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United Kingdom

∟ Southern England

Wessex (/ˈwɛsɪks/; Old English: West seaxna rīce [west sæɑksnɑ riːt͡ʃe], the "kingdom of the West Saxons") was an Anglo-Saxon kingdom in the south of Great Britain, from 519 until England was unified by Æthelstan in the early 10th century.

The Anglo-Saxons believed that Wessex was founded by Cerdic and Cynric, but this may be a legend. The two main sources for the history of Wessex are the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and the West Saxon Genealogical Regnal List, which sometimes conflict. Wessex became a Christian kingdom after Cenwalh was baptised and was expanded under his rule. Cædwalla later conquered Sussex, Kent and the Isle of Wight. His successor, Ine, issued one of the oldest surviving English law codes and established a second West Saxon bishopric. The throne subsequently passed to a series of kings with unknown genealogies.

During the 8th century, as the hegemony of Mercia grew, Wessex largely retained its independence. It was during this period that the system of shires was established. Under Egbert, Surrey, Sussex, Kent, Essex, and Mercia, along with parts of Dumnonia, were conquered. He also obtained the overlordship of the Northumbrian king. However, Mercian independence was restored in 830. During the reign of his successor, Æthelwulf, a Danish army arrived in the Thames estuary, but was decisively defeated. When Æthelwulf's son, Æthelbald, usurped the throne, the kingdom was divided to avoid war. Æthelwulf was succeeded in turn by his four sons, the youngest being Alfred the Great.

Wessex was invaded by the Danes in 871, and Alfred was compelled to pay them to leave. They returned in 876, but were forced to withdraw. In 878 they forced Alfred to flee to the Somerset Levels, but were eventually defeated at the Battle of Edington. During his reign Alfred issued a new law code, gathered scholars to his court and was able to devote funds to building ships, organising an army and establishing a system of burhs. Alfred's son, Edward, captured the eastern Midlands and East Anglia from the Danes and became ruler of Mercia in 918 upon the death of his sister, Æthelflæd. Edward's son, Æthelstan, conquered Northumbria in 927, and England became a unified kingdom for the first time. Cnut the Great, who conquered England in 1016, created the wealthy and powerful earldom of Wessex, but in 1066 Harold Godwinson reunited the earldom with the crown and Wessex ceased to exist.

Modern archaeologists use the term Wessex culture for a Middle Bronze Age culture in this area (c. 1600–1200 BC). A millennium before that, in the Late Neolithic, the ceremonial sites of Avebury and Stonehenge were completed on Salisbury Plain; but the final phase of Stonehenge was erected in the Wessex culture phase, early in the Bronze Age. This area has many other earthworks and erected stone monuments from the Neolithic and Early Bronze periods, including the Dorset Cursus, an earthwork 10 km (6 mi) long and 100 m (110 yd) wide, which was oriented to the midwinter sunset. Although agriculture and hunting were pursued during this long period, there is little archaeological evidence of human settlements. From the Neolithic onwards the chalk downland of Wessex was traversed by the Harrow Way, which can still be traced from Marazion in Cornwall to the coast of the English Channel near Dover, and was probably connected with the ancient tin trade.

During the Roman occupation starting in the 1st century AD, numerous country villas with attached farms were established across Wessex, along with the important towns of Dorchester and Winchester (the ending -chester comes from Latin castra, "a military camp"). The Romans, or rather the Romano-British, built another major road that integrated Wessex, running eastwards from Exeter through Dorchester to Winchester and Silchester and on to London. The early 4th century was a peaceful time in Roman Britain. However, following a previous incursion in 360 that was stopped by Roman forces, the Picts and Scots attacked Hadrian's Wall in the far north in 367 and defeated the soldiers stationed along it. They devastated many parts of Britain and laid siege to London. The Romans responded promptly, and Count Theodosius had recovered the land up to the Wall by 368.[1]

The Romans temporarily ceased to rule Britain on the death of Magnus Maximus in 388. Stilicho attempted to restore Roman authority in the late 390s, but in 401 he took Roman troops from Britain to fight the Goths. Two subsequent Roman rulers of Britain, appointed by the remaining troops, were murdered. Constantine III became ruler, but he then left for Gaul and withdrew more troops. The Britons then requested assistance from Honorius, but when he replied in 410 he told them to manage their own defenses. By this point, there were no longer any Roman troops in Britain.[2] Economic decline occurred after these events: circulation of Roman coins ended and the importation of items from the Roman Empire stopped.[3][4]

In An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England, Peter Hunter Blair divides the traditions concerning the Anglo-Saxon settlement of Britain into two categories: Welsh and English. De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae, written by Gildas, contains the best preservation of the Welsh tradition. In brief, it states that after the Romans left, the Britons managed to continue for a time without any major disruptions. However, when finally faced with northern invaders, a certain unnamed ruler in Britain (called "a proud tyrant" by Gildas) requested assistance from the Saxons in exchange for land. There were no conflicts between the British and the Saxons for a time, but following "a dispute about the supply of provisions" the Saxons warred against the British and severely damaged parts of the country. In time, however, some Saxon troops left Britain; under Ambrosius Aurelianus, the British subsequently defeated those who remained. A lengthy conflict ensued, in which neither side gained any decisive advantage until the Britons routed the Saxons at the Battle of Mons Badonicus. After this, there occurred a peaceful period for the Britons, under which Gildas was living at the time he wrote the De Excidio et Conqestu Britanniae.[5]

One of the English traditions about the Saxon arrival is that of Hengest and Horsa. When Bede wrote his Ecclesiastical History of the English People, he adapted Gildas's narrative and added details, such as the names of those involved. To the "proud tyrant" he gave the name Vortigern, and the Saxon commanders he named Hengest and Horsa. Further details were added to the story in the Historia Brittonum, which was partially written by Nennius. According to the Historia, Hengest and Horsa fought the invaders of Britain under the condition of gaining the Island of Thanet. The daughter of Hengest, Rowena, later arrived on a ship of reinforcements, and Vortigern married her. However, a war arose in Kent due to a dispute between Hengest and Vortigern's son. After losing several battles, the Saxons finally defeated the British by treacherously attacking them once the two parties had convened for a meeting. Some additional details of the Hengest and Horsa legend are found in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. The Chronicle then records subsequent Saxon arrivals, including that of Cerdic, the founder of Wessex, in 495.[6]

Saxon settlement

Imaginary depiction of Cerdic from John Speed's 1611 "Saxon Heptarchy"

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the primary written source for the founding of Wessex,[7] states that Cerdic and Cynric landed in Britain with five ships in 495.[8] Although the entry mentions Cynric as Cerdic's son, a different source lists him as the son of Cerdic's son, Creoda.[9] Their place of landing is believed to be the southern Hampshire coast[10] (though Bede recorded that Wessex was inhabited by Jutes and was only annexed by Saxons in the late 7th century, under Cædwalla,[11] and there have been no definitive archaeological findings considered especially "suggestive of early Anglo-Saxon settlement").[12]

The Chronicle continues, stating that "Port, and his two sons Bieda and Mægla", landed at Portsmouth in 501 and killed a high-ranking British nobleman.[13] In 508, Cerdic and Cynric slew a British king named Natanleod and five thousand men with him[13] (though the historicity of Natanleod has been disputed),[14] and Cerdic became the first king of Wessex in 519. The Saxons attacked Cerdicesford[15] in 519, intending to cross the River Avon and block a road which connected Old Sarum and Badbury Rings, a British stronghold. The battle appears to have ended as a draw, and the expansion of Wessex ended for about thirty years. This is likely due to losses suffered during the battle and an apparent peace agreement with the Britons. The battle of Mons Badonicus is believed to have been fought around this time. Gildas states that the Saxons were completely defeated in the battle, in which King Arthur participated according to Nennius. This defeat is not recorded in the Chronicle.[16] The thirty-year period of peace was temporarily interrupted[17] when, according to the Chronicle, the Saxons conquered the Isle of Wight in 530 at a battle near Carisbrooke.[13]

Cynric became the ruler of Wessex after Cerdic died in 534, and reigned for twenty-six years.[13] It is presumed[by whom?] that Ceawlin, who succeeded Cynric in about 581, was his son. Ceawlin's reign is thought to be more reliably documented than those of his predecessors, though the Chronicle's dates of 560 to 592 are different from the revised chronology. Ceawlin overcame pockets of resisting Britons to the northeast, in the Chilterns, Gloucestershire and Somerset. The capture of Cirencester, Gloucester and Bath in 577, after the pause caused by the battle of Mons Badonicus, opened the way to the southwest.

Ceawlin is one of the seven kings named in Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People as holding "imperium" over the southern English: the Chronicle later repeated this claim, referring to Ceawlin as a bretwalda, or "Britain-ruler". Ceawlin was deposed, perhaps by his successor, a nephew named Ceol, and died a year later. Six years later, in about 594, Ceol was succeeded by a brother, Ceolwulf, who was succeeded in his turn in about 617 by Cynegils. The genealogies do not agree on Cynegils' pedigree: his father is variously given as Ceola, Ceolwulf, Ceol, Cuthwine, Cutha or Cuthwulf.

The tradition embodied in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and in the genealogies of the West Saxon dynasty, is open to considerable doubt. This is largely because the founder of the dynasty and a number of his alleged descendants had Brittonic Celtic, rather than Anglo-Saxon Germanic, names.[18] The name Cerdic is derived from the British name Caraticos.[19][20] This may indicate that Cerdic was a native Briton, and that his dynasty became anglicised over time.[21][22][23] Other members of the dynasty possessing Celtic names include Ceawlin and Cædwalla. Cædwalla, who died as late as 689, was the last West Saxon king to possess a Celtic name.[24]

Christian Wessex and the rise of Mercia

The Celtic and Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in around 600

It is in Cynegils' reign that the first event in West Saxon history that can be dated with reasonable certainty occurs: the baptism of Cynegils by Birinus, which happened at the end of the 630s, perhaps in 640. Birinus was then established as bishop of the West Saxons, with his seat at Dorchester-on-Thames. This was the first conversion to Christianity by a West Saxon king, but it was not accompanied by the immediate conversion of all the West Saxons: Cynegils' successor (and probably his son), Cenwealh, who came to the throne in about 642, was a pagan at his accession. However, he too was baptised only a few years later and Wessex became firmly established as a Christian kingdom. Cynegils's godfather was King Oswald of Northumbria and his conversion may have been connected with an alliance against King Penda of Mercia, who had previously attacked Wessex.

These attacks marked the beginning of sustained pressure from the expanding kingdom of Mercia. In time this would deprive Wessex of its territories north of the Thames and the (Bristol) Avon, encouraging the kingdom's reorientation southwards. Cenwealh married Penda's daughter, and when he repudiated her, Penda again invaded and drove him into exile for some time, perhaps three years. The dates are uncertain but it was probably in the late 640s or early 650s. He spent his exile in East Anglia, and was converted to Christianity there. After his return, Cenwealh faced further attacks from Penda's successor Wulfhere, but was able to expand West Saxon territory in Somerset at the expense of the Britons. He established a second bishopric at Winchester, while the one at Dorchester was soon abandoned as Mercian power pushed southwards.

After Cenwealh's death in 673, his widow, Seaxburh, held the throne for a year; she was followed by Æscwine, who was apparently descended from another brother of Ceawlin. This was one of several occasions on which the kingship of Wessex is said to have passed to a remote branch of the royal family with an unbroken male line of descent from Cerdic; these claims may be genuine, or may reflect the spurious assertion of descent from Cerdic to legitimise a new dynasty. Æscwine's reign only lasted two years, and in 676 the throne passed back to the immediate family of Cenwealh with the accession of his brother Centwine. Centwine is known to have fought and won battles against the Britons, but the details have not survived.

Centwine was succeeded by another supposed distant relative, Cædwalla, who claimed descent from Ceawlin. Cædwalla reigned for just two years, but achieved a dramatic expansion of the kingdom's power, conquering the kingdoms of Sussex, Kent and the Isle of Wight, although Kent regained its independence almost immediately and Sussex followed some years later. His reign ended in 688 when he abdicated and went on pilgrimage to Rome where he was baptised by Pope Sergius I and died soon afterwards.

His successor was Ine, who also claimed to be a descendant of Cerdic through Ceawlin, but again through a long-separated line of descent. Ine was the most durable of the West Saxon kings, reigning for 38 years. He issued the oldest surviving English code of laws apart from those of the kingdom of Kent, and established a second West Saxon bishopric at Sherborne, covering the area west of Selwood Forest, which formed an important boundary between east and west Wessex. Near the end of his life he followed in Cædwalla's footsteps by abdicating and making a pilgrimage to Rome. The throne then passed to a series of other kings who claimed descent from Cerdic but whose supposed genealogies and relationship to one another are unknown.

