Sn grade (%)WO3grade (%)Contained Sn (tonnes) Contained W (tonnes)Measured 48,530,020 Indicated 22,390,020 inferred 147,610,020. Total 218,530,020 ;
Wolf Minerals ceased trading operations on 10 October 2018, as the mine never achieved extraction or financial targets . Despite such losses, the site is still thought to have potential as the site retains large ore deposits and valuable infrastructure.
2019–2024
Tungsten West plc, which floated on the London Stock Exchange's Alternative Investment Market on 21 October 2021 , took over the mine. A review was conducted starting from the basics, of what is required to fix the problems that caused Wolf Minerals to fail. A better understanding of the mineralogy , with associated changes to the processing stream, and aggregate sales lead to the mine planning to re-open at scale in 2022 , although as of February 2024 the mine had only began "interim operations" and is yet to receive regulatory permission from all authorities.
Processing
The Drakelands processing plant relies on a number of different processes to recover tin and tungsten and discard gangue minerals such as arsenopyrite and haematite. Broadly speaking, the process involves crushing and sizing, followed by gravity separation on fine material and dense media separation (DMS) on coarse material. The concentrates from these processes are then milled, followed by flotation and roasting, finishing with magnetic separation and further gravity separation to produce the final tungsten and tin concentrates respectively.
The processing plant was built by GR Engineering Services from Perth and consists of a primary,secondary crusher building near the mine and stockpile, feeding the main processing plant via conveyor, and a tertiary crusher building. Design recoveries of tin and tungsten are in the range of 58–66% depending on feed type (soft granite near-surface, hard granite towards depth), with grades of over 60% tungstate and tin as final products.
Crushing and sizing
Two Sandvik hybrid rolls crushers perform the primary and secondary crushing duties at gaps of approximately 60 and 40 millimeters respectively. These crushers were preferred over jaw crushers as they should cope better with the high clay content of the ore in the early years of operation. The secondary crusher product is conveyed into a Sepro scrubber where the material is washed to remove fines sticking to the coarser material. The majority of material from the scrubber reports to a double-deck screen, sizing at 9 and 4 millimeters. Oversize material from the scrubber and this screen (over 9millimetres) is conveyed to two Sandvik cone crushers with a closed size setting of 12–15millimeters, before returning onto the scrubber screen. Material between 9 and 4millimeters in size reports to the DMS circuit. The undersize material from the scrubber screen (less than 4millimeters) is pumped onto a second screen where it is sized at 0.5millimeters. The oversize for this screen makes up further DMS feed, and the undersize from this screen (less than 0.5millimeters) reports to a large holding tank that stores feed for the gravity circuit.
Gravity separation
Wolframite and cassiterite are heavy minerals, making them very suitable for recovery by gravity separation. The gravity separation process at the Drakelands processing plant starts two steps of desliming using Multotec deslime cyclones, designed to cut at 63 and 45 micron respectively. The underflow from these spirals goes to three banks of eleven 3-start MG6.3 Mineral Technologies spirals (99 spirals in total), producing a rougher concentrate that reports to the cleaner spirals, a middlings product that goes to a bank of 33 middlings spirals and tailings that go to the 25millimeters diameter thickener. The middlings spirals (also MG6.3) tailings go to the thickener, and the concentrate is sent to the cleaner spirals. The cleaner spirals (four MG6.3) tailings are recycled to the rougher spirals and the concentrate is sent to Holmans tables for further refining.
After dewatering using Multotec cyclones, two Holman's Wilfley shaking tables are used to produce a rougher table concentrate. This concentrate is sized at 90 μm using a Derrick screen and dewatered using cyclones followed by two further steps of cleaning/recleaning (also on Holman's Wilfley shaking tables) to produce the final coarse and fine gravity concentrate. The tailings and middling from the rougher table reports back to the rougher spiral feed, whilst cleaner table middlings,tailings are sent back to the rougher tables and re-cleaner table middlings and tailings are sent back to the cleaner tables.
Dense media separation
The 0.5 millimeters fraction produced by the crushing,washing,sizing circuit is stored in a feed bin with approximately 4-5h capacity. A prep screen washes any remaining <0.5millimeters material that inadvertently reported to the DMS feed into an effluent tank. The over-0.5 millimetres product reports into two mixing boxes where it is mixed with primary DMS dense medium, before being pumped up to the primary DMS cyclones. There are two identical DMS circuits consisting of three Multotec cyclones fed by VSD pump set at 180kPa and a cut density close to 2.7grams /cm3, so as to separate out the majority of silicates whilst not losing any particles containing heavy minerals. The floats and sinks from these cyclones report to drain/rinse screens where the respective products are separated from the medium. Primary DMS floats go to the tailings storage facility via conveyor and large storage tanks, whilst sinks are sent to the secondary DMS circuit for further refining.
The secondary DMS circuit further refines the primary DMS sinks, producing a final DMS concentrate (sinks). The cut point of this circuit is around 3.2g/cm3, allowing rejection of binary particles with excessive silicate content as well as any heavier gangue particles. The floats are sent to an Ersel ball mill operating in closed circuit with a double-deck sizing screen. The over-1.7millimeters portion of the mill product returns to the mill for further grinding, the −1.7 +0.5millimeters product makes up scavenger DMS feed, and the below -0.5millimeters product is combined with DMS effluent cyclone underflow to make up additional feed to the fines storage tank. The scavenger DMS circuit is identical to the secondary DMS circuit but operates on a finer feed. Floats report to the mill for further grinding and sinks make up an additional stream of DMS concentrate.
The medium in the primary DMS circuit consists of a mixture of milled ferrosilicon and magnetite, with the exact mix regulated to maintain appropriate medium stability. The secondary and scavenger DMS correct mediums consist purely of atomised ferrosilicon. All correct mediums are kept at the correct density using a set of densifiers, supplemented by low intensity wet magnetic separators (LIMS) removing ferrosilicon from the dilute medium. The non-magnetic proportion of the LIMS feed reports to the same effluent tank that also contains the below-0.5mm proportion of the feed removed by the prep screen. The DMS effluent is dewatered using a set of cyclones, with the underflow reporting to the fines storage tank feeding the gravity circuit.
Concentrate processing
The feed into the concentrate processing section is made up of fines concentrate (less than 0.millimeters) and DMS concentrate ( 9 +0.5millimetres), containing mainly of wolframite, cassiterite, iron oxides, and some silicates and arsenic minerals. The DMS concentrate is fed into a regrind ball mill which operates in closed circuit with a 450 micron Derrick sizing screen. The fines concentrate reports onto this Derrick screen directly to avoid over-grinding of the finer portion of this stream. The undersize of the regrind mill sizing screen is pumped via a dewatering cyclone into a conditioning tank. In this tank, several chemicals are added to enable sulphide flotation in three Outotec Denver flotation cells, targeting removal of arsenopyrite. The sulphide concentrate (floats) is pumped to the thickener for disposal, and the underflow (roaster feed) is dewatered using a filter belt. In the soft granite the arsenic occurs mainly as scorodite, which cannot be floated.
The roasting process involves drying using a Drytech pre-dryer that thoroughly dries the pre-concentrate before feeding into a reduction kiln. This kiln uses diesel as a reductant to generate carbon monoxide, which reacts with haematite and other iron oxides in the feed at approximately 700°C, to create magnetite or maghemite whilst leaving other minerals largely unaffected. This process changes paramagnetic haematite into ferromagnetic maghemite,magnetite. Wolframite, like hematite, is paramagnetic and without this reduction step separation of haematite and wolframite would be impossible using magnetic separators.
The reduced ore from the kiln is cooled and fed onto a low intensity magnetic separator (LIMS) which is designed to remove the now highly magnetic iron oxides, which are sent to the tailings thickener. The non-magnetic product from the LIMS is sized at 150μm on a dry Derrick screen before free-flowing to a multi-stage high gradient disc electromagnetic separator (VOG HIMS), with the goal of separating tungsten from non-magnetic minerals such as cassiterite and silicate. These HIMS produce six streams of varying quality tungsten concentrate grading up to over 60% tungstate.
Removal of wolframite and other paramagnetic minerals leaves a coarse and a fine non-magnetic stream rich in tin and silicates. Refining of this stream to remove silicates (mainly quartz and tourmaline) is done using Holmans Wilfley shaking tables. The tailings from this process are combined with the LIMS tailings before pumping to the tailings thickener. The concentrate is filtered on a belt filter before drying in a smaller dryer.
Stowford: An In-Depth Historical and Cultural ReportGeography and Landscape of Stowford
Stowford is a quietly picturesque village and civil parish located in West Devon, England, resting in the secluded valley carved by the River Thrushel, a significant tributary of the River Lyd. Positioned approximately seven miles east-northeast of Launceston and almost equidistant from the Cornish border, the parish encompasses approximately 2,066 acres, including the hamlet of Sprytown and other scattered farmsteads and dwellings. The physical landscape is characterized by undulating hills, pasturelands, and patchworks of hedged fields typical of Devon, all undergirded by Devonian slates and shales that lend the soil its modest fertility and support livestock and dairy farming.
The river valley setting is significant in shaping Stowford's agricultural profile and transportation history. The Thrushel, running about 38 km from Meldon to its confluence with the Wolf at Tinhay, has not only sculpted the local topography but also provided resources for generations of inhabitants—from water for farming and livestock to powering mills and, more recently, becoming a point of interest for anglers and conservationists owing to its wild trout populations and role within local fisheries.
Stowford is not a nucleated village in the modern sense, but more a constellation of farms, a church, a handful of houses, with its most important clusters at the main village near the church and the hamlet of Sprytown. The area is almost entirely rural, without major urban influence, and the closest market town, Launceston, has traditionally provided goods and outlets for farm produce. Rolling green hills, ancient hedgerow-lined roads, and stretches of woodland define the scenic quality of its countryside, maintaining an enduring historic and natural atmosphere.
Domesday Manors and Early Landholding
Stowford, Sprytown, and nearby Milford boast an ancestry that reaches back at least to the time of the Domesday Book (1086), marking them out as ancient manorial settlements. Although the primary Domesday entry referenced in Oxfordshire is not the Devon Stowford, the manorial structure in Devon at the time followed the same feudal organization: land was divided among the king and his tenants-in-chief, then sub-divided further to local lords and then to peasant farmers.
In the centuries following the Norman Conquest, the manors of Milford and Sprytown were prominent. These were subsequently reduced in size and influence as the manorial system fragmented, yet traces of these manorial divisions and holdings continued well into the later medieval and early modern periods. Land tenure at Stowford mirrored the broader Devon pattern, eventually seeing consolidation into the hands of the Harris family through inheritance, marriage, and purchase. As recorded in the 19th-century trade directories and parish histories, the manorial lordships—by then largely symbolic—remained associated with major landowners, notably Edward Blackburn of Haine in the later 19th century, who held the manors of Stowford and estates at Haine (Hayne) and Stone.
This layered evolution of landholding is underscored by persistent family memories and local tradition; the Haines family, for example, claimed to have held Hayne and its surrounding lands prior to the conquest, as a kind of clan or kin-based estate comparable in magnitude to the great Domesday fiefs. According to family histories, William the Conqueror granted some lands to his followers, yet half remained in "Clan Haineses" hands and was entered into the Domesday Book as such—an assertion typical of Victorian-era genealogy but suggesting deep local continuity of land possession.
Parish Church of St John the Baptist: Architecture
Rising at the centre of Stowford is the parish church of St John the Baptist, a Grade I listed building renowned for both its attractive composition and the conservation of its medieval character amid a remarkable Victorian restoration. The church's architectural story can be traced across several centuries. The earliest surviving fabric appears to date from the 14th century, particularly the east end and some interior arches. However, the most visible elements—the nave, south aisle, and robust west tower—are Perpendicular in character, likely dating from the 15th century.
Notably, the church underwent an extensive restoration and expansion campaign in 1874, directed by Sir George Gilbert Scott, one of the foremost ecclesiastical architects of the Victorian era. Scott's restoration was sensitive yet ambitious: he added the north aisle in the Perpendicular style to harmonize with the existing fabric, rebuilt elements of the south arcade, renewed the roof, and introduced a full suite of bespoke woodwork carved by Harry Hems of Exeter, including pews, choir stalls, altar rails, doors, and an organ case. All were modeled on medieval patterns and executed to an unusually high standard—indeed, the church's wooden furnishings are routinely described as among the finest 19th-century ecclesiastical woodwork in Devon.
The structure itself features stone rubble walls with granite dressings, topped by a traditional slate roof. The tower is visually impressive, displaying alternating bands of stone and granite, battlemented parapets, and tall crocketted pinnacles. The presence of C16 granite windows with hoodmoulds in both the chancel and aisle, original Perpendicular window tracery, and a pronounced south wall shift (the easternmost bays bending south) evidence centuries of piecemeal alteration and rebuilding.
Key features include:
Church Interior Furnishings and Monuments
In its interior, St John's communicates both the cohesion of Scott’s Victorian-era Gothic Revival and the palimpsest of its medieval and early modern past. The nave is notable for being left unplastered—a feature that enhances the visibility of its stonework and the interplay of the different periods of construction.
The most celebrated 19th-century addition is the continuous set of wooden fixtures, including:
Quite apart from these Victorian glories, the church preserves a distinguished array of 17th–18th century Harris family monuments, including:
Additionally, the church retains a complete set of C19 tiling (with examples of stamped tiles and local marble), a substantial Purbeck marble reredos from 1874 with symbols of the Evangelists, and an elegantly appointed vestry in the southwest corner—testament to the care and expense lavished on the building by the local gentry and Victorian benefactors.
Ancient Inscribed Ogham Stone
A remarkable early medieval standing stone, believed to date from the 6th to 8th centuries (although some authorities suggest dates as late as the 11th), stands near the gate to the churchyard. This stone, approximately 1.7 meters above ground, is rough-hewn and waterworn, presenting a roughly triangular section, and is carved in Insular Majuscule (an early Latin script).
The inscription has been variously transcribed over the years—interpretations include “GURGLES,” “GUNGLEI,” “GUG.LES,” “GOMGEL,” and “GUNGLEL”—but the consensus is that it records a personal name, Gunglei or similar, likely marking the grave or commemorating a locally important Christian figure from the late sub-Roman or early Anglo-Saxon period. The stone is a valued relic of early Christianity in Devon and sits within a wider context of inscribed stones and crosses across the South West British peninsula, which testify to the area's integration into Christian, Latin-literate, and cross-cultural networks of early medieval Britain.
Archaeological records confirm the stone is still well-preserved, with the lettering clearly visible. The stone is a likely indicator of a local landholding elite in a period where church, land, and identity were increasingly entwined. Its presence at Stowford underpins the long arc of settlement in the area, linking ancient identities with modern parish continuity.
Harris Baronetcy and Family Lineage
Stowford’s history in the post-medieval period is intimately connected with the Harris family of Hayne, one of the most significant landed families in both Devon and Cornwall throughout the 16th to 19th centuries. The Harris Baronetcy of Stowford was established on 1 December 1673 for Arthur Harris (c. 1650–1686), who served several terms as Member of Parliament for Okehampton between 1671 and 1685. This creation reflected the family's social ascent and political importance during the Stuart and early Hanoverian periods.