During the 8th century Wessex was overshadowed by Mercia, whose power was then at its height, and the West Saxon kings may at times have acknowledged Mercian overlordship. They were, however, able to avoid the more substantial control which Mercia exerted over smaller kingdoms. During this period Wessex continued its gradual advance to the west, overwhelming the British kingdom of Dumnonia (Devon). At this time Wessex took de facto control over much of Devon, although Britons retained a degree of independence in Devon until at least the 10th century. (William of Malmesbury claimed that the Britons and Saxons inhabited Exeter "as equals" until 927.) As a result of the Mercian conquest of the northern portion of its early territories in Gloucestershire and Oxfordshire, the Thames and the Avon now probably formed the northern boundary of Wessex, while its heartland lay in Hampshire, Wiltshire, Berkshire, Dorset and Somerset. The system of shires which was later to form the basis of local administration throughout England (and eventually, Ireland, Wales and Scotland as well) originated in Wessex, and had been established by the mid-8th century.

Hegemony of Wessex and the Viking raids

Anglo-Saxon–Viking coin weight, used for trading bullion and hacksilver. The material is lead and it weighs 36 g (1.3 oz). Embedded with an Anglo-Saxon sceat (Series K type 32a) dating to 720–750 and minted in Kent. It is edged in a dotted triangle pattern. Its origin is the Danelaw region and dates to 870–930.

In 802 the fortunes of Wessex were transformed by the accession of Egbert who came from a cadet branch of the ruling dynasty that claimed descent from Ine's brother Ingild. With his accession the throne became firmly established in the hands of a single lineage. Early in his reign he conducted two campaigns against the "West Welsh", first in 813 and then again at Gafulford in 825. During the course of these campaigns he conquered the western Britons still in Devon and reduced those beyond the River Tamar, now Cornwall, to the status of a vassal.[25] In 825 or 826 he overturned the political order of England by decisively defeating King Beornwulf of Mercia at Ellendun and seizing control of Surrey, Sussex, Kent and Essex from the Mercians, while with his help East Anglia broke away from Mercian control. In 829 he conquered Mercia, driving its King Wiglaf into exile, and secured acknowledgement of his overlordship from the king of Northumbria. He thereby became the Bretwalda, or high king of Britain. This position of dominance was short-lived, as Wiglaf returned and restored Mercian independence in 830, but the expansion of Wessex across south-eastern England proved permanent.

Egbert's later years saw the beginning of Danish Viking raids on Wessex, which occurred frequently from 835 onwards. In 851 a huge Danish army, said to have been carried on 350 ships, arrived in the Thames estuary. Having defeated King Beorhtwulf of Mercia in battle, the Danes moved on to invade Wessex, but were decisively crushed by Egbert's son and successor King Æthelwulf in the exceptionally bloody Battle of Aclea. This victory postponed Danish conquests in England for fifteen years, but raids on Wessex continued.

In 855–856 Æthelwulf went on pilgrimage to Rome and his eldest surviving son Æthelbald took advantage of his absence to seize his father's throne. On his return, Æthelwulf agreed to divide the kingdom with his son to avoid bloodshed, ruling the new territories in the east while Æthelbald held the old heartland in the west. Æthelwulf was succeeded by each of his four surviving sons ruling one after another: the rebellious Æthelbald, then Æthelbert, who had previously inherited the eastern territories from his father and who reunited the kingdom on Æthelbald's death, then Æthelred, and finally Alfred the Great. This occurred because the first two brothers died in wars with the Danes without issue, while Æthelred's sons were too young to rule when their father died.

Last English kingdom

England in the late 9th century

In 865, several of the Danish commanders combined their respective forces into one large army and landed in England. Over the following years, what became known as the Great Heathen Army overwhelmed the kingdoms of Northumbria and East Anglia. Then in 871, the Great Summer Army arrived from Scandinavia, to reinforce the Great Heathen Army. The reinforced army invaded Wessex and, although Æthelred and Alfred won some victories and succeeded in preventing the conquest of their kingdom, a number of defeats and heavy losses of men compelled Alfred to pay the Danes to leave Wessex.[26][27] The Danes spent the next few years subduing Mercia and some of them settled in Northumbria, but the rest returned to Wessex in 876. Alfred responded effectively and was able with little fighting to bring about their withdrawal in 877. A portion of the Danish army settled in Mercia, but at the beginning of 878 the remaining Danes mounted a winter invasion of Wessex, taking Alfred by surprise and overrunning much of the kingdom. Alfred was reduced to taking refuge with a small band of followers in the marshes of the Somerset Levels, but after a few months he was able to gather an army and defeated the Danes at the Battle of Edington, bringing about their final withdrawal from Wessex to settle in East Anglia. Simultaneous Danish raids on the north coast of France and Brittany occurred in the 870s – prior to the establishment of Normandy in 911 – and recorded Danish alliances with both Bretons and Cornish may have resulted in the suppression of Cornish autonomy with the death by drowning of King Donyarth in 875 as recorded by the Annales Cambriae.[28] No subsequent 'Kings' of Cornwall are recorded after this time, but Asser records Cornwall as a separate kingdom from Wessex in the 890s.[29]

In 879 a Viking fleet that had assembled in the Thames estuary sailed across the channel to start a new campaign on the continent. The rampaging Viking army on the continent encouraged Alfred to protect his Kingdom of Wessex.[30] Over the following years Alfred carried out a dramatic reorganisation of the government and defences of Wessex, building warships, organising the army into two shifts which served alternately and establishing a system of fortified burhs across the kingdom. This system is recorded in a 10th-century document known as the Burghal Hidage, which details the location and garrisoning requirements of thirty-three forts, whose positioning ensured that no one in Wessex was more than a long day's ride from a place of safety.[31] In the 890s these reforms helped him to repulse the invasion of another huge Danish army – which was aided by the Danes settled in England – with minimal losses.

Alfred also reformed the administration of justice, issued a new law code and championed a revival of scholarship and education. He gathered scholars from around England and elsewhere in Europe to his court, and with their help translated a range of Latin texts into English, doing much of the work personally, and orchestrated the composition of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. As a result of these literary efforts and the political dominance of Wessex, the West Saxon dialect of this period became the standard written form of Old English for the rest of the Anglo-Saxon period and beyond.

Wessex and areas under its control in 871.

Wessex and areas under its control in 886.

Wessex and areas under its control in 897.

The Danish conquests had destroyed the kingdoms of Northumbria and East Anglia and divided Mercia in half, with the Danes settling in the north-east while the south-west was left to the English king Ceolwulf, allegedly a Danish puppet. When Ceolwulf's rule came to an end he was succeeded as ruler of "English Mercia" not by another king but by a mere ealdorman named Aethelred, who acknowledged Alfred's overlordship and married his daughter Ethelfleda. The process by which this transformation of the status of Mercia took place is unknown, but it left Alfred as the only remaining English king.

Unification of England and the Earldom of Wessex

Unification of England and Defeat of the Danelaw in the 10th century under Wessex.

After the invasions of the 890s, Wessex and English Mercia continued to be attacked by the Danish settlers in England, and by small Danish raiding forces from overseas, but these incursions were usually defeated, while there were no further major invasions from the continent. The balance of power tipped steadily in favour of the English. In 911 Ealdorman Æthelred died, leaving his widow, Alfred's daughter Æthelflæd, in charge of Mercia. Alfred's son and successor Edward the Elder, then annexed London, Oxford and the surrounding area, probably including Middlesex, Hertfordshire, Buckinghamshire and Oxfordshire, from Mercia to Wessex. Between 913 and 918 a series of English offensives overwhelmed the Danes of Mercia and East Anglia, bringing all of England south of the Humber under Edward's power. In 918 Æthelflæd died and Edward took over direct control of Mercia, extinguishing what remained of its independence and ensuring that henceforth there would be only one Kingdom of the English. In 927 Edward's successor Athelstan conquered Northumbria, bringing the whole of England under one ruler for the first time. The Kingdom of Wessex had thus been transformed into the Kingdom of England.

Although Wessex had now effectively been subsumed into the larger kingdom which its expansion had created, like the other former kingdoms, it continued for a time to have a distinct identity which periodically found renewed political expression. After the death of King Eadred in 955, who had no legitimate heirs, the rule of England passed to his nephew, Edwig. Edwig's unpopularity with the nobility and the church led the thanes of Mercia and Northumbria to declare their allegiance to his younger brother, Edgar, in October 957, though Edwy continued to rule in Wessex. In 959, Edwy died and the whole of England came under Edgar's control.

After the conquest of England by the Danish king Cnut in 1016, he established earldoms based on the former kingdoms of Northumbria, Mercia and East Anglia, but initially administered Wessex personally. Within a few years, however, he had created an earldom of Wessex, encompassing all of England south of the Thames, for his English henchman Godwin. For almost fifty years the vastly wealthy holders of this earldom, first Godwin and then his son Harold, were the most powerful men in English politics after the king. Finally, on the death of Edward the Confessor in 1066, Harold became king, reuniting the earldom of Wessex with the crown. No new earl was appointed before the ensuing Norman Conquest of England, and as the Norman kings soon did away with the great earldoms of the late Anglo-Saxon period, 1066 marks the extinction of Wessex as a political unit.

Contemporary use of the name

From the second edition (1989) of the Oxford English Dictionary:

Wessex

(ˈwɛsɪks) [OE. West Seaxe West Saxons.] (This entry suggests that the name was first used in 1868, modelled on the county names Essex, East Seaxe East Saxons, and Sussex, Suth Seaxe South Saxons)

1. The name of a kingdom in south-west England in Anglo-Saxon times, used by Thomas Hardy as the name of the county in which his stories are set (corresponding approximately to Dorset, Somerset, Hampshire, and Wiltshire) and since used as a name for south-west England or this part of it.

1868 W. Barnes Poems of Rural Life in Common Eng. Pref., As I think that some people, beyond the bounds of Wessex, would allow me the pleasure of believing that they have deemed‥my homely poems in our Dorset mother-speech to be worthy of their reading, I have written a few of a like kind, in common English. 1874 Hardy in Cornh. Mag. Nov. 624 Greenhill was the Nijnii Novgorod of Wessex; and the busiest‥day of the whole statute number was the day of the sheep-fair. 1876 Examiner 15 July 794/1 The Wessex man knows that these passages have in them the real ring, all equally true to life and scenery. 1938 Proc. Prehistoric Soc. IV. 52 The work‥was‥undertaken with a view to examining the cultures of the geographical area usually comprised in the term 'Wessex' in the period immediately following the Beaker phase. 1979 N. & Q. June 193/2 All [volumes] share a chronology of the life and works, Hardy's General Preface to the Wessex Edition, and notes on Wessex and Wessex names.

Symbols

Wyvern or dragon

The Bayeux Tapestry, depicting the death of King Harold II, October 14, 1066. At left can be seen his "Dragon Standard"

Wessex Division Formation patch

The Wessex flag designed by William Crampton in the 1970s

Wessex is often symbolised by a wyvern or dragon.

Both Henry of Huntingdon and Matthew of Westminster talk of a golden dragon being raised at the Battle of Burford in 752 by the West Saxons. The Bayeux Tapestry depicts a fallen golden dragon, as well as a red/golden/white dragon at the death of King Harold II, who was previously Earl of Wessex. Dragon standards were in fairly wide use in Europe at the time, being derived from the draco standard employed by the later Roman army and there is no evidence that it explicitly identified Wessex.[32]

A panel of 18th century stained glass at Exeter Cathedral indicates that an association with an image of a dragon in south west Britain pre-dated the Victorians. Nevertheless, the association with Wessex was only popularised in the 19th century, most notably through the writings of E. A. Freeman. By the time of the grant of armorial bearings by the College of Arms to Somerset County Council in 1911, a (red) dragon had become the accepted heraldic emblem of the former kingdom.[33] This precedent was followed in 1937 when Wiltshire County Council was granted arms.[34] Two gold Wessex dragons were later granted as supporters to the arms of Dorset County Council in 1950.[35]

In the British Army the wyvern has been used to represent Wessex: the 43rd (Wessex) Infantry Division, and postwar regional 43 (Wessex) Brigade adopted a formation sign consisting of a gold wyvern on a black or dark blue background. The regular Wessex Brigade of the 1960s adopted a cap badge featuring the heraldic beast, until the regiments took back up individual regimental badges in the late 1960s. The Territorial Army Wessex Regiment continued to wear the Wessex Brigade badge until the late 1980s when its individual companies too readopted their parent regular regimental cap badges. The now disbanded West Somerset Yeomanry adopted a Wessex Wyvern rampant as the centre piece for its cap badge, and the current Royal Wessex Yeomanry adopted a similar device in 2014 when the Regiment moved from wearing individual squadron county yeomanry cap badges to a unified single Regimental cap badge.