Arthur Harris's paternal line stretched back through John Harris (MP, d. 1657) and Arthur Harris (Sheriff of Cornwall, d. 1628), who had strong Cornish connections, serving as Captain of St Michael’s Mount. The family arms—sable, three crescents argent and a bordure—reveal kinship with the Harris family of Radford in Plymstock, the senior line.
Sir Arthur Harris, the 1st Baronet, married Theophila Turner, with the union proving childless and resulting in the baronetcy’s extinction upon his death in 1686. The Harris legacy, however, continued through various junior and cousin lines, including Christopher Harris (d. 1718), William Harris (d. 1709), John Harris (Master of the Household to George II and III, d. 1767), and extended through marriages into many notable West Country families.
The Harris lineage intricately links Stowford’s local history to broader currents in English governance, the state church, and military command. Their tenure at Hayne lasted, with little interruption, from the mid-16th century until the sale of the estate in 1864, marking them as defining figures in Stowford’s modern period. The family also maintained a sense of dynastic importance by commissioning elaborate monuments and holding royal service posts, such as the office of High Sheriff of Devon and Cornwall, further embedding their status in county society.
Hayne House Architectural History
Hayne House—sometimes styled as Haine—stands about a kilometer west-southwest of Stowford village and is one of West Devon’s most architecturally and historically significant country houses. The house known today was built in the early 19th century, around 1810, on or near the site of the previous 16th-century seat of the Harris family. Descriptions of the estate before its Gothic Revival remodelling mention a commodious, large house with 17th-century paneling and features, suggesting considerable earlier grandeur.
The new Hayne House was built in a romantic neo-Gothic style, with castellated parapets, traceried windows, and picturesque elements reminiscent of John Nash’s more famous works at Luscombe Castle. Debate continues as to the principal architect—some sources formerly attributed it to Jeffrey Wyatville, but the most substantial works are now attributed to Isaac Donnithorne (later Donnithorne-Harris), who married into the Harris family. The rebuilding was partly inspired by the “Picturesque” movement and was described by the noted Victorian novelist and antiquarian Sabine Baring-Gould as “cockney Gothic,” though he acknowledged its quality as an example of the style.
Further 19th-century additions were made in the 1860s under Edward Blackburn, the estate’s next major owner, who employed Edward Ashworth, a well-known local architect, to implement further Gothic details, particularly at the house’s north front and stair tower. Internally, the house retains or recreates a range of Gothic and Tudor features—fan-vaulted ceilings, large ballrooms (from later phases), imported period fireplaces and paneling, and an impressive library. The building underwent several decades of decline following 20th-century estate sales but has been substantially restored in recent years, with great attention to maintaining the earlier Gothic Revival character alongside required modernizations.
The manor’s park and gardens are equally significant, registered Grade II for their historic design. The wider estate includes landscaped parkland, remnants of mid-18th century pleasure grounds with a romantic grotto, possibly from the era when the grounds contained further follies such as a Chinese pagoda and a temple (themselves now vanished). The estate’s historical importance is enhanced by its continuous association with major Devonshire landowners and its role as a centre of local economy and society.
Hayne Castle Medieval Remains
The tradition of “Hayne Castle” is deeply woven into the lore of the estate and its owners. According to 19th-century antiquaries and family accounts, a fortified house stood on a mound on the hill south of the present mansion, with ruins reportedly visible into the modern era. Some even identified the source of much of the stone for the 1810 house as the fabric of this earlier ‘castle’.
However, archaeological and scholarly consensus now suggests that Hayne Castle was not a castle in the sense of a Norman motte-and-bailey or later stone fortress, but rather a fortified manor house of late medieval (possibly late 15th or 16th century) origin. This was more common in rural Devon than often realized—landed families constructed substantial houses with partial defensive features, such as thick walls, small windows, and limited fortification, but without the extensive military architecture seen elsewhere in England.
Field evidence for Hayne Castle is now largely absent. Past landscape reports identify one site on a hilltop east of the current Hayne House marked as “Haine Castle (site of)” on 19th-century maps, but no visible remains, cropmarks, or archaeological layers definitively confirm an earlier masonry structure there. The identity of “castle” likely derives more from the desire of C18–C19 gentry to mythologize their origins, possibly transferred from the castellated aspects of the 1810 Neo-Gothic house or simply a fanciful local tradition. Nevertheless, the persistence of this memory reinforces the enduring prestige and preeminence of the Hayne estate within the local community.
Sprytown Hamlet: Historical Development
The hamlet of Sprytown holds a distinctive place within the Stowford parish, both as an ancient manor (referred to in Domesday Book) and as a recognizable cluster of dwellings, farms, and associated features into the present day. Sprytown, or “Spry town,” is positioned to the southwest of Stowford village proper and is notable for its persistence as a small, self-contained community within Stowford's orbit.
Sprytown’s manorial history reflects the overall pattern of post-Conquest Devon. Initially a manorial seat, the settlement gradually evolved into a hamlet dominated by farming, with manor rights vesting over time in the larger Stowford and Hayne estates. By the 19th century, and continuing into the modern period, Sprytown consisted mainly of several farm houses, cottages, and outbuildings.
Current and historic buildings of note at Sprytown include farmhouses such as Homeleigh, Lowertown Farmhouse, Brambles, The Thatched House, Rose Cottage, and Maitland Cottage—all of which are listed buildings, dating from the 16th to 19th centuries, and representing a variety of vernacular styles, with cob, stone rubble, slate, and thatch all employed in their construction. These buildings collectively document the transition of Sprytown from manorial hamlet to modern rural settlement and exhibit the diverse material culture of the parish—their architectural features ranging from late medieval mullioned windows to 19th-century alterations and extensions.
Listed Buildings in Stowford Parish
The architectural heritage of Stowford is further illustrated by a notable collection of listed buildings, many of which speak to its agricultural, gentry, and ecclesiastical history.
Principal Listed BuildingsBuilding NameGradeDescriptionDateChurch of St John the BaptistIParish church; mainly C14–C15 with 1874 restoration, remarkable woodwork and Harris monuments14th–15th, 1874Hayne House (Hayne Manor, Haine Manor)II*Major country house in early C19 Gothic Revival, site of earlier house and 'castle'c. 1810, laterShepherdsIIPossibly medieval farmhouse, remodeled late C16/C17, with thatched roof and 3-room planMed.–C17Milford FarmhouseIIFormer Domesday manor, with historic core and 19th-century modificationsMedieval–19th c.Stowford BridgeIIStone single-span bridge over River Thrushel, C18 rebuilding of older bridgeC18Stone in Churchyard (Ogham/Inscribed Stone)II*Early medieval inscribed memorial stone with personal name inscription6th–11th c.Sprytown Farmhouses (Homeleigh, Brambles, etc.)IILate medieval to early modern, vernacular Devon farmhouses; cob/stone/thatchedC16–C18Hayne LodgeIIMid-19th-century Tudor-Gothic gate lodge to Hayne Housec. 1860Hayne Stable Block and Hayne BartonIIEstate outbuildings and farmhouse, associated with Hayne House landscapeC19Grotto at HayneIIMid–late C18 landscape feature, shell-encrusted with vaultingC18
The array of listed buildings is matched by numerous historic headstones, ledger stones, and gatepiers within and around the churchyard, several of which are listed in their own right. The architectural diversity of these listed structures signals both the long tenure of settlement and the degree to which Stowford’s landowners and community invested in durable, high-quality vernacular and polite architecture.
Agricultural Heritage and Historic Farmhouses
Stowford’s landscape remains dominated by agriculture, with grazing and dairy farming prominent since medieval times. The pattern of dispersed farmsteads—a hallmark of Devon—emphasizes the continuity and change of rural lifeways over the centuries.