When Sophie, Countess of Wessex was granted arms, the sinister supporter assigned was a blue wyvern, described by the College of Arms as "an heraldic beast which has long been associated with Wessex".[36]

In the 1970s William Crampton, the founder of the British Flag Institute, designed a flag for the Wessex region which depicts a gold wyvern on a red field.[37]

Attributed coat of arms

A coat of arms was attributed by medieval heralds to the Kings of Wessex. These arms appear in a manuscript of the 13th century, and are blazoned as Azure, a cross patonce (alternatively a cross fleury or cross moline) between four martlets Or.[38]

Penny of King Edward

The attributed arms of Wessex are also known as the "Arms of Edward the Confessor", and the design is based on an emblem historically used by King Edward the Confessor on the reverse side of pennies minted by him. The heraldic design continued to represent both Wessex and Edward in classical heraldry[39] and is found on a number of church windows in derived shields such as the Arms of the Collegiate Church of St Peter at Westminster (Westminster Abbey, which was founded by the king).

Cultural and political identity in modern times

Further information: Thomas Hardy's Wessex

At its greatest extent Wessex encompassed the modern areas of Hampshire, Isle of Wight, Dorset and Wiltshire, as well as the western half of Berkshire and the eastern hilly flank of Somerset. This covers an area of about 11,500 km2 (4,400 sq mi).

The English author Thomas Hardy used a fictionalised Wessex as a setting for many of his novels, adopting his friend William Barnes' term Wessex for their home county of Dorset and its neighbouring counties in the south and west of England. Hardy's Wessex excluded Gloucestershire and Oxfordshire, but the city of Oxford, which he called "Christminster", was visited as part of Wessex in Jude the Obscure. He gave each of his Wessex counties a fictionalised name, such as with Berkshire, which is known in the novels as "North Wessex".

The film Shakespeare in Love included a character called "Lord Wessex" – a title which did not exist in Elizabethan times.

The ITV television series Broadchurch takes place in the Wessex area, primarily the county of Dorset. It features government agencies such as Wessex Police and Wessex Crown Court, and several characters are seen attending South Wessex Secondary School.

Anglo-Saxon England

orearly medieval Englandcovers the period from the end of Roman imperial rule in Britainin the 5th century until the Norman Conquest in 1066.

Compared to modern England, the territory of the Anglo-Saxons stretched north to present day Lothian in south eastern Scotland, whereas it did not initially include western areas of England such as Cornwall ,Herefordshire ,Shropshire ,  Cheshire, Lancashire, and Cumbria.

The 5th and 6th centuries involved the collapse of economic networks and political structures and also saw a radical change to a new Anglo-Saxon language and culture. This change was driven by movements of peoples as well as changes which were happening in both northern Gaul and the North Sea coast of what is now Germany and the Netherlands. The Anglo-Saxon language, also known as Old English, was a close relative of languages spoken in the latter regions, and genetic studies have confirmed that there was significant migration to Britain from there before the end of the Roman period. Surviving written accounts suggest that Britain was divided into small "tyrannies" which initially took their bearings to some extent from Roman norms.

By the late 6th century England was dominated by small kingdoms ruled by dynasties who were pagan and which identified themselves as having differing continental ancestries. A smaller number of kingdoms maintained a British and Christian identity, but by this time they were restricted to the west of Britain. The most important Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in the 5th and 6th centuries are conventionally called a Heptarchy, meaning a group of seven kingdoms, although the number of kingdoms varied over time. The most powerful included Northumbria ,Mercia ,East Anglia ,Essex ,Kent ,Sussex, and Wessex. During the 7th century the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms were converted to Christianity by missionaries from Ireland and the continent.

In the 8th century, Vikings began raiding England, and by the second half of the 9th century Scandinavians began to settle in eastern England. Opposing the Vikings from the south, the royal family of Wessex gradually became dominant, and in 927 King Æthelstan I was the first king to rule a single united Kingdom of England. After his death however, the Danish settlers and other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms reasserted themselves. Wessex agreed to pay the so-called Danegeld to the Danes, and in 1017 England became part of the North Sea Empire of King Cnut, a personal union between England, Denmark and Norway. After Cnut's death in 1035, England was ruled first by his son Harthacnut and succeeded by his English half-brotherEdward the Confessor. Edward had been forced to live in exile, and when he died in 1066, one of the claimants to the throne was William, the Duke of Normandy.

William's 1066 invasion of England ended the Anglo-Saxon period. TheNormanspersecuted the Anglo-Saxons and overthrew their ruling class to substitute their own leaders to oversee and rule England.^[1]However, Anglo-Saxon identity survived beyond the Norman Conquest,^[2]came to be known asEnglishryunder Norman rule, and through social and cultural integration with Romano-British Celts ,Danes and Normans became the modernEnglish people.

Terminology

In modern times, the term "Anglo-Saxons" is used by scholars to refer collectively to theOld Englishspeaking groups in Britain. As a compound term, it covers the various English-speaking groups and also avoids possible misunderstandings which could come from using the terms "Saxons" or "Angles" (English)—both terms could be used either as collectives referring to all the Old English speakers or to specific tribal groups. Although the term "Anglo-Saxon" was not commonly used until modern times, it is not a modern invention because it was also used in some specific contexts between the 8th and 10th centuries.

Before the 8th century, the most common collective term for the Old-English speakers was "Saxons", which was a word originally associated since the 4th century not with a specific country or nation, but with raiders in North Sea coastal areas of Britain andGaul. An especially early reference to theAngliis the 6th-century Byzantine historian Procopius who heard through Frankish diplomats that an island called Brittia, lying not far from the mouth of theRhine, was settled by three nations: the Angili, Frissones, and Brittones, each ruled by its own king. (He did not use the word Saxon at all.)^[3]

By the 8th century the Saxons in Germany were seen as a distinct country, and writers such asBede,Alcuin, andSaint Bonifacebegan to refer to the overall group in Britain as the "English" people (LatinAngli,gens Anglorumor Old EnglishAngelcynn). In Bede's work the term "Saxon" is also used to refer sometimes to the Old English language and to refer to the early pagan Anglo-Saxons before the arrival of Christian missionaries among the Anglo-Saxons ofKentin 597.^[4]To distinguish them, Bede called the pagan Saxons of the mainland the "Old Saxons" (antiqui saxones).

Similarly, a non-Anglo-Saxon contemporary of Bede,Paul the Deacon, referred variously to either the English (Angli) or the Anglo-Saxons (Latin plural genitivesSaxonum Anglorum, orAnglorum Saxonum), which helped him distinguish them from the European Saxons whom he also discussed. In England, this compound term came to be used in some specific situations, both in Latin and Old English. Alfred the Great, a West Saxon, was, for exampleAnglosaxonum Rexin the late 880s, probably indicating that he was literally a king over both English (for example, Mercian) and Saxon kingdoms. However, the term "English" continued to be used as a common collective term and indeed became dominant. The increased use of these new collective terms, "English" or "Anglo-Saxon", represents the strengthening of the idea of a single unifying cultural unity among the Anglo-Saxons, who had previously invested in identities which differentiated various regional groups.^[4]

HistorianJames Campbellsuggests that it was not until the late Anglo-Saxon period that England could be described as a nation-state.^[5]It is certain that the concept of "Englishness" only developed very slowly.

End of Roman era and Anglo-Saxon origins

Main article: Sub-Roman Britain

The Anglo-Saxon period begins with theend of Roman rulein the 5th century AD, but the details of this transition are unclear. Already in the late 4th century, the archaeological record shows signs of economic collapse in Britain and northernGaulandGermania. By 430 a radical cultural change is evident in Britain, affecting, for example, burial styles, building styles and clothing. Both the archaeological evidence and genetic findings indicate that these changes were influenced to at least some extent by immigrants who were coming from the North Sea coasts of what is now the Netherlands ,Germany and Denmark, but some of the changes also have parallels with northern Gaul, which was similarly a country where Roman forces and government were weakening or being withdrawn.^[8]Usage of Old English cannot be proven during this period, but its closest relatives were the Old Frisian andOld Saxon dialects of the same continental coastal regions, and so some amount of migration is once again implied.

While there is a tradition of seeing the Anglo-Saxon language and culture as something imported suddenly after the collapse of Roman rule, Germanic soldiers from areas near the Rhine delta had been brought to Britain since the beginning of Roman rule in Britain in 43 and may have already been a significant presence in Roman society. The written record agrees with the genetic evidence that such movements of people had increased before the end of Roman rule. The term "Saxon" began to be used by Roman authors in the 4th century, initially to refer to Germanic raiders from areas north of the Frankish tribes who lived closest to the Rhine delta. 4th century Roman sources reported that these Saxons had been troubling the coasts of the North Sea andEnglish Channelsince the late 3rd century.^[9]Among the earliest such mentions of Saxons, they were named as allies of the rebel emperorsCarausius, who was based in Britain, andMagnentius.^[10]At some point in the 3rd or 4th centuries the Romans established a military commander who was assigned to oversee a chain of coastal forts on both sides of the channel and the one on the British side was called theSaxon Shore(Litus Saxonicum).^[11]

According to 4th century historianAmmianus Marcellinus, in 367 the Romano-British defences were overrun byScotifrom Ireland,Pictsfrom northern Scotland, together with Saxons in the so-calledGreat Conspiracy. In 368 imperial forces under the command ofCount Theodosiusdefeated Saxons who were apparently based in Britain, and coordinating with the Scoti and Picts.^[12]In 382Magnus Maximusdefeated another invasion by Picts and Scoti, but in the following year he led an army to Gaul for a bid to become emperor. There were further troop withdrawals in the 390s, and the last major import of coins to pay the troops took place around 400, after which the army was not paid.^[13][14]

The early ChristianBerberauthorTertullian, writing in the 3rd century, said that "Christianity couldevenbe found in Britain".^[15]The Roman EmperorConstantinegranted official tolerance to Christianity with theEdict of Milanin 313. Christianity had been introduced into theBritish Islesduring the Roman occupation. In the reign of EmperorTheodosius "the Great", Christianity was made the official religion of the Roman Empire.^[a][17]

It is unclear how many Britons would have been Christian when the pagan Anglo-Saxons arrived.^[b][19]There had been attempts to evangelise the Irish byPope Celestine Iin 431.^[20]However, it wasSaint Patrickwho is credited with converting the Irishen masse.^[20]A Christian Ireland then set about evangelising the rest of the British Isles, andColumbafounded a religious community inIona, off the west coast of Scotland.^[21]ThenAidanwas sent from Iona to set up his see in Northumbria, atLindisfarne, between 635 and 651.^[22]Hence Northumbria was converted by theCeltic (Irish) church.^[22]

Rapid cultural change (400–550 AD)

Main article:Anglo-Saxon settlement of Britain

The last Roman ruler of Britain, the self-proclaimed EmperorConstantine III, moved Roman forces based in Britain to the continent. The Romano-British citizens reportedly expelled their Roman officials during this period and never again re-joined the Roman Empire.^[23]Apparently taking advantage of the lack of organised military, theChronica Gallica of 452reports that Britain was ravaged by Saxon invaders in 409 or 410. Writing in the mid-sixth century,Procopiusstates that after the overthrow of Constantine III in 411, "the Romans never succeeded in recovering Britain, but it remained from that time under tyrants".^[24]

The Romano-Britons nevertheless called upon the empire to help them fend off attacks from the Saxons, thePictsand theScoti. Ahagiographyof SaintGermanus of Auxerreclaims that he helped command a defence against an invasion of Picts and Saxons in 429. By about 430, the archaeological record in Britain begins to indicate a relatively rapid meltdown of Roman material culture and its replacement by a material culture associated with the Anglo-Saxons. TheChronica Gallica of 452records for the year 441: "The British provinces, which to this time had suffered various defeats and misfortunes, are reduced to Saxon rule." British monkGildas, writing some generations later, reports that at some time between 445 and 454 the Britons wrote to the Roman military leaderAëtiusin Gaul begging for assistance, with no success.