Significant among these is Shepherds, a Grade II listed farmhouse possibly dating in origin to the medieval period but substantially remodeled in the late 16th and 17th centuries. The house retains features of an open hall plan, with later ceiling insets, granite fireplaces, timber-moulded cornices, and thatched roofing. Blocked original features and a central cross-passage emphasize the evolution of domestic planning from medieval through early modern periods, and surviving interior carpentry is judged of particular historical interest.
Other farmhouses, including Milford and Sprytown’s various farm cottages, similarly epitomize the adaptation of the Devon longhouse plan, the use of local materials, and the integration of working and residential spaces. These agricultural buildings, often extended and adapted across the centuries, provide tangible evidence of changing patterns in rural economics, inheritance, and subsistence.
Historically, Stowford’s farms grew oats, barley, and root crops, while raising sheep, cattle, and swine. The presence of oak woods (especially at Hayne) is attested in 19th-century sources, contributing to both the building fabric and the local economy. Lime quarries near Stowford centre were operated in the 19th century, with lime used to sweeten and improve the acidic soils for agriculture, before they were abandoned later in that century.
Transport and Communications History
The village and parish's transportation history reflects both its relative remoteness and its adaptation to changing networks through time. Roads running through Stowford are ancient, probably tracing back to the medieval period or earlier, bordered by thick Devon earthbanks and hedges. The main local road, running east-west, helped connect the village to neighboring settlements and market towns, including Launceston to the west and Okehampton to the east.
A key infrastructure feature is Stowford Bridge, a Grade II listed single-span bridge over the River Thrushel, which likely replaced earlier structures from the medieval period. Its construction in stone rubble with granite arch rings and cambered parapets signals both its practical importance and the durability of local building traditions. The bridge evidences the importance of the Thrushel as both barrier and conduit, structuring not only daily movements but wider patterns of trade and communication.
By the late 19th century, carrier services linked Stowford to Launceston (market days) and Tavistock, further integrating the parish’s economic life with regional centres. Although no railway reached Stowford itself, the coming of the railway to nearby Lifton and Launceston in the later 19th century accelerated the movement of goods, people, and ideas, gradually reducing the parish's relative isolation.
Today, the nearest railway stations are at Okehampton and Gunnislake, both within a ten-mile radius, while the A30 trunk road lies just to the north, dramatically improving access but changing the pace and pattern of life only incrementally in this unspoiled corner of Devon.
Local Folklore, Traditions, and Community Events
Stowford’s cultural heritage blends inherited rural traditions, family legend, and the ongoing practices of its rural and religious life. The folklore of Stowford and the Hayne estate is uncommonly rich for such a small parish, in large part due to the existence of surviving stories, antiquarian records, and personal reminiscences from past inhabitants.
Folklore and Lore
A number of legends, particularly associated with Hayne House, are attested in local records and antiquarian sources. Among these are stories of burial stones at Hayne marking ancient burial sites, and even reports—no doubt embellished by the Victorian taste for the gothic—of hauntings at Hayne, linking the physical structure to a repertoire of ghost stories and supernatural tales.
The area’s traditions are bound up in the agricultural calendar. Michaelmas was especially significant: it marked the turning of the agricultural year, with farmhands rehired, livestock rounded up, and “Goosey” fairs held in nearby market towns. Songs about these fairs, many collected by the famed local folklorist Sabine Baring-Gould—himself vicar and squire at neighboring Lewtrenchard—remain part of the living tradition, performed at regional festivals and community celebrations.
Modern Community Life
In the contemporary period, Stowford maintains a close-knit rural community centered around the church, village hall, and local inn. The church continues to be the focal point for annual village events—processions, harvest festivals, and Christmas celebrations. The primary school, local businesses, and the traditional Harris Arms (a local pub) act as centres for social interaction.
Local history groups and events—such as those organized in connection with the Baring-Gould centenary and Devonshire Association—frequently bring together residents and visitors to share and celebrate the area’s deep historical roots. The village shop and post office, though modest, reinforce community spirit by providing both goods and an informal space for news and gossip.
Additional History and Culture
Stowford’s evolution offers a compelling microcosm of the broader South West peninsula’s historical development. From the earliest Ogham stone (indicative of early Christianization and land claims by local elites), through centuries of agricultural adaptation, to gentry ambitions played out in the grand and sometimes eccentric architecture of Hayne, the parish’s story is one of resilience and adaptation.
Population figures reflect both steadiness and decline typical of English rural areas: in 1871, Stowford had around 466 inhabitants; by the 2011 census, this had fallen to 303, mirroring trends of rural depopulation offset, in recent decades, by some in-migration and the repurposing of old farm buildings for new residents and visitors.
The cultural distinctiveness of Stowford is further enhanced by its continued support of local song and story traditions, immersion in the landscape through walking, and engagement with preservation—ensuring that, despite its small size, Stowford remains a living example of the intersection between Devon’s past and present.
Conclusion
The village and parish of Stowford in West Devon encapsulate the historical and cultural patterns of its region with rare completeness: a landscape marked by deep time, layered by the movements of local families, agricultural workers, and ecclesiastical benefactors; an architectural fabric stretching from early medieval inscribed stones, through late medieval churches and farmhouses, to the confident flourishes of the 19th-century Gothic Revival. The presence and ebb of landed families such as the Harrises, and the survival of their monuments and myths, have given the parish an identity at once local and connected to the currents of English history at large.
Stowford's enduring rurality, patterns of landholding, and the persistence of its agricultural landscape remain visible in the dispersed alignment of its hamlets, manors, and farms. Its church, ancient inscribed stone, and historic estates are not only markers of continuity but active elements in a living tradition, one maintained by community involvement, adaptive preservation, and the continuing resonance of its landscape.
In sum, Stowford offers a remarkable vista onto England’s layered past: its ground crossed and re-crossed by the ambitions, memorials, and toils of many generations. Through careful preservation and active community engagement, it stands poised to both remember and renew its unique inheritance for generations to come.
CHAPTER XXII.
TAVISTOCK.
Few places in Devon have a greater antiquity than Tavistock, if we take the Saxon period into chief account. The * stock’ of the Tavy was the most important settlement made by the Saxons on that river, and long before the Conquest it assumed the characteristics of a provincial centre of population and wealth. It was remarkable, until 1885, as being the only Parliamentary existing borough in the county not municipal; for it had never received any charter of incorporation, although it had been represented since the 23rd of Edward I.; and it retained as it’s chief officer the ancient Saxon portreeve, elected by the voices of his fellow-freeholders. The old village commune of the earliest Teutonic settlers had therefore direct succession in Tavistock. But even this does not fully indicate the antiquity of organized human settlement in the vicinity. It is a fact that must have a meaning, if this can only be defined, that nearly all the ancient inscribed stones of Devon are found upon one parallel in the south-west of the county, between Stowford on the north and Yealmpton on the south, the line passing through Tavistock as a kind of centre. These all give token of ecclesiastical influence; and two, by the Ogham writing which they bear, proof also of Irish intercourse. They probably indicate there
Of six such monuments found upon the line noted, three will be found within the vicarage garden at Tavistock, placed there by an enthusiastic antiquary of the past generation— the Rev. E. A. Bray. Two of thesr
stones came from Buckland Monachorum . One, which stood in a field, bears the inscription in Roman character, — 1 DOBUNNI FABRII FILI ENABARRI,’ Or simply "NABARR" — the reading adopted by Mr. C. Spence Bate. This latter word is repeated as * Nabarr ’ in Ogham, and it is a singular fact that the stone supplied the last letter wanting— ‘ b ’— to the completion of Dr. Ferguson’s South British Ogham alphabet. The second Buckland Monachorum stone was found by Mr. Bray in use as the support of the roof of a blacksmith’s shop. Here the legend is, * sabini filim accodecheti.’ The third, which had been adapted, as a foot-bridge over a little stream nearTavistock, appears to run, "neprani fili conbevi" though the last word has been read ‘ condevi.’ Of the other three inscribed stones of this group the most interesting was found lying across a brook near Fardel, Cornwood, and is now in the British Museum. This is also bilingual, with the legend both in Roman and in Ogham characters, slightly varied. It was the first stone found in England with an Ogham inscription. The legend runs, "sangranvi fanoni maqvirini ." The Stowford stone stands in Stowford churchyard, a sepulchral monument , which appears to commemorate a certain ‘ guniglei.* The lettering is very rude and peculiar site. Lustleigh, as we shall see, affords another illustration of this; though, from the fact that the stone there has been diverted from its original purpose, by no means of so marked a character. But the history of Tavistock itself begins with the establishment of the Abbey of St. Rumon. Ordulf, son of Orgar, Ealdorman of Devon, is the reputed founder. He is one of the semi-mythic heroes of the Saxon race who may be found in almost every county, a man of amazing strength— a giant, whose sport it was to stride a stream and cut off with one blow of his hunting-knife the heads of animals brought him for the purpose. He was commanded to build the Abbey in a vision, and his wife was guided by an angel to the site. There is thus ample room for discriminating criticism as to the circumstances attending the foundation, even if we ignore the counter tradition that it was the joint work of Ordulf’s father, Orgar, and himself. This much, however, does seem certain, that the Abbey was founded about the year 961; and that in 997 it was destroyed by the Danes during the inroad in which they carried fire and sword from the mouth of the Tamar to Lydford. The monastery must then have been of great size and very wealthy, though we may reject the statement that Ordulf’s magnificence made it large enough for 1,000 men. It had, however, come under royal patronage. Ordulf’s sister was that Elfryth (or Elfrida) whose career forms one of the most notable features of Anglo-Saxon annals. Though familiar, her story forms part of Devonian history, and falls into place here. Eadgar, hearing of the beauty of Elfrida, sent Eftelwold to view, with instructions to report if rumour consequences of his deceit, implored his wife to besmirch her loveliness for awhile. She, finding that whereas she was simply the wife of a noble she might have been a queen, resented the fraud, and heightened her attractions to the utmost of her power. The King came, saw, and was overcome. ^EtSelwold was conveniently killed by accident while hunting the following day with the monarch, we may presume on Dartmoor, and his widow mounted the throne. Her sons were Eadmund and iESelred, and after the murder of his half-brother, Eadweard the Martyr, by Elfrida’s orders, at Corfe Castle, the latter succeeded to the crown, and became the liberal patron of the Abbey of Tavistock. To this connection was due the fact that after its destruction by the Danes the Abbey was rebuilt with so much greater grandeur that it eclipsed every religious house in Devon, in the extent, convenience, and magnificence of its buildings.It was fortunate, too, in its early heads. Lyfing, who from his eloquence obtained the title of £ Wordsnotera,’ and in whom the Sees of Devon and Cornwall were united at Crediton, was one of them. His successor was Eldred, afterwards Archbishop of York, who crowned William the Conqueror. The final dedication was to St. Mary and St. Rumon.
‘ Domesday ’ places Tavistock Abbey far as the head of the religious houses in Devon, in the extent and value of its estates. Fourteen manors, besides a house at Exeter, were its landed possessions; an
Battle of Gafulford
Main article: Gafulford
Galford near Lewdown is assumed to be the site of the Battle of Gafulford in the 9th century. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle states that in 825 (adjusted date) a battle was fought involving the "West Welsh" and the "Defnas". it states:-"The West wealas (Cornish) and the Defnas (men of Devon) fought at Gafulforda". However, there is no mention of who won or who lost, whether the men of Cornwall and Devon were fighting each other or on the same side, and no mention of Egbert of Wessex. Local vicar Sabine Baring-Gould was the first to suggest that Gafulforda should be identified as Galford on the banks of the River Lew. He gave the name Galford a Celtic origin (Gafia holdfast, and ffordda road),[3]though a more recent derivation is Gafol-ford meaning tax/tribute ford.Others, however, have suggested that Gafulford should be placed at Camelford, some 60km further west.
Statues of King Lud and his sons in the porch of St Dunstan-in-the-West Church in the City of London Lud Welsh Lludd map Beli Mawr), according to Geoffrey of Monmouth's legendary History of the Kings of Britain and related medieval texts, was a king of Britain in pre-Roman times who founded London and was buried at Ludgate. He was the eldest son of Geoffrey's King Heli, and succeeded his father to the throne. He was succeeded, in turn, by his brother Cassibelanus. Lud may be connected with the Welsh mythological figure Lludd Llaw Eraint, earlier Nudd Llaw Eraint, cognate with the Irish Nuada Airgetlám, a king of the Tuatha Dé Danann, and the Brittonic god Nodens. However, he was a separate figure in Welsh tradition and is usually treated as such.[1]
Hemerdon Mine(approx. 0.2 km; TUNGSTEN & TIN)
Bottle Hill(approx. 0.8 km; COPPER, TIN & ARSENIC)
Wheal Mary Hutchings(approx. 0.9 km; TIN & ARSENIC)
Lobb Mine(approx. 0.9 km; TIN & ARSENIC)
Sidney Mine(approx. 2.4 km; TIN & ARSENIC)
Borringdon Consols(approx. 4.5 km; LEAD, SILVER, ZINC, ARSENOPYRITE & COPPER)
Cann Mine(approx. 4.9 km)
Shaugh Mine(approx. 6.0 km; IRON)
Ivybridge Consols(approx. 8.1 km; SILVER-LEAD)
Kit(approx. 9.0 km; TIN)
Including Mary Hutchings, the mines lie on the southwestern slope of Hemerdon Bal, about two miles northeast of Plympton. Mary Hutchings sett lay to the west working a single lode from Engine Shaft. Hemerdon Consols worked three lodes.
Production records report that for Mary Hutchings between 1866 and 1880 - 426 tons of black tin. Between 1873 and 1879 - 263 tons of arsenic. 188 tons of mispickel were raised between 1874-76. For Hemerdon Consols in 1855-56 23 tons of black tin were raised.
Dartmoor, the backbone of the County of Devon.
Convulsive movements raised and lowered the land, so that the great rock mass became part of a vast continent which included the land which we now call France.
The ice ages came and went and, although they did not reach as far south as the embryonic Dartmoor,
snow-slips which preceded the glaciers carried debris which was scattered over the Moor as “clitters.”
In warmer intervals between the centuries of ice, there were great floods of rain, which weathered and split the great rock plateau and rushed down from the high land in steep, stormy torrents
- the beginning of the Taw,the Torridge, the Plym, the Dart and the Teign. The Teign carried with it thousands of tons of rotted granite, which it laid down in its lower reaches as boulder clay. It cut for itself a narrow course through the softer rocks below the Moor and eventually poured into the sea through a sunken valley which we now call the Teign Estuary.
At the mouth of the valley, the current of the river, checked by the sea and by broken rocks, silt and sand, built up an area of beachy mud.
The river, deflected by this barrier, took a sharp turn to the right and cut a way for itself at the foot of the great cliff which we now call the Ness.Cador, Earl of Cornwall, pursued Childric the Saxon Kaiser
The heaving crust of the earth had now become more stable. Life had established itself on the land and the brown bear, the mammoth and the sabre-toothed tiger were wandering over the countryside, hunting, and being hunted by, primitive man.The caves at Brixham and Torquay show traces of man’s habitation and there are signs that wild beasts lived there too.
No doubt Palaeolithic man hunted over the hills around Teignmouth and fished in the Teign, but there is no record of inhabited caves in or near Teignmouth.
Thousands of years later, Bronze Age man lived on Haldon and he regarded the shores of Teignmouth as a good place to obtain supplies of salt for preserving his meat and for adding savour to his food.