This having failed, Gildas reports that an unnamed Romano-British "proud tyrant" invited "Saxons" to Britain to help defend Britain from the Picts and Scoti, working under a Roman-style military treaty asfoederati, which entitled them to lands in Britain. According to Gildas, these Saxons came into conflict with the Romano-British rulers when they were not given sufficient monthly supplies. In response, they overran the whole country and then returned to their home area.^[25]After this, the British united successfully underAmbrosius Aurelianusand struck back. Historian Nick Higham calls this the "War of the Saxon Federates". It ended after a Romano-British victory at thesiege at "Mount Badon", the location of which is no longer known.^[26]Gildas, unlike much later Anglo-Saxon writers, did not mention any ongoing conflict against "Saxons". Instead of wars against foreigners, he complains that the country was divided into small kingdoms, which fought among themselves, and restricted safe travel around the country.

Centuries later, Anglo-Saxon writers, in contrast, viewed the events described by Gildas as the beginning of a massive movement of people from northern Europe—an account which influences historians to this day. In Bede's account, the call to the "Angle or Saxon nation" (Latin:Anglorum sive Saxonum gens) was initially answered by three boats led by two brothers,Hengist and Horsa("Stallion and Horse"), and Hengist's sonOisc. Some modern scholars have suggested that both "Hengist" and Oisc may represent memories of the same person as Ansehis, who was named in theRavenna Cosmographyas the chief of the "Old Saxons" who led his people to Britain, almost emptying his country.^[27]Bede believed that the region these Saxons had assigned to them was in the eastern part of Britain.^[28]As to their origin, Bede names pagan peoples living in Germania in the eighth century "from whom the Angles or Saxons, who now inhabit Britain, are known to have derived their origin; for which reason they are still corruptly called "Garmans" by the neighbouring nation of the Britons": theFrisians, theRugini(possibly fromRügen), theDanes, the "Huns" (Pannonian Avarsin this period, whose influence stretched north to Slavic-speaking areas in central Europe), the "old Saxons" (antiqui Saxones), and the "Boructuari" who are presumed to be inhabitants of the old lands of theBructeri, near theLipperiver.^[29]Bede believed the country of the Angli had been emptied because of these migrations.

Regarding this specific Saxon conflict reported by Gildas, modern historians remain uncertain about its timing and the relative importance it had in terms of its effect on the overall culture or population, which began changing rapidly already in the late 4th century. More generally, scholars continue to debate the timing and size of migrations from the continental North Sea coast. A traditional account of sudden Anglo-Saxon immigration and forced displacement or decimation of local populations has been influential since at least the eighth-century retelling of Gildas' account by Bede. In Bede's account, these events marked the beginning of a massive and violent invasion of Anglo-Saxons into Britain after the end of Roman rule in 411. The arrival of the soldiers described by Gildas became theadventus saxonumrepresenting the main immigration event, which was followed by a period where small, pagan Anglo Saxon kingdoms in the east fought small Christian British kingdoms in the west, and bit by bit the Anglo Saxons defeated the British and took over a large part of Britain by force, creating England. In this traditional account, ethnic Anglo-Saxons and ethnic Britons were distinct and separate peoples, conscious of the war between their nations. It was envisioned that British people living in Anglo-Saxon kingdoms had to move or else convert to a foreign culture.^[30]

A 2022 genetic study used modern andancient DNAsamples from England and neighbouring countries to study the question of physical Anglo-Saxon migration. It concluded that there was large-scale immigration of both men and women into eastern England from a "north continental" population matching early medieval people from the area stretching from northern Netherlands through northern Germany to Denmark. This began in the Roman era and experienced rapid growth in the 5th century. The burial evidence shows that the locals and immigrants were being buried together using the same customs, and that they were having mixed children. The authors estimate the effective contributions to modern English ancestry are between 25% and 47% "north continental", 11% and 57% from British Iron Age ancestors, and 14% and 43% was attributed to a more stretched-out migration into southern England, from nearby populations such as modern Belgium and France. There were significant regional variations in north continental ancestry—lower in the west, and highest in Sussex, the East Midlands and East Anglia.^[31]

Anglo-Saxon kingdoms

There is no clear evidence concerning the origins of the later Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. The main evidence comes from Anglo-Saxon literature beginning in the 8th century, which indicates that numerous small kingdoms existed along the coast as well as inland by the 7th century. The traditional account of their origins is influenced by these Anglo-Saxon sources and indicates the kingdoms were ethnically distinct from their beginnings and initially were based on the southern and eastern coasts only. In a process that has been called an "FA cup model" these kingdoms are traditionally assumed to have started small and then gradually merged to a smaller number of larger kingdoms. One traditional term used for this period, theheptarchy, suggests the existence of seven dominant kingdoms. In fact the number of kingdoms and sub-kingdoms fluctuated during this period as competing kings contended for supremacy.^[32]

Bede reports the genealogical claims of the dynasties ruling the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of their own time. In the semi-mythical account of Bede a bigger fleet followed the Saxons reported by Gildas, representing the three most powerful tribes of Germania, the Angles, Saxons, andJutes, and these were eventually followed by terrifying swarms. The naming of these three specific tribes was probably influenced by the semi-mythological genealogical claims of the royal families of Bede's time. In a well-known passage, Bede gives a rough description of the homelands of these three peoples and describes the places in Britain where he believed they had settled:^[33]

• The Saxons came from what Bede callsOld Saxonyand created the kingdoms ofWessex,SussexandEssex, which have names meaning "West Saxons", "South Saxons", and "East Saxons".
• Jutland,^[c]on the peninsula containing part of what is now modern Denmark, according to Bede was the homeland of the Jutes who he saw as ancestors of the royal families ofKentand theIsle of Wight.
• The Angles (or English) were from "Anglia", a country which Bede understands to have become empty with emigration. It lay between the homelands of the Saxons and Jutes. Anglia is usually interpreted as being near the oldSchleswig-Holstein Province(straddling the modernDanish-Germanborder) and containing the modernAngeln. (Bede also uses the term English as a collective term for the Anglo-Saxons of his time.)

TheAnglo-Saxon Chronicle, written in the 9th century, reports that the various Anglo-Saxon kingdoms which eventually merged to become England were founded when small fleets of three or five ships of invaders arrived at various points around the coast of England to fight the sub-Roman British and conquered their lands.^[d]

Southern Britain in AD 600 after the Anglo-Saxon settlement, showing division into multiplepetty kingdomsAnglo-Saxon and British kingdoms c. 800

The four most importantkingdomsat first in Anglo-Saxon England wereEast Anglia,Mercia,Northumbria(originally two kingdoms,BerniciaandDeira), andWessex(originally known as theGewisse, and apparently based inland near theThames). Minor kingdoms includedEssex,Kent, andSussex. Other minor kingdoms and territories are mentioned in sources such as theTribal Hideage. TheAnglo Saxon Chroniclealso uses the termbretwaldato refer to kings who held a dominant position over other kings in southern England, south of the Humber. The first such bretwalda that theAnglo Saxon Chroniclenamed wasÆlle of Sussex, who theAnglo-Saxon Chronicledescribes as living in the 5th century, but accounts of this early king and his three sons are considered doubtful by modern scholars.

"Heptarchy" and Christianisation (550-800 AD)

Ceawlin, the second bretwalda named by theAnglo Saxon Chronicle, was king of the Gewisse in the second half of the 6th century and an ancestor to the kings of Wessex. He expanded his kingdom at the expense of British kingdoms, taking Cirencester, Gloucester and Bath as a result of theBattle of Dyrham.^[36][37][38]This expansion of Wessex ended abruptly when the Anglo-Saxons started fighting among themselves, resulting in Ceawlin retreating to his original territory. He was replaced in 592 byCeol, who was possibly his nephew. Ceawlin was killed the following year, but the annals do not specify by whom.^[39][40]Modern scholars note that Ceawlin's name and the names of some of his reported relatives appear to be British rather than Germanic, throwing doubt upon the assertion that his family arrived from the continent with five boats, as reported in theAnglo Saxon Chronicle.

KingÆthelberht of Kentwas later seen by theAnglo Saxon Chronicleas the third bretwalda south of the Humber.^[41]Æthelberht's lawfor Kent, the earliest written code in any Germanic language, instituted a complex system of fines. Kent was rich, with strong trade ties to the continent, and Æthelberht may have instituted royal control over trade. For the first time, following the Anglo-Saxon invasion, coins began circulating in Kent during his reign. His son-in-lawSæberht of Essexalso converted to Christianity.

In 595,Augustinelanded on theIsle of Thanetin Kent and proceeded to King Æthelberht's main town ofCanterbury. He had been sent by PopeGregory the Greatto lead theGregorian missionto Britain toChristianisetheKingdom of Kentfrom their native Anglo-Saxon paganism. Kent was probably chosen because Æthelberht had married a Christian princess,Bertha, daughter ofCharibert I, theking of Paris, who was expected to exert some influence over her husband. Augustine was given land by Æthelberht to build a church; so in 597 Augustine built the church and founded theSeeat Canterbury.^[42]Æthelberht wasbaptisedby 601, and he then continued with his mission to convert the English.^[43]

After Æthelberht's death in about 616/618, the fourth bretwalda according to theAnglo Saxon ChroniclewasRædwald of East Anglia, who also gave Christianity a foothold in his kingdom and helped to installEdwin of Northumbriawho replacedÆthelfrithto become the second king over Bernicia and Deira. After Rædwald died, Edwin was able to pursue a grand plan to expand Northumbrian power.^[44]TheAnglo Saxon Chroniclelists him as the fifth bretwalda. The growing strength of Edwin forced KingPenda of Merciainto an alliance with the Welsh KingCadwallon ap Cadfanof Gwynedd, and together they invaded Edwin's lands and defeated and killed him at theBattle of Hatfield Chasein 633.^[45][46]Their success was short-lived, asOswald, one of Æthelfrith's sons, defeated and killed Cadwallon at Heavenfield near Hexham.^[47]Oswald subsequently became the third king of Northumbria and is listed by theAnglo Saxon Chronicleas the sixth bretwalda.

In 635,Aidan, an Irish monk fromIona, chose theIsle of Lindisfarneto establish a monastery which was close to King Oswald's main fortress ofBamburgh. He had been at the monastery in Iona when Oswald asked to be sent on a mission to Christianise Northumbria. Oswald had probably chosen Iona because, after his father had been killed, he had fled into south-west Scotland and had encountered Christianity. He had returned determined to make Northumbria Christian. Aidan achieved great success in spreading the Christian faith in the north, and since Aidan could not speak English and Oswald had learned Irish during his exile, Oswald acted as Aidan's interpreter when the latter was preaching.^[48]Later,Northumberland's patron saint,Saint Cuthbert, was anabbotof the monastery and thenBishop of Lindisfarne. An anonymous life of Cuthbert written at Lindisfarne is the oldest extant piece of English historical writing,^[e]and in his memory a gospel (known as theSt Cuthbert Gospel) was placed in his coffin. The decorated leatherbookbindingis the oldest intact European binding.^[50]

Escomb Church, a restored 7th-century Anglo-Saxon church. Church architecture and artefacts provide a useful source of historical information.Silver coin ofAldfrith of Northumbria(686–705). OBVERSE: +AldFRIdUS, pellet-in-annulet; REVERSE: Lion with forked tail standing left

There was friction between the followers of the Roman rites and the Irish rites, particularly over the date on whichEasterfell and the way monks cut their hair.^[51]In 664, a conference was held atWhitby Abbey(known as theWhitby Synod) to decide the matter; Saint Wilfrid was an advocate for the Roman rites and Bishop Colmán for the Irish rites.^[52]Wilfrid's argument won the day, and Colmán and his party returned to Ireland in their bitter disappointment.The Roman rites were adopted by the English church.

Whitby Abbey

Less than a decade after his defeat Penda again waged war against Northumbria and killed Oswald in theBattle of Maserfieldin 642.^[54]Oswald's brotherOswiuwas chased to the northern extremes of his kingdom.^[54][55]Although not included in theAnglo Saxon Chroniclelist of bretwaldas, Penda was the dominant king of the English until he was killed in battle against Oswiu in 655. Oswiu, Bede's seventh bretwalda, remained the dominant king of England until he died in 670.

The kingdom of Mercia continued its conflict with the Welsh kingdom of Powys in the 8th century. This conflict reached its climax during the reign of Offa of Mercia (reigned 757-796), who is remembered for the construction of the 150-mile-long Offa's Dyke which formed the Wales/England border. It is not clear whether this was a boundary line or a defensive position. By the middle of the 8th century, other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of southern Britain were also affected by Mercian expansionism. The East Saxons seem to have lost control of London, Middlesex and Hertfordshire to Æthelbald, although the East Saxon homelands do not seem to have been affected, and the East Saxon dynasty continued into the ninth century.

AElfthryth

nine forty five or one thousand , also, Alfrida, Elfridaor Elfthryth was Queen of the English from her marriage to King Edgar in nine sixty four or nine sixty five until Edgar's death in nine seventy five. She was a leading figure in the regency during the minority of her son King AEthelred the Unready between nine seventy eight and nine eighty four.

AElfthryth was the first wife of an English king known to have been crowned and anointed as queen. She had two sons with Edgar, the ætheling Edmund who died young and King Æthelred the Unready. Ælfthryth was a powerful political figure and possibly orchestrated the murder of her stepson, King Edward the Martyr, in order to place her son Æthelred on the throne. She appeared as a stereotypical bad queen and evil stepmother in many medieval histories.

Ælfthryth was the daughter of Ordgar, Ealdorman of Devon. Her mother was a member of the royal family of Wessex. The family's power lay in the west of Wessex. Ordgar was buried in Exeter and his son Ordwulf founded, or refounded, Tavistock Abbey.

Ælfthryth was first married to Æthelwald, son of Æthelstan Half-King

According to William and Geoffrey, the beauty of Ordgar's daughter Ælfthryth was reported to King Edgar. Edgar, looking for a Queen, sent Æthelwald to see Ælfthryth, ordering him "to offer her marriage [to Edgar if her beauty were really equal to report." When she turned out to be just as beautiful as was said, Æthelwald married her himself and reported back to Edgar that she was quite unsuitable. Edgar was eventually told of this, and decided to repay Æthelwald's betrayal in like manner. He said that he would visit the poor woman, which alarmed Æthelwald. He asked Ælfthryth to make herself as unattractive as possible for the king's visit, but she did the opposite. According to William, Edgar, quite besotted with her, killed Æthelwald during a hunt. Geoffrey instead states that Edgar posted Æthelwald to Northumbria where he was attacked and killed by outlaws.

The historical record does not record the year of Æthelwald's death, let alone its manner. No children of Æthelwald and Ælfthryth are known.

Queen consort

Edgar had two children before he married Ælfthryth, both of uncertain legitimacy. Edward was probably the son of Æthelflæd, and Eadgifu, later known as Saint Edith of Wilton, was the daughter of Wulfthryth. Sound political reasons encouraged the match between Edgar, whose power base was centred in Mercia, and Ælfthryth, whose family were powerful in Wessex. In addition to this, and her link with the family of Æthelstan Half-King, Ælfthryth also appears to have been connected to the family ofÆlfhere, Ealdorman of Mercia.

Edgar married Ælfthryth in either nine sixty four or nine sixty five. In nine sixty six Ælfthryth gave birth to a son who was named Edmund. In King Edgar's charter regranting privileges to New Minster, Winchester that same year, the infant Edmund is called "clito legitimus" legitimate ætheling, and appears before Edward in the list of witnesses. Edmund died young, nine seventy, but in nine sixty eight Ælfthryth had given birth to a second son who was called Æthelred.

King Edgar organised a second coronation on eleventh May nine seventy three at Bath, perhaps to bolster his claim to be ruler of all of Britain. Here Ælfthryth was also crowned and anointed, granting her a status higher than any recent queen. The only model of a queen's coronation was that of Judith of Flanders, but this had taken place outside England. One of the emphases of the new rite was her role as protector of religion and the nunneries in the realm. The queen's responsibility for the kingdom's nunneries had been established by the Regularis Concordia, a rule for religious life composed by Ælfthryth's close ally, Bishop Æthelwold of Winchester, as part of the wider English Benedictine Reform. Ælfthryth took a close interest in the well-being of several abbeys, and is reported by Goscelin to have used her authority to depose and later reinstate the abbess of Barking Abbey.

Ælfthryth played a large role as forespeca, or advocate, in at least six legal cases. As such, she formed a key part of the Anglo-Saxon legal system as a mediator between the individual and the crown, which was increasingly viewing its role in the courts as a symbol of its authority as protector of its subjects. Ælfthryth's actions as forespeca were largely for the benefit of female litigants, and her role as a mediator shows the possibilities for women to have legal and political power in late Anglo-Saxon England.

Queen dowager

Edward the Martyr is offered a cup of mead by Ælfthryth, wife of Edgar, unaware that her attendant is about to murder him.

Edgar died in nine seventy five leaving two young sons, Edward and Æthelred. Edward was almost an adult, and his successful claim for the throne was supported by many key figures, including Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald and the brother of Ælfthryth's first husband, Æthelwine, Ealdorman of East Anglia. Supporting the unsuccessful claim of Æthelred were Ælfthryth herself now theQueen dowager Bishop Æthelwold of Winchester, and Ælfhere, Ealdorman of Mercia.

According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, King Edward was killed at Corfe Castle on eighteenth March nine seventy eight, while visiting Ælfthryth. Accounts written over subsequent centuries suggest that he may have been killed by servants of the queen, leaving the way clear for her son Æthelred to be installed as king. As the king developed into a cult figure and martyr, a body of literature grew up around his murder, at first implying Ælfthryth's guilt and later accusing her outright. The twelfth century monastic chronicle the Liber Eliensis went so far as to accuse her of being a witch, claiming that she had murdered not only the king, but also Abbot Brihtnoth of Ely.

Within a year of his brother's death Æthelred was confirmed as king of the English. Due to his youth, the country was governed by a regency until her son came of age around nine eighty four. The leading figures appear to have been Ælfthryth and her allies, Bishop Æthelwold and Ealdorman  Ælfhere. Ælfhere died in nine eighty three and Æthelwold in nine eighty four. Æthelred then rebelled against his old advisers, preferring a group of younger nobility.In charter, dated to nine sixty six, Ælfthryth was identified as 'legitimate wife of the king', after being crowned queen in nine seventy three she witnessed charters as 'Ælfðryð  regina'. She was absent as a witness during the reign of her step-son King Edward, and during the minority of her son King Æthelred, again witnessed charters as 'Ælfðryð regina' . Towards the end of nine eighty three, when King Æthelred was beginning to assert his own authority, she began to sign charters as "Ælfthryth, mother of the king" 

Later life

Ælfthryth disappears from the list of charter witnesses from around nine eighty four. About this time Æthelred married and there was a new queen in the court,Ælfgifu. Ælfthryth reappears as a witness in nine ninety three, again as 'mother of the king'. She remained an important figure, being responsible for the care of Æthelred's children by his first wife, Ælfgifu. Æthelred's eldest son, Æthelstan  Ætheling, prayed for the soul of the grandmother 'who brought me up' in his will in ten fourteen.

Ælfthryth was a religious woman, taking an especial interest in monastic reform during her queenship. William of Malmesbury reports that she founded both Amesbury Abbey and Wherwell Abbey as Benedictine nunneries, though the foundation histories of both abbeys are poorly attested and there no extant endowment charters. Late in life, according to Gaimar, Ælfthryth retired to Wherwell. but Levi Roach  considers Gaimar's report dubious.

Antonia Gransden comments: 'In their patronage of the monks both Cnut and Edward the Confessor were supported by their queens, Emma and Edith, who were worthy successors of Edgar's queen, Ælfthryth, as patronesses of the religious.'

Death

She died at Wherwell on seventeenth November nine ninety nine, or one thousand and one.

TAVISTOCK.

Few places in Devon have a greater antiquity than Tavistock, if we take the Saxon period into chief account. The stock of the Tavy was the most important settlement made by the Saxons on that river, and long before the Conquest it assumed the characteristics of a provincial centre of population and wealth. It was remarkable, until 1885, as being the only Parliamentary existing borough in the county not municipal; for it had never received any charter of incorporation, although it had been represented since the 23rd of Edward I.; and it retained as it’s chief officer the ancient Saxon portreeve, elected by the voices of his fellow-freeholders. The old village commune of the earliest Teutonic settlers had therefore direct succession in Tavistock. But even this does not fully indicate the antiquity of organized human settlement in the vicinity. It is a fact that must have a meaning, if this can only be defined, that nearly all the ancient inscribed stones of Devon are found upon one parallel in the south-west of the county, between Stowford on the north and Yealmpton on the south, the line passing through Tavistock as a kind of centre. These all give token of ecclesiastical influence; and two, by the Ogham writing which they bear, proof also of Irish intercourse. They probably indicate there

Of six such monuments found upon the line noted, three will be found within the vicarage garden at Tavistock, placed there by an enthusiastic antiquary of the past generation— the Rev. E. A. Bray. Two of thesr

stones came from Buckland Monachorum . One, which stood in a field, bears the inscription in Roman character,   DOBUNNI FABRII FILI ENABARRI,’  Or simply "NABARR"  the reading adopted by Mr. C. Spence Bate. This latter word is repeated as  Nabarr  in Ogham, and it is a singular fact that the stone supplied the last letter wanting b  to the completion of Dr. Ferguson’s South British Ogham alphabet. The second Buckland Monachorum stone was found by Mr. Bray in use as the support of the roof of a blacksmith’s shop. Here the legend is,  sabini filim accodecheti.’ The third, which had been adapted, as a foot-bridge over a little stream near Tavistock, appears to run, "neprani fili conbevi" though the last word has been read ‘ condevi.’ Of the other three inscribed stones of this group the most interesting was found lying across a brook near Fardel, Cornwood, and is now in the British Museum. This is also bilingual, with the legend both in Roman and in Ogham characters, slightly varied. It was the first stone found in England with an Ogham inscription. The legend runs, "sangranvi fanoni maqvirini ." The Stowford stone stands in Stowford churchyard, a sepulchral monument , which appears to commemorate a certain ‘ guniglei.* The lettering is very rude and peculiar site. Lustleigh, as we shall see, affords another illustration of this; though, from the fact that the stone there has been diverted from its original purpose, by no means of so marked a character. But the history of Tavistock itself begins with the establishment of the Abbey of St. Rumon. Ordulf, son of Orgar, Ealdorman of Devon, is the reputed founder. He is one of the semi-mythic heroes of the Saxon race who may be found in almost every county, a man of amazing strength— a giant, whose sport it was to stride a stream and cut off with one blow of his hunting-knife the heads of animals brought him for the purpose. He was commanded to build the Abbey in a vision, and his wife was guided by an angel to the site. There is thus ample room for discriminating criticism as to the circumstances attending the foundation, even if we ignore the counter tradition that it was the joint work of Ordulf’s father, Orgar, and himself. This much, however, does seem certain, that the Abbey was founded about the year 961; and that in 997 it was destroyed by the Danes during the inroad in which they carried fire and sword from the mouth of the Tamar to Lydford. The monastery must then have been of great size and very wealthy, though we may reject the statement that Ordulf’s magnificence made it large enough for 1,000 men. It had, however, come under royal patronage. Ordulf’s sister was that Elfryth (or Elfrida) whose career forms one of the most notable features of Anglo-Saxon annals. Though familiar, her story forms part of Devonian history, and falls into place here. Eadgar, hearing of the beauty of Elfrida, sent Eftelwold to view, with instructions to report if rumour consequences of his deceit, implored his wife to besmirch her loveliness for awhile. She, finding that whereas she was simply the wife of a noble she might have been a queen, resented the fraud, and heightened her attractions to the utmost of her power. The King came, saw, and was overcome. ^EtSelwold was conveniently killed by accident while hunting the following day with the monarch, we may presume on Dartmoor, and his widow mounted the throne. Her sons were Eadmund and iESelred, and after the murder of his half-brother, Eadweard the Martyr, by Elfrida’s orders, at Corfe Castle, the latter succeeded to the crown, and became the liberal patron of the Abbey of Tavistock. To this connection was due the fact that after its destruction by the Danes the Abbey was rebuilt with so much greater grandeur that it eclipsed every religious house in Devon, in the extent, convenience, and magnificence of its buildings.It was fortunate, too, in its early heads. Lyfing, who from his eloquence obtained the title of £ Wordsnotera,’ and in whom the Sees of Devon and Cornwall were united at Crediton, was one of them. His successor was Eldred, afterwards Archbishop of York, who crowned William the Conqueror. The final dedication was to St. Mary and St. Rumon.