References in the works of Greek and Roman writers show that in pre-Roman times there was a flourishing civilization in the West of England, based on the trade in tin, which was used in the manufacture of bronze for weapons. This civilization had its centres near the tin-working areas on the Moor, but salt had to be brought from the coastal areas, and poor villages around the coast subsisted
TWO THOUSAND YEARS IN EXETER
Again, the site of Exeter lay some ten miles up-river from its mouth and this was important when invaders were most likely to come by sea and to attack coastal settlements. At Exeter one was safe from such attacks, or at least there was ample warning of strange ships coming into the estuary. From the volcanic hill we call Rougemont one could look right down to the mouth of the shining estuary and a strange fleet could be spotted hours before it could attack. For all these reasons Exeter made a good trading-place, and above all, of course, it had something to sell— the products of a rich and varied countryside.
And so the stage was set for the village to grow into a town, and later still into a rich medieval city, on its hilltop in the far West of England.
The Coming of the Romans
The ancient British name for Exeter seems to have been Caerwysc,meaning “the fortified town on the Exe” , but an even older name occurs in the tradition of a siege by the Roman general Vespasian in the year 49.
The tradition tells us that there was already a settlement here when Vespasian was sent westwards, and so supplements the evidence of the Hellenistic coins.
At the time of this siege Exeter is said to have
been called by the rather formidable name of Caer-pen-huel-goit, which means “ die fortified town on the hill near the high or great wood” .
Such long descriptive place-names are a characteristic of Wales to this day, and it is quite likely that Exeter had some such ancient names as this in prehistoric times.
“ The fortified town on the hill”
aptly describes the first site of Exeter, with its earthwork on the end of the ridge or hill.
“The high or great wood” probably refers to die wooded hills to the north of the city, what we now call Stoke Hill and Pennsylvania, which would have been densely wooded in prehistoric times.
Stoke Woods today are a remnant of this great wood of two thousand and more years ago.
The tradition of a siege by Vespasian has generally been discredited by modem historians, mainly on the ground that it appears in the writings of a chronicler (Geoffrey of Monmouth) who is known to be very inaccurate, if no worse.
He tells us that Vespasian was sent down by the Emperor Claudius to subdue South-West Britain, and that he besieged Exeter for eight days without success.
A British king then arrived from the east with an army and fought with Vespasian.
Despite great losses on both sides neither got die victory. The next
BOGS
The rivers that flow from Dartmoor— The bogs are their cradles—
A tailor lost on the moor—
A man in Aune Mire , Some of the worst , Cranmere Pool—How the bogs are formed—Adventure in Redmoor Bog—Bog plants—The buckbean—Sweet gale Furze—Yellow broom—Bee-keeping.
DARTMOOR proper consists of that upland region of granite, rising to nearly 2,000 feet above the sea, and actually shooting above that height at a few points, which is the nursery of many of the rivers of Devon.
The Exe, indeed, has its source in Exmoor, and it disdains to receive any affluents from Dartmoor; and the Torridge takes its rise hard by the sea at Wellcombe, within a rifleshot of the Bristol Channel, nevertheless it makes a graceful sweep—tenders a salute—to Dartmoor, and in return receives the liberal flow of the Okement.
The Otter and the Axe, being in the far east of the county, rise in the range of hills that form the natural frontier between Devon and Somerset.
But all the other considerable streams look back upon Dartmoor as their mother.
And what a mother! She sends them forth limpid and pure, full of laughter and leap, of flash and brawl. She does not discharge them laden with brown mud, as the Exe, nor turned like the waters of Egypt to blood, as the Creedy.
A prudent mother, she feeds them regularly, and with considerable deliberation. Her vast bogs act as sponges, absorbing the winter rains, and only leisurely and prudently does she administer the hoarded supply, so that the rivers never run dry in the hottest and most rainless summers.
Of bogs there are two sorts, the great parental peat deposits that cover the highland, where not too steep for them to lie, and the swamps in the bottoms formed by the oozings from the hills that have been arrested from instant discharge into the rivers by the growth of moss and water-weeds, or are checked by belts of gravel and boulder. To see the former, a visit should be made to Cranmere Pool, or to Cut Hill, or Fox Tor Mire. To get into the latter a stroll of ten minutes up a river-bank will suffice.
The existence of the great parent bogs is due either to the fact that beneath them lies the impervious granite, as a floor, somewhat concave, or to the whole rolling upland being covered, as with a quilt, with equally impervious china-clay, the fine deposit of feldspar washed from the granite in the course of ages.
In the depths of the moor the peat may be seen riven like floes of ice, and the rifts are sometimes twelve to fourteen feet deep, cut through black vegetable matter, the product of decay of plants through countless generations. If the bottom be sufficiently denuded it is seen to be white and smooth as a girl's shoulder—the kaolin that underlies all.
On the hillsides, and in the bottoms, quaking-bogs may be lighted upon or tumbled into. To light upon them is easy enough, to get out of one if tumbled into is a difficult matter. They are happily small, and can be at once recognised by the vivid green pillow of moss that overlies them. This pillow is sufficiently close in texture and buoyant to support a man's weight, but it has a mischievous habit of thinning around the edge, and if the water be stepped into where this fringe is, it is quite possible for the inexperienced to go under, and be enabled at his leisure to investigate the lower surface of the covering duvet of porous moss. Whether he will be able to give to the world the benefit of his observations may be open to question.
The thing to be done by anyone who gets into such a bog is to spread his arms out—this will prevent his sinking—and if he cannot struggle out, to wait, cooling his toes in bog water, till assistance comes. It is a difficult matter to extricate horses when they flounder in, as is not infrequently the case in hunting; every plunge sends the poor beasts in deeper.
One afternoon, in the year 1851, I was in the Walkham valley above Merrivale Bridge digging into what at the time I fondly believed was a tumulus, but which I subsequently discovered to be a mound thrown up for the accommodation of rabbits, when a warren was contemplated on the slope of Mis Tor.
Towards evening I was startled to see a most extraordinary object approach me a man in a draggled, dingy, and disconsolate condition, hardly able to crawl along. When he came up to me he burst into tears, and it was some time before I could get his story from him. He was a tailor of Plymouth, who had left his home to attend the funeral of a cousin at Sampford Spiney or Walkhampton, I forget which. At that time there was no railway between Tavistock and Launceston; communication was by coach.
When the tailor, on the coach, reached Roborough Down, "'Ere you are!" said the driver. "You go along there, and you can't miss it!" indicating a direction with his whip.
So the tailor, in his glossy black suit, and with his box-hat set jauntily on his head, descended from the coach, leaped into the road, his umbrella, also black, under his arm, and with a composed countenance started along the road that had been pointed out.
Where and how he missed his way he could not explain, nor can I guess, but instead of finding himself at the house of mourning, and partaking there of cake and gin, and dropping a sympathetic tear, he got up on to Dartmoor, and got—with considerable dexterity—away from all roads.
He wandered on and on, becoming hungry, feeling the gloss go out of his new black suit, and raws develop upon his top-hat as it got knocked against rocks in some of his falls.
Night set in, and, as Homer says, "all the paths were darkened"—but where the tailor found himself there were no paths to become obscured. He lay in a bog for some time, unable to extricate himself. He lost his umbrella, and finally lost his hat. His imagination conjured up frightful objects; if he did not lose his courage, it was because, as a tailor, he had none to lose.
He told me incredible tales of the large, glaring-eyed monsters that had stared at him as he lay in the bog. They were probably sheep, but as nine tailors fled when a snail put out its horns, no wonder that this solitary member of the profession was scared at a sheep.
The poor wretch had eaten nothing since the morning of the preceding day. Happily I had half a Cornish pasty with me, and I gave it him. He fell on it ravenously.
Then I showed him the way to the little inn at Merrivale Bridge, and advised him to hire a trap there and get back to Plymouth as quickly as might be.