‘ Domesday ’ places Tavistock Abbey far as the head of the religious houses in Devon, in the extent and value of its estates. Fourteen manors, besides a house at Exeter, were its landed possessions; an

Dyrham Camp, otherwise known as Hinton Hillfort, is not so much a hillfort, but more a promontary fort, on a southwest facing spur of the Cotswold Hills north of Bath. Basically triangular in shape, it is cut into two by the little road up the hillside from the village of Hinton below.

The northern part is mostly in woodland, and seems to be used as a rubbish dump these days. The hill edge has been shaped, and in places the bank and ditch is in fine condition, perhaps kept in shape in more recent times for drainage.

The southern half of the fort is open pasture with a public footpath running through, and the steep southern slopes are sort of terraced, with several almost cliff like ramparts, below which are quite spectacular remains of ancient field systems.

The eastern edge of the fort, where the land is flat on top of the Cotswold plateau, has a large ditch and bank in place across the headland. The ditch is about 10 metres wide and 2 metres deep, with a bank up to 4 metres high on the inside, which even these days is a fairly good barrier to entry.

In many ways, it is best seen from high land to the south in Dyrham Park (National Trust).

Dating from the Iron Age, it was the likely site of the Battle of Dyrham in 577 AD when the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle tells us that the invading Saxons under "Cuthwine and Ceawlin fought against the Britons and slew three kings, Coinmail, Condidan and Farimail at the place which is called Dyrham; and they captured three cities, Gloucester, Cirencester and Bath"

Battle of Dyrham

This year Cuthwin and Ceawlin fought with the Britons, and slew three kings,on the spot called Deorham, and took from them three cities, Gloucester, Cirencester, and Bath.”Battle of Dyrham –
Presumed strategy and tactics

The Severn Valleyhas always been one of the military keys of Britain, and some of the decisive battles of the Saxon conquest were fought to control it. In 577 Ceawlin advanced from the Thames Valley across the Cotswolds to seize the area and break the power of the Britons in the lower Severn area.

Some historians (such as Welbore St Clair Baddeley in 1929) have concluded that the Saxons may have launched a surprise attack and seized the hill fort at Hinton Hill Camp Dyrham Camp because it commanded the Avon Valley and disrupted communications north and south between Bath and her neighbouring Romano-British towns of Gloucester and Cirencester. Once the Saxons were in occupation of the site (and had begun reinforcing the existing Iron Age defensive structures at the site) the Britons of those three towns were compelled to unite and make a combined attempt to dislodge them. Their attempt failed and the three opposing British kings were killed (they are named as Commagil of Gloucester, Condidan of Cirencester and Farinmagil of Bath). Their routed forces were driven north of the River Severn and south of Bath where it appears they began the construction of the defensive earthwork called the Wansdykein a doomed attempt to prevent more territory from being lost.

The military historian Lieutenant-Colonel Alfred Burne, employing his theory of 'Inherent Military Probability' opted for a simpler explanation for the battle than Baddeley. In his view Ceawlin was methodically advancing towards the Severn and the three forces of Britons concentrated to stop him. Burne suggests that they formed up along two slight ridges across the trackway that skirted the Forest of Braden, with Hinton Hill Camp behind them as their stores depot – a position similar to that adopted at the Battle of Beranburh in AD 556. Burne pointed out that if the Saxon attack drove the Britons back from their first line onto the second ridge near the edge of the escarpment, the slightest further retreat would leave their flanks open to a downhill pursuit. He speculates that this is what occurred, with the three Briton leaders and their main body being driven back into the fort while the flanking Saxons driving forwards swept round behind the promontory on which the fort stands. A last stand in this position would explain why none of the three Briton leaders was able to escape

Just two small objects from the Neolithic period are all that have been found from that era in the Yeovil area - a leaf-shaped arrowhead and part of a polished stone axehead. These were discovered close to the Hundred Stone which lies on the ridgeway to the north of the town. This is believed to be a section of the great prehistoric highway, known as the ‘Harroway’or‘Hoarway’, stretching from Kent to Cornwall and certainly an arterial way of the Bronze Age. An intriguing discovery, made in 1826 in a quarry near the present Yeovil Junction railway station, did not find its way into print until 1853. It was then stated that a human skeleton had been found in a sitting position in a stone vault cut into solid rock and covered with a rough stone slab. On one side of the figure was an early Bronze Age beaker six and seven-eighths inches (175mm) high, and on the other side a deer’s horn. Nearby, another chamber contained the skeleton of a horse, while yet another, larger, vault contained ‘an immense quantity of human bones with earth and stones’. It is obvious that these interments followed a local battle in which a leader met his death with many of his followers. On the Dorchester Road a Bronze Age burial was uncovered in 1926, when road widening was in progress close to where the road leads to East Coker. A rotary, or ‘beehive’, quern for grinding grain, was recovered from the excavations made to construct a garage in Goldcroft, and 1988 a bronze axehead was unearthed on Wyndham Hill. Perhaps the most important find from this period occurred in 1909 when a gold torc (illustrated above) was found when digging a garden on Hendford Hill. Weighing 5oz 7½ dwt. troy, and with a three-inch (77mm) diameter, it is constructed of composite gold strips and dates from the Middle Bronze Age

The Boundary of Uplyme 1
H. S. A. Fox

IN 938 King Athelstan granted six hides of land at Lym to his namesake the Ealdorman Athelstan, and added to the charter recording his gift a clause which describes in detail the boundary of the estate. At some time later in life the Ealdorman became a monk at Glastonbury, and gave the estate at Lym to the abbey. Domesday Book records that Glastonbury Abbey possessed two manors called Lym or Lim, one of which can be identified as Lyme Regis in Dorset, and the other as the neighbouring manor of Uplyme across the county boundary in Devon. King Athel-stan’s charter was first printed in full by W. de G. Birch in the late 19th century.4Birch took the six hides at Lym to be Lyme Regis, and subsequent authorities have followed his interpretation. Moreover, an attempt has recently been made to fit the boundary points of the charter to the topography of Lyme Regis parish.

The discovery of an early 16th-century description of the boundary of Uplyme, part of a survey of the manor made for Glastonbury Abbey in 1516, shows beyond doubt that the Lym of the Saxon charter must be identified as Uplyme and not as Lyme Regis: almost all the points in the boundary clause of the charter recur in the document of 1516. The purpose of this paper is to print the boundary description of 1516 together with the boundary clause of the Saxon charter for comparison, and to lotate the points mentioned in each document. Before printing the texts, two general observations can be made. Firstly, any historian attempting to interpret or to criticize a Saxon charter ‘will remain blindfold until it is known where exactly the land lay’.

Saxon charters with boundary clauses are among the earliest and most important documents  are collected at the end of the article. possess for a study of the agrarian history and historical geography of pre-conquest England, and it is therefore essential to locate accurately the estates to which they refer. This exercise often requires a close examination of boundary clauses. For example, an estate om Homme, the subject of a charter of 847, was tentatively located by Birch in Dorset , forty years ago, F. Rose-Troup correctly suggested that this estate lay in the South Hams of Devon, but claimed that it covered most of the country between Dart and Plym ; and not until 1969 did Professor H. P. R. Finberg, after a more critical examination of the charter’s boundary clause, show that the land was in fact centred on Kingsbridge to the west of the Dart. The Uplyme charter is another case in point.
Secondly, the existence of a record describing a later perambulation is of the greatest assistance in elucidating the boundary clause of a Saxon charter. As far as is known, this paper is the first to use such a document in order to discover the location of a Saxon estate, but it is clear that a similar approach could be more widely adopted, with rewarding results. Descriptions of perambulations can be found among both manorial and parish records , john Norden considered that one of the duties of the surveyor of a manor was to perambulate its boundary, and descriptions of such perambulations were sometimes entered into manorial survey books like the 1516 survey of Uplyme. They might also be entered into the records of the manorial court. For example, two surveys of the manor of Kenton, one made in 1598 and the other in about 1705, begin with a boundary description; while a memorandum concerning part of the boundary was copied into the court book in 1626.

 Parochial boundaries were traditionally perambulated each year on Rogation Day, but more emphasis was placed on memory than on written records in the perpetuation of knowledge about parish limits.18 Sometimes, however, a record was made for preservation among the parish documents.16Thus, in 1613, the Bishop of Exeter instructed Devon incumbents to make and return to him a record of the boundaries of their parishes. Many of these documents have survived, and some describe the boundaries in great detail—the returns relating to Blackawton, Bradninch (where the perambulation took three days to complete), Colaton Raleigh, Cot-leigh and Dean Prior for example.

17
The Boundary in 938
The original of King Athelstan’s charter has not survived. It must have passed with the manor of Uplyme into the hands of Glastonbury Abbey, for it was copied into two of the abbey’s cartularies compiled in the second quarter of the 14th century. One of these cartularies, from which Birch printed the text of the charter, is now in the Bodleian Library;18 the other is at Longleat House19 and has been edited by Dom A. Watkin for the Somerset Record Society.

20

The following text of the Uplyme charter’s boundary clause is taken from Watkin’s transcription.
Istis terminibus predicta terra circumgirata esse videtur.

Erest of se in Sigilmere (1) thanen upon clif (11) ofclive on Faragoren (in) thanen on here path (iv) on Syrdeheved (v) thanen on Mappillecnap (vi) of Huneforde (vn) thanen on the sour apildure (vm) of the Waynlete (ix) thanen on enlipesexe-berghes (x) on here path (xi) forth on here path forth bi than combesheved (xii) to than rede wey (xm) thanen on Lullisburghe (xiv) to Crowanstaple (xv) of than staple to Daliesberghe (xvi) on Monnisclive (xvn) thanen to Estbroke (xvm) on doune on strem on Saltforde (xix) of Saltforde on tha Sweluende (xx) thanen on Lym (xxi) of Lym up on the hasil (xxn) of than hasil on Somersete (xxm) of Somersete on Werboldiston (xxiv) thanen up to than Weygate (xxv) on Wythilake (xxvi) eft out on se (xxvn).
The Boundary in 1516
In the second decade of the 16th century, Glastonbury Abbey caused a great survey of its estates to be made. Officials were sent to each of the abbey’s manors to compile a field by field description, or terrier, of all the holdings. They were also charged with perambulating the boundary of each manor and making a record of the perambulation. The results of this activity are preserved in a series of volumes, each of which contains the surveys of a number of manors.21 Some of the surveys are incomplete, giving the terriers in full, but leaving blank pages on to which it was intended to copy the boundary descriptions. Fortunately Uplyme is one of the manors for which the boundary description was copied into the survey volume.
The description makes reference to contemporary landowners (Lady Harrington and the Abbot of Newenham for example) and to several minor features not recorded in the Saxon charter, such as the ‘thorn tree at Holcombehed’ and ‘a certain ash called LangshereayssK. This confirms that it was the result of an actual perambulation made at Uplyme in 1516. It also contains almost all the points mentioned in the Saxon charter, even such transient features as a hazel tree; and it still refers, archaically, to the here path of the earlier document. It seems likely, therefore, that those who perambulated the boundary in 1516 had available for their guidance some older document setting out the boundary of the manor. We know that part of the boundary was perambulated in about 12 75,22 and that another perambulation was made in 1324.23 The surveyors of 1516 may well have had access to records concerning these earlier perambulations, or, possibly, to a copy of the charter of 938.

The description of 1516 runs as follows:
Precinctus manerii ibidem Incipiendo in orientali parte domi ibidem apud la Glyffe maris existentem in australi parte de Segimere  sic per dictum Cliffe directe per litus maris usque occidentem usque Merkehegge iuxta terram Domine de Dunfrefelde modo domine Aryngdon  deinde borialiter per sepem pre-dictam ultra montem usque Brodepathe inde directe borialiter usque Brodestrete alias brodewaie   deinde per viam predictam occidentaliter usque harepathe exinde borialiter usque Mapulknappe qui est bunda inter terram Domini de Newnham et terram Domini de Uplyme deinde borialiter usque Soureappuldore  & deinceps borialiter usque holcombelane sic directe borialiter usque la thorne apud holcombehed deinde usque Monkesdyche et sic per ffosatum predictum usque la northende eiusdem fossati Wocombehedde sic directe borialiter usque sex puteos exinde borialiter usque le pytte apud Byttecombecombeshed  deinde Northe & Northeest usque Redeweye apud Broroshete abinde orientaliter usque Lullesburowhe modo inclusum per Abba-tem de Nwynehame iuxta ffurshyldowne deinde orientaliter usque le ffurches sic directe orientaliter usque Crowstabull abinde ad orientem australi ter usque Dallesborgohe exinde australi ter & orientaliter usque Monescleffe abinde australiter usque Est-browke deinde directe australiter per cursum aque usque Salteford alias dictum Warlackeford abinde australiter usque Swalomedesende exinde australiter usque le Whytwythy sic directe usque la hasell deinde ad quandam venellam vocatam Sherelane sic directe ad quandam fraxinum vocatam Langshereayssh exinde per occidentalem ffinem tenementi nuper Johannis Ghynehame deinde australiter ad quandam sepem inter Comitatus Devonie & Dorset que extendit versus australem usque Somersettlane abinde australiter in longum dicte venelle usque Colyfordeweie a dicta via australiter usque warbulstone exinde australiter usque Wythelake sic directe ad quandam spinam apud Wythemore abinde directe australiter usque Wacheknappe exinde usque Segemere super mare et ibidem ffiniendo ubi superius mete et bunde predicte erant incepte .
Locational Analysis
In the following section a translation is given of the boundary descriptions of 938 and 1516, and the points mentioned in each are located on a map (Fig. 1).