"I solemnly swear to you, sir," said he, "nothing will ever induce me to set foot on Dartmoor again. If I chance to see it from the Hoe, sir, I'll avert my eyes. How can people think to come here for pleasure—for pleasure, sir! But there, Chinamen eat birds'-nests. There are depraved appetites among human beings, and only unwholesome-minded individuals can love Dartmoor."
There is a story told of one of the nastiest of mires on Dartmoor, that of Aune Head. A mire, by the way, is a peculiarly watery bog, that lies at the head of a river. It is its cradle, and a bog is distributed indiscriminately anywhere.
A mire cannot always be traversed in safety; much depends on the season. After a dry summer it is possible to tread where it would be death in winter or after a dropping summer.
A man is said to have been making his way through Aune Mire when he came on a top-hat reposing, brim downwards, on the sedge. He gave it a kick, whereupon a voice called out from beneath, "What be you a-doin' to my 'at?" The man replied, "Be there now a chap under'n?" "Ees, I reckon," was the reply, "and a hoss under me likewise."
There is a track through Aune Head Mire that can be taken with safety by one who knows it.
Fox Tor Mire once bore a very bad name. The only convict who really got away from Princetown and was not recaptured was last seen taking a beeline for Fox Tor Mire. The grappling irons at the disposal of the prison authorities were insufficient for the search of the whole marshy tract. Since the mines were started at Whiteworks much has been done to drain Fox Tor Mire, and to render it safe for grazing cattle on and about it.
There is a nasty little mire at the head of Redaven Lake, between West Mill Tor and Yes Tor, and there is a choice collection of them, inviting the unwary to their chill embraces, on Cater's Beam, about the sources of the Plym and Blacklane Brook, the ugliest of all occupying a pan and having no visible outlet The Redlake mires are also disposed to be nasty in a wet season, and should be avoided at all times. Anyone having a fancy to study the mires and explore them for bog plants will find an elegant selection around Wild Tor, to be reached by ascending Taw Marsh and mounting Steeperton Tor, behind which he will find what he desires.
"On the high tableland," says Mr. William Collier, "above the slopes, even higher than many tors, are the great bogs, the sources of the rivers. The great northern bog is a vast tract of very high land, nothing but bog and sedge, with ravines down which the feeders of the rivers pour. Here may be found Cranmere Pool, which is now no pool at all, but just a small piece of bare black bog. Writers of Dartmoor guide-books have been pleased to make much of this Cranmere Pool, greatly to the advantage of the living guides, who take tourists there to stare at a small bit of black bog, and leave their cards in a receptacle provided for them. The large bog itself is of interest as the source of many rivers; but there is absolutely no interest in Cranmere Pool, which is nothing but a delusion and a snare for tourists. It was a small pool years ago, where the rain water lodged; but at Okement Head hard by a fox was run to ground, a terrier was put in, and by digging out the terrier Cranmere Pool was tapped, and has never been a pool since. So much for Cranmere Pool!
"This great northern bog, divided into two sections by Fur Tor and Fur Tor Cut, extends southwards to within a short distance of Great Mis Tor, and is a vast receptacle of rain, which it safely holds throughout the driest summer. Fur Tor Cut is a passage between the north and south parts of this great bog, evidently cut artificially for a pass for cattle and men on horseback from Tay Head, or Tavy Head, to East Dart Head, forming a pass from west to east over the very wildest part of Dartmoor. Anyone can walk over the bogs; there is no danger or difficulty to a man on foot unless he gets exhausted, as some have done. But horses, bullocks, and sheep cannot cross them. A man on horseback must take care where he goes, and this Fur Tor Cut is for his accommodation."[1]
The Fur Tor Mire is not composed of black but of a horrible yellow slime. There is no peat in it, and to cross it one must leap from one tuft of coarse grass to another. The "mires" are formed in basins of the granite, which were originally lakes or tarns, and into which no streams fall bringing down detritus. They are slowly and surely filling with vegetable matter, water-weeds that rot and sink, and as this vegetable matter accumulates it contracts the area of the water surface. In the rear of the long sedge grass or bogbean creeps the heather, and a completely choked-up mire eventuates in a peat bog. Granite has a tendency to form saucer-like depressions. In the Bairischer Wald, the range dividing Bavaria from Bohemia, are a number of picturesque tarns, that look as though they occupied the craters of extinct volcanoes. This, however, is not the case; the rock is granite, but in this case the lakes are so deep that they have not as yet been filled with vegetable deposit. On the Cornish moors is Dosmare Pool. This is a genuine instance of the lake in a granitic district. In Redmoor, near Fox Tor, on the same moors, we have a similar saucer, with a granitic lip, over which it discharges its superfluous water, but it is already so much choked with vegetable growth as to have become a mire. Ten thousand years hence it will be a great peat bog.
I had an adventure in Redmoor, and came nearer looking into the world beyond than has happened to me before or since. Although it occurred on the Cornish moors, it might have chanced on Dartmoor, in one of its mires, for the character of both is the same, and I was engaged in the same autumn on both sets of moors. Having been dissatisfied with the Ordnance maps of the Devon and Cornish moors, and desiring that certain omissions should be corrected, I appealed to Sir Charles Wilson, of the Survey, and he very readily sent me one of his staff, Mr. Thomas, to go over the ground with me, and fill in the particulars that deserved to be added. This was in 1891. The summer had been one of excessive rain, and the bogs were swollen to bursting. Mr. Thomas and I had been engaged, on November 5th, about Trewartha Marsh, and as the day closed in we started for the inhabited land and our lodgings at "Five Janes." But in the rapidly closing day we went out of our course, and when nearly dark found ourselves completely astray, and worst of all in a bog. We were forced to separate, and make our way as best we could, leaping from one patch of rushes or moss to another. All at once I went in over my waist, and felt myself being sucked down as though an octopus had hold of me. I cried out, but Thomas could neither see me nor assist me had he been able to approach. Providentially I had a long bamboo, like an alpenstock, in my hand, and I laid this horizontally on the surface and struggled to raise myself by it. After some time, and with desperate effort, I got myself over the bamboo, and was finally able to crawl away like a lizard on my face. My watch was stopped in my waistcoat pocket, one of my gaiters torn off by the suction of the bog, and I found that for a moment I had been submerged even over one shoulder, as it was wet, and the moss clung to it.
On another occasion I went with two of my children, on a day when clouds were sweeping across the moor, over Langstone Moor. I was going to the collection of hut circles opposite Greenaball, on the shoulder of Mis Tor. Unhappily, we got into the bog at the head of Peter Tavy Brook. This is by no means a dangerous morass, but after a rainy season it is a nasty one to cross.
Simultaneously down on us came the fog, dense as cotton wool. For quite half an hour we were entangled in this absurdly insignificant bog. In getting about in a mire, the only thing to be done is to leap from one spot to another where there seems to be sufficient growth of water-plants and moss to stay one up. In doing this one loses all idea of direction, and we were, I have no doubt, forming figures of eight in our endeavours to extricate ourselves. I knew that the morass was inconsiderable in extent, and that by taking a straight line it would be easy to get out of it, but in a fog it was not possible to take a bee-line. Happily, for a moment the curtain of mist lifted, and I saw on the horizon, standing up boldly, the stones of the great circle that is planted on the crest. I at once shouted to the children to follow me, and in two minutes we were on solid land.
The Dartmoor bogs may be explored for rare plants and mosses. The buckbean will be found and recognised by its three succulent sea-green leaflets, and by its delicately beautiful white flower tinged with pink, in June and July. I found it in 1861 in abundance in Iceland, where it is called Alptar colavr, the swan's clapper. About Hamburg it is known as the "flower of liberty," and grows only within the domains of the old Hanseatic Republic. In Iceland it serves a double purpose. Its thickly interwoven roots are cut and employed in square pieces like turf or felt as a protection for the backs of horses that are laden with packs. Moreover, in crossing a bog, the clever native ponies always know that they can tread safely where they see the white flower stand aloft.
The golden asphodel is common, and remarkably lovely, with its shades of yellow from the deep-tinted buds to the paler expanded flower. The sundew is everywhere that water lodges; the sweet gale has foliage of a pale yellowish green sprinkled over with dots, which are resinous glands. The berries also are sprinkled with the same glands. The plant has a powerful, but fresh and pleasant, odour, which insects dislike. Country people were wont to use sprigs of it, like lavender, to put with their linen, and to hang boughs above their beds. The catkins yield a quantity of wax. The sweet gale was formerly much more abundant, and was largely employed; it went by the name of the Devonshire myrtle. When boiled, the wax rises to the surface of the water. Tapers were made of it, and were so fragrant while burning, that they were employed in sick-rooms. In Prussia, at one time, they were constantly furnished for the royal household.
The marsh helleborine, Epipactis palustris, may be gathered, and the pyramidal orchis, and butterfly and frog orchises, occasionally.
The furze—only out of bloom when Love is out of tune—keeps away from the standing water. It is the furze which is the glory of the moor, with its dazzling gold and its honey breath, fighting for existence against the farmer who fires it every year, and envelops Dartmoor in a cloud of smoke from March to June. Why should he do this instead of employing the young shoots as fodder?
I think that as Scotland has the thistle, Ireland the shamrock, and Wales the leek as their emblems, we Western men of Devon and Cornwall should adopt the furze. If we want a day, there is that of our apostle S. Petrock, on June 4th.
By the streams and rivers and on hedgebanks the yellow broom blazes, yet it cannot rival in intensity of colour and in variety of tint the magnificent furze or gorse. But the latter is not a pleasant plant to walk amidst, owing to its prickles, and especial care must be observed lest it affix one of these in the knee. The spike rapidly works inwards and produces intense pain and lameness. The moment it is felt to be there, the thing to be done is immediately to extract it with a knife. From the blossoms of the furze the bees derive their aromatic honey, which makes that of Dartmoor supreme. Yet bee-keeping is a difficulty there, owing to the gales, that sweep the busy insects away, so that they fail to find their direction home. Only in sheltered combes can they be kept.
The much-relished Swiss honey is a manufactured product of glycerine and pear-juice; but Dartmoor honey is the sublimated essence of ambrosial sweetness in taste and savour, drawn from no other source than the chalices of the golden furze, and compounded with no adventitious matter.
"Dartmoor," in the Transactions of the Plymouth Institution, 1897-8. Dartmoor and usually called by the name of the Common of Devonshire,
is parcel of the Duchy of Cornwall,
and that the foresters and other officers of his majesty and his progenitors Kings and Queens of England have always accustomed to drive the said commons, moors and wastes of other men (lying in like manner about the said forest) home to the corn hedges and leap yeates round about the same Common and forest, some few places only exempted, and that the said foresters and officers have taken and gathered to his majesty’s use at the times of drift within the same commons such profits and other duties as they have and ought to do within the said forest;
how be it they intend not hereby to prejudice the particular rights which any persons do claim for themselves or their tenants in any commons or several grounds in or adjoining to the said common or forest, but do leave the same to judgment of the law and to the justness of their titles which they make to the same.
“More they do present that all the King’s tenants which are Venvill have accustomed and used to have and take time out of mind in and upon the forest of Dartmoor all things that may do them good, saving vert (which they take to be green oak) and venson, paying for the same their Venvill rents and other dues as hath been time out of mind accustomed, and doing their suits and service to his majesty’s courts of the manor and forest of Dartmoor aforesaid, and also excepting night rest, for the which every one of them have of long time out of mind -yearly paid or ought to pay 3 d., commonly called a grasewait, and also to have and take tyme out of mind common of pasture for all manner of beasts, sheep, cattle in and upon all the moors, wastes, and commons usually called the Common of Devonshire, and also turves, vagges, heath, stone, coal and other things according to their customs, paying nothing for the same but the rents, dues and services aforesaid,
nevertheless their meaning is that the Venvill men ought not to turn or put into the said forest or common at any time or times any more or other beasts and cattle than they can or may usually winter in and upon their tenements and grounds lying within in Venvill.”
It is not always easy to determine precisely those parishes that were described as being in Venville; such parishes were said to be
settlements next to the Forest of Dartmoor and in addition the rights of Venville men were alleged to extend to those parishes adjoining the purlieus of the Moor. Sometimes the word “adjoining” was most liberally interpreted, and various lists were compiled from i $02 to 1848 which indicate the degree of liberality. Such lists to help to fix in the mind those parishes that come within this Venville area, sometimes in the opinion of owners and occupiers rather than in the view of law or authority.
1502-3 Throwleigh South Tawton , South Zeal J Halstock \ Belstone J Sourton Isridestowe
Parish unknown Chagford Hurston Colliholc Venn
higher Jurston ; Teigncombe , liisworthy (in \ (iidlcigh Parish) J I cttaford I owcr Hookney | Kennon (in >■ North Bovcy Parish)
Sherill
Middle Cator (Ircat Cator Nats worthy t irendon I Jnnamed (in W idecombc Parish)
M ana ton \ t liallacombej^
I lolne I Iran Prior I Igbornugh 1829 Throwleigh South Tawton
Belstonc
Sourton
Bridestowc
Chagford
Gidleigh North Bovcy
Widccombc
Manaton
Holne Dean Prior Ugborough 1848
1839
Throwleigh , South Tawton , Belstone , Sourton ,Bridestowe , Throwleigh , South Tawton 'Belstone ,Sourton ,Bridestowe ,Chagford , Gidleigh ,North Bovey , Widecombe , Manaton , Holne Dean Prior
Dartmoor
Of some 650 round barrows (nearly all cairns) at least 130 of the smaller ones, mostly in low-lying situations near rivers and streams, have a central stone cist exposed.
These cists are mostly large enough to have contained a contracted interment but unburnt bones do not survive in the acid soil of Dartmoor. Four of these cists have yielded beakers and another three have yielded other grave-goods normally found with inhumations.
About six others have yielded cremations assumed Early Bronze Age. Of some 580 small cairns about 130 have retaining circles or kerbs, and at least 57 have a stone row proceeding from the cairn downhill, usually following the line of minimum slope.
Dartmoor is the classic area for small cairns with retaining circles and stone rows. Many of them, however, are extremely difficult to find unless one is armed with a large-scale map, a compass and plenty of time.
Apart from the fine cist north of Fernworthy reservoir and one or two other notable sites, the more interesting cairns are on the ‘low’ moor south of the road between Tavistock and Moretonhampstead.
The largest concentration of cisted cairns is around the Drizzlecombe valley in the Ditsworthy Warren and Plym Steps area, but this is difficult to reach and one has to walk a long way.
A more accessible group is on Lakehead hill in the midst of Bellever Forest, where the Forestry Commission has made clearances around the cairns. The best known and most often illustrated site here, a cairn with ‘above ground’ cist and retaining circle and stone row, is a conjectural restoration of the late nineteenth century.
Of the large cairns crowning many of the hills, several incorporate tors or smaller outcrops. Amongst the largest are the Three Barrows although they have been plundered for stone for centuries. The linear group on Hamel Down includes Two Barrows, the northern of which yielded in 1877 a cremation accompanied by a grooved bronze dagger and an amber pommel with gold pointille decoration (destroyed by enemy action on Plymouth in 1941).
An enclosed place— literally a fenced or hedged area
A defended homestead or settlement— often with a palisade
A farmstead that could grow into a village or manor
A Saxon foundation, or
A Saxon renamingof an older site they took over.