The numbers in the left-hand margin below, and on the map, refer to the texts in the preceding two sections of this paper.

The Saxon boundary points have been given Roman numerals, and those of the 1516 document have been given Arabic numerals. Most of the points can be located precisely, but any uncertainty about an exact location is indicated below and on Fig. 1. Grid references are best followed on Ordnance Survey 2J2- sheet SY 39.
The derivations of the place-names in the Saxon charter have already been discussed by Dr. C. Hart,24 and most of his interpretations are used here. Translations of place-name elements have been taken from A. H. Smith’s English place-name elements (2 vols. Cambridge, 1956).
The location of the points mentioned in the two documents shows that the boundary of Uplyme manor followed a course almost identical with the course of the old parish boundary of Uplyme. Today the parish contains a small area ofland around Shapwick Grange which formerly constituted a detached part of Axminster parish, and which was transferred to Uplyme in 1884. Prior to that date, the western section of the Uplyme

Fig. i. The boundary of Uplyme.

The Roman numerals refer to the Saxon chapter {p. 37) and the arable numerals to the 1516 description {p. 38)
parish boundary ran about half a mile to the east of its present course.25 Apart from this recent alteration, the boundary of Uplyme, both manor and parish, has remained unchanged since the early 10th century.
I, First from the sea at Sigilmere;
1. Beginning on the east side of the house there at the sea cliff being on the south side of Segimere; The boundary began in the vicinity of Devonshire Head (3339I4)• English (O.E.) mere can mean ‘sea pool’, and perhaps refers to the small rock-bound bay beneath the headland.
II. then up onto the cliff;
2. and thus by the said cliff directly along the coast towards the west end of the boundary hedge next to the land of the lady of Dunfre -felde, now Lady Aryngdon;
To 319910. Dunfrefelde is a corruption of Downhumfraville, a manor which included the farm of Pinhay. Pinhay Farm lies behind the coast slightly to the west of the boundary.28 The ‘Lady Aryngdon’ of the 1516 document was a member of the Harrington family.
III. from the cliff to Faragoren;
3. and then northwards by the aforesaid hedge, beyond the hill to Brodepathe;
4. thence northwards straight to Brodestrete alias brodewaie;
Along the parish boundary to the A. 35 at 318916. Faragoren probably means ‘fern-covered point of land’, some minor topographical feature in this vicinity. Brodepathe may have been a continuation of the lane which runs eastwards to Pinhay Farm; Brodestrete is the A. 35 farther inland.
IV. then to the army path;
5. and then westwards along the aforesaid way to the army path;
The old parish boundary followed the A. 35 westwards as far as 315915, and then struck north along a foot-path. This may be the ‘army path’ (kere-path) of both documents, although the term was usually given to more prominent routeways.
V. to Syrdeheved-,
VI. then to Mappillecnap;
6. and thence northwards to Mapulknappe which is the bound between
the land of the lord of Newenham and the land of the lord of
Uplyme;
O.E. sierett means ‘dry barren place’; O.E. heafod is commonly used in the sense ‘hill-top’. The ‘dry hill-top’ of the earlier document is probably^ie ridge between two combes at 316919. O.E. cnapp also means ‘hill-top’. The ‘hill-top with the maple tree’ must therefore be in the same vicinity. The ‘lord of Newenham’ was the abbot of Newenham Abbey, the owner of Shapwick Grange which here lies to the west of the boundary.
VII. from Hmeford;
VIII. then to the crab apple tree;
7. and then northwards to Soureappuldore;
The ‘honey ford’, or ‘Huna’s ford’ is at 315922 where the boundary crossed a small stream. The crab-apple tree may have stood at 312929 where there is a sharp change in the direction followed by the old parish boundary.
IX. from the lane junction;
8. and next northwards to holcombelane;
The Holcombelane of the later document is the path to Holcombe Farm .which crossed the boundary at 310930. The Waynlete of the earlier document is probably derived from O.E. weg (ge)lat, ‘junction of roads’; but there is no junction here now.
X. then to enlipesexeberghes;
XI. to the army path;
XII. along the army path by the combe’s head;
9. and thus northwards straight to the thorn tree at holcombehed',
To 305936 where the head of the combe in which Holcombe Farm is situated touches the parish boundary. The Saxon document contains two additional boundary points: enlipesexeberghes, probably the ‘hill of the solitary ash’ from O.E. anliepe, esc, beorg; and another ‘army path’. The former refers to the slope of Shapwich Hill, but the latter cannot be identified. A pronounced ditch and bank can be seen along this section of the boundary.
XIII. to the red way;
10. and then to Monkesdyche;
11. and thus by the aforesaid ditch to the north end of the said ditch
(at) Wocombehedde;
12. and thus northwards straight to the six pits;
13. and thence northwards to the pit at Byttecombecombeshed;
14. and then north and north-east to liedeweye at Broroshete',
The section ends at 316964 on the A. 373, the ‘red way’ of both documents. This place is today called Burrowshot Cross {Broroshete in 1516); while the name Red Cross, farther to the east along the A. 373, perpetuates the ‘red way’ of both perambulations. The later record is far more detailed than the earlier for this section, perhaps because the boundary here ran across Trinity Hill which was probably wild and devoid of features which could be used as boundary points in the ioth century. Today, the vegetation in this vicinity consists of heath and scrub, so that it is impossible to identify the Monkesdyche and the six pits mentioned in 1516. Wocombehedde is probably the head of the combe now known as Woolly Goyle at 307953. Byttecombecombeshed cannot be identified with certainty, but may be the head of the stream running westwards from 303959.
XIV. then to Lullisburghe\
15. and thence eastwards to Lullesburowhe, now enclosed by the abbot of Newenham next to ffurshyldowne;
Lullisburghe is ‘Lulla’s hill’, from O.E. beorg, ‘hill’. A derivation from O.E. burh, ‘fortification’, is improbable for there are no traces of earthworks in this vicinity. This point must be near the hill-top at 325964. An 18th-century estate map of Ax-minster shows that Furzley Down, which belonged to Furzley Farm, another grange of Newenham Abbey, extended as far as the Uplyme parish boundary in this neighbourhood.27
XV. to Crowanstaple;
16. and then eastwards to the gallows;
17. and thus eastwards straight to Crowstabull;
The ‘crow’s post’ was probably at Red Cross (325961). The ffurches of the 1516 document were gallows, normally placed on a parish boundary, as at Colaton Raleigh, Kenton and Sidbury in Devon.28 The Uplyme gallows must have stood on the boundary to the west of the crow’s post.
XVI. from the post to Daliesberghe;
18. and thence south-eastwards to Dallesborgohe;
‘Dalla’s hill’ must be the present-day Penn Hill at 341955.
XVII. to Momisclive;
19. and thence south-eastwards to Monescleffe;
‘Manna’s cliff’is almost certainly the slope below the A. 373 at 34I953- The top of this slope falls away sharply, and appears cliff-like when viewed from below.
XVIII. then to Estbroke;
20. and thence southwards to Estbrowke;
To 338951 where the parish boundary reaches a small, and today nameless, tributary of the Lim,
XIX. down stream to Salteforde;
21. and then southwards straight along the watercourse to Salteford, otherwise called arlackeford;
The boundary followed the stream for about a mile and a half to 333933 where there is still a ford today. A charter of 77429 and entries in Domesday Book30 record salt working at Lyme Regis. The ‘salt ford’ must be where a salt way inland from the sea crossed Estbroke.
XX. from Salteforde to the whirlpool;
22. and thence southwards to Swalomedesende;
Immediately to the south of 333933, between the ford and the meeting of Estbroke with the Lim. The sweluende of the earlier document is derived from O.E. swelgend, ‘whirlpool’.
XXI. then to Lym;
23. then southwards to the white willow;
The Saxon boundary reached Lym (i.e. the River Lim) at
334933- The ‘white willow’ of the 1516 document probably
stood at this point.
XXII. from Lym up to the hazel;
24. and thus straight to the hazel;
Probably to 333932 where the parish boundary changes direction.
XXIII. from the hazel to Somersete;
25. and then to a certain lane called Sherelane;
26. and thus straight to a certain ash called Langshereayssh;
27. and then by the western limit of the tenement lately John Chyme-
hame’s;
28. and thence southwards to a certain hedge between the counties of Devon and Dorset, which stretches southwards to Somersettlane;
Somersete and Somersettlane are probably derived from O.E. sumor sate, ‘summer seat’. The element -sate occurs several times in Devon in the names of places situated on or near hills;31 and a derivation from Old Norse satr, ‘mountain pasture’, is improbable for this county. At Uplyme, the prominent hill to the south of the village must be implied, its summit being at 327923, very close to the parish boundary. The lane running over the top of this hill is still called Shire Lane, and is so marked on the 6-in. map. In 1516 this lane may have extended down the hill to the village, being called Sherelane for the northern part of its course, and Somersettlane for the southern part on the hill-top. The ‘ash called Langshereayssh' probably Stood at 328923 where the Jane changed direction. The name derives from O.E. land-scearu, ‘boundary’, a word which frequently occurs in Saxon charters from the west of England,32 and which was still being used in its original sense in 17th-century Devon.33 As the 1516 record tells us, the manor boundary along this section followed the county boundary between Devon and Dorset.
XXIV. from Somersete to Werboldiston;
29. and thence southwards along the said lane to Colyfordeweie;
30. and from the said way southwards to warbulstone;
Werboldiston should probably be rendered ‘Wernbeald’s tun’ or farmstead. It is now Ware House near the parish boundary at 329919. The Colyfordeweie of the later document is the A. 35 from Colyford to Lyme Regis, which the boundary crossed at 32992I-
XXV. then up to the cart gap;
XXVI. to Wythilake;
31. and thence southwards to Wythelake;
Wythilake, ‘willow stream’, must be the small stream which begins near the parish boundary at 332918. The stream runs in a narrow valley which carries a small road crossed by the parish boundary at 331918. This is probably the ‘cart gap’ (O.E. wtegn, geat) of the Saxon document.
XXVII. then out to sea.
32. and thence straight to a certain spinney at Wythemore;
33. and thence southwards straight to Wacheknappe;
34. and thence to Segemere upon the sea, there ending where the aforesaid metes and bounds began, as above.
The Wythemore of the later document can be translated ‘boggy ground with willows’ (O.E. withig, mor); Wacheknappe means ‘look-out point’ (O.E. wacu, cntepp'). Both must have been situated on the last section of the boundary but cannot be identified on the ground, perhaps because the surface here has been greatly modified by land slipping. As the later document tells us, the boundary ended at Segemere (333914),34 the point at which it began.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am most grateful to Professor H. P. R. Finberg and Dr. C. Hart for helpful discussions in Cambridge; to Mr. D. Sherlock of the Ancient Monuments Inspectorate, Ministry of Public Building and Works, for going over the ground with me at Uplyme; and to Mr. R. Blackmore, who drew the map.
Notes
3. D.B. f. 77b. The Glastonbury manor at Lyme Regis later became known as Colway: Victoria County History of Dorset, vol. 3, p. 74.
3. D.B. f. 103b.
4. W. de G. Birch, Cartularium Saxonicum (3 vols. London, 1885-93), no. 728. The charter had been printed earlier, but without the boundary clause, in W. Dugdale, Monastkon Anglicanum (ed. J. Caley, H. Ellis and B. Bandinel, 6 vols. London, 1819-30), vol. 1, p. 50; and in J. M. Kemble, Codex diplomaticus aevi Saxonici (6 vols. London, 1839-48), no. 3725. H. P. R. Finberg, The early charters of Wessex (Leicester, 1964), no. 582;
P. H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon charters: an annotated list and bibliography (London, 1968), no. 442.
6. C. Hart, 'Some Dorset charter boundaries’, Proc. Dorset jVat. Hist, and Arch. Soc., 86 (1965), pp. 160-1.
7. British Museum. Eg. MS. 3134. f. 216-216 v.
8. H. P. R. Finberg, ‘Some Crediton documents re-examined’, Antiquaries Journal, 48 (1968), p. 85.
9. Cartularium saxonicum, no. 451.
10. F. Rose-Troup, ‘The new Edgar charter and the South Hams’, Trans. Devon. Assoc., 61 (1929), pp. 266-76.
11. H. P. R. Finberg, West country historkal studies (Newton Abbot, 1969), pp. 11-23.
12. F. Rose-Troup compared the Saxon boundary of Ottery St. Mary with a boundary description made in 1612, but the location of the estate was not in question: ‘The Anglo-Saxon charter of Ottery St. Mary’. Trans. Devon. Assoc., 71 (1939), pp. 201-20.
13. The following notes relate only to post-medieval records. Descriptions of medieval perambulations also exist: for example, 14th-century boundary descriptions of the Glastonbury manors of Wrington and Lympsham (British Museum. Eg. MS. 3321. f. 155 and f. 190 v.).
14. Devon Record Office. i5o8M/Lon./estate/valuations/4; i5o8M/sur-veys/Kenton/6; 15o8M/Lon./manor/Kenton/2.
15. An account of perambulations of this kind is given in pp. 28-31 of ‘A journey along boundaries’, being ch. 2 of M. W. Beresford, History on the ground: six studies in maps and landscapes (London, 1957).
16. W. E. Tate, The parish chest (Cambridge, 1969 ed.), p. 74.
17. Devon Record Office. Glebe terriers.
18. MS. Wood empt. 1.
19. MS. 39.
20. A. Watkin (ed.), The great chartulary of Glastonbury (Somerset Record Society publications, 3 vols. Frome, 1947-56), vol. 3, p. 577.
21. The volumes are British Museum Eg. MS. 3134 (which includes the survey of Uplyme); Eg. MS. 3034; Harl. MS. 3961; and Society of Antiquaries MS. 653. They have been described by R. Fowler, ‘The last pre-dissolution survey of Glastonbury lands’, British Museum Quarterly, 10 (1935-6), pp. 69-72.
22. A. Watkin, op. cit., p. 580.
23. British Museum. Eg. MS. 3321. f. 273 v. This is an incomplete record of the course of the boundary, part of a survey of Uplyme made in 1324. Unfortunately, only the first section of the boundary is described,
24. C. Hart, op. cit.
25. W. H. Wilkin, ‘Axminster notes. Part II’, Trans. Devon. Assoc., 68 (1936), P- 359- On Fig. 1, the old parish boundary is shown, taken from the Uplyme tithe map at the Devon Record Office.
26. Devon Record Office. 123M/E/31.
27. Devon Record Office. T. 7.
28. Devon Record Office. Glebe terriers; Devon Record Office. 1508M/ Lon./estate/valuations/4; Public Record Office. E. 134/5 Jas. i/Mich. 1.
29. Cartularium Saxonicum, no. 224.
30. D.B., f. 77b and f. 85.
3t. J. E. B. Gover, A. Mawer and F. M. Stenton, The place-names of Devon
(2 vols. Cambridge, 1931-2), pp. 201, 245, 329 and 529.
32. The word and the distribution of the charters in which it occurs are fully discussed in A. S. Napier and W. H. Stevenson, The Crawford collection of early charters now in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1895), pp. 48-9.
33. At Ashburton and Sidbury, for example: Public Record Office. E. 134/2 Jas. i/Hil. 15 and E. 134/5 Jas. i/Mich. 1.
34. There have been several recent land slips in this vicinity. It is interesting to note that coastal erosion, probably closely connected with land slipping, was recorded near here in the thirteenth century: A. Watkin, op. cit., p. 582.

The fragment “ey,” appears to be an incomplete or isolated snippet, but based on the surrounding page content from damnonia.blue/saxon, we can interpret it in context with the broader themes of Anglo-Saxon history, mythology, and geography.

🧭 Contextual Interpretation of “ey,”

Here’s how “ey,” might relate to the page’s content:

• Place-name Element: In Old English, ey(or ēg) often means “island” or “land near water.” This fits well with the page’s focus on ancient geography—rivers, estuaries, and coastal settlements in Devon and Cornwall. For example:

  • Seaton, Loo, Tamar, and Lynherare all waterways or coastal areas mentioned.

  • The term eymight appear in place-names like Angleseyor Thorney, indicating a watery or marshy location.

• Anglo-Saxon Toponymy: The page discusses Saxon charters and boundary clauses, which often include terms like eyto describe terrain. For instance, the Uplyme boundary charter from 938 AD uses descriptive terms for hills, streams, and paths—eycould easily be part of such a clause.

• Mythological or Genealogical Reference: The site also explores figures like Woden and Ælfthryth. If “ey,” is part of a name or title (e.g., Ætheleyor Wessey), it could be referencing a person or lineage tied to Saxon nobility or mythology.

🏞 Possible Meanings Based on Page Themes

InterpretationRelevance to PageIslandor Watery LandMatches geographic focus on rivers, estuaries, and coastal settlementsPart of a Place NameFits with Saxon naming conventions and charter boundariesFragment of a Personal NameCould relate to historical figures like Ælfthryth or Wodenic descendants

If you have a longer excerpt or a specific section where “ey,” appears, I can give you a more precise explanation. Want to dig deeper into Saxon place-names or boundary lore?

Explain the following text primarily based on the surrounding page content: The ‘lord of Newenham’ was the abbot of Newenham Abbey,

The phrase “The ‘lord of Newenham’ was the abbot of Newenham Abbey”refers to a specific historical figure mentioned in the context of a 1516 boundary survey of the manor of Uplyme, as detailed on the page from damnonia.blue/saxon.

🏰 Historical and Geographic Context

• Newenham Abbeywas a Cistercian monastery founded in the 13th century near Axminster, Devon. It held significant landholdings in the region, including Shapwick Grange, which bordered the manor of Uplyme.

• In the 1516 perambulation (boundary walk) of Uplyme, the “lord of Newenham”is identified as the abbot, who was the head of the abbey and thus the legal and administrative authority over its estates.

• The term “lord” here doesn’t imply nobility in the feudal sense, but rather landlord or landholder, reflecting the abbey’s ownership and influence in the area.

📜 Relevance to the Boundary Survey

• The survey describes Mapulknappe(interpreted as “hill-top with the maple tree”) as a boundary point between Uplymeand the lands of the lord of Newenham.

• This shows how ecclesiastical institutions like Newenham Abbey were deeply embedded in the local geography and governance, with abbots functioning as major landowners.

🧭 Broader Implications

• The page emphasizes the importance of Saxon chartersand medieval perambulationsin understanding historical land divisions.

• It illustrates how religious figureslike abbots played a central role in managing estates, influencing local politics, and shaping the landscape.

So, in this context, the “lord of Newenham” is not a secular noble but the abbot—an ecclesiastical figure wielding considerable power through land ownership. Want to explore more about how abbeys shaped medieval Devon?

Can you elaborate on Newenham Abbey's historical significance?

Absolutely—Newenham Abbey is a fascinating piece of Devon’s medieval tapestry. Let’s dive into its historical significance from both a local and broader perspective 🏰.

🕰️ Founding and Origins

• Founded in 1247by Reginald II de Mohun, lord of Dunster, on land within his manor of Axminster, Devon.

• It was a Cistercian abbey, part of a monastic order known for austerity, manual labor, and agricultural innovation.

• The abbey was a daughter house of Beaulieu Abbey, meaning it was established under its spiritual and administrative guidance.

🧭 Role in the Region

• Newenham Abbey held significant landholdings, including Shapwick Grange, and played a major role in the manorial economyof East Devon.

• The abbot of Newenhamwas referred to as the “lord of Newenham” in local boundary surveys, such as the 1516 perambulation of Uplyme manor—a reflection of the abbey’s influence in land management and legal affairs.

• It contributed to agricultural development, likely introducing advanced farming techniques and managing large estates.

⚰️ Impact of the Black Death

• In 1349, the abbey was devastated by the plague: 20 monks and 3 lay brothers died, leaving only the abbot and two monks alive2.

• This catastrophic loss nearly collapsed the community, but it slowly recovered, reaching seven monks by 1377.

🏛️ Dissolution and Legacy

• During Henry VIII’s Dissolution of the Monasteries, Newenham Abbey was formally dissolved on 8 March 1539.

• Its annual income was assessed at £231 14s 4d, a substantial sum at the time.

• The abbot and nine monkswere granted pensions, marking the end of its religious function but not its historical footprint.

🧱 What Remains Today

• The abbey site lies southwest of Axminsterand is now private property.

• Only minor masonry fragmentssurvive, with a farmhouse built over part of the west range.

• It’s listed as a Scheduled Monument, recognized for its cultural and historical value.

Newenham Abbey wasn’t just a religious institution—it was a cornerstone of medieval life in Devon, shaping land use, local governance, and spiritual practice. Want to explore how its influence compares to other Cistercian houses in the region?

The Bishop of Sherborne is an episcopal title which takes its name after the market town of Sherborne in Dorset, England.

The title was first used by the Anglo-Saxons between the 8th and 11th centuries.

It is now used by the Church of England for a suffragan bishop in the Diocese of Salisbury.

Diocesan Bishops of Sherborne ,

The Anglo-Saxon Diocese of Sherborne was established by Saint Aldhelm

in about 705 and comprised the counties of Devon, Somerset, Dorset, and Cornwall. The diocese lost territory on the creation of the bishopric of Cornwall in the early 9th century, and lost further territory on the creation of the bishoprics of Wells and Crediton by Archbishop Plegmund in 909.

In 1058, the Sherborne chapter elected Bishop Herman of Ramsbury as their own bishop. He had previously complained of the poverty of his diocese to the extent that, when his plan to become abbot of Malmesbury was blocked by Earl Godwin in 1055, he had abandoned his duties and left to become a monk at St Bertin in France. Following the Norman conquest, the 1075 Council of London united his two sees as a single diocese and translated them to the then-larger settlement around the royal castle at Salisbury (Old Sarum). With papal approval, this was later removed to New Sarum (modern Salisbury) in the 1220s.

Definition of medieval

The adjective medieval literally means “of the Middle Ages,” i.e., the period between antiquity (the Roman world) and the early modern era 

Common chronological range

Historians most often treat the Middle Ages as roughly the 5th century to the 15th century: from the collapse of the Western Roman Empire (commonly dated 476) up to the Renaissance and early modern transitions around 1400–1500 

Standard subperiods and their usual dates

• Early Middle Ages: about 500–1000.
• High Middle Ages: about 1000–1300.
• Late Middle Ages: about 1300–1500.
  These are conventional labels; exact boundaries vary by region and by the historian’s focus 

What authors usually mean when they write “medieval”

• Broad cultural sense: the social, political, religious, and material world shaped by feudal institutions, Christendom, and post‑Roman societies in Europe between Late Antiquity and the Renaissance 
• In specialised works an author may narrow the term (for example, “medieval urban law” might mean 1100–1400), so check the author’s period definition in introductions or captions 

Origin and first use of the word

The English term derives from Latin medium aevum “middle age.” The modern English adjective (often spelled mediaeval earlier) was coined in the 19th century from that Latin phrase; recorded modern forms date from the early 1800s (commonly cited 1825 for the form medieval/mediaeval) 

Quick guidance for reading historical scripts

When you encounter “medieval” in a text, assume 5th–15th centuries unless the author states otherwise; for precise work always look for the author’s explicit chronological scope because usages and boundary years differ by topic and region 

Bronze Age time boundaries overview

The Bronze Age is a cultural-technical phase defined by the pervasive use of bronze (an alloy of copper with tin or arsenic), alongside associated changes in technology, trade, burial practice, and social organisation. Its absolute dates vary widely by region because metallurgy and associated cultural changes spread at different times. Below are commonly used regional ranges and practical guidance for tagging or labelling gazetteer entries.

Common regional date ranges

• Near East and Anatolia
  Early Bronze Age: c. 3300–2100 BCE; Middle Bronze Age: c. 2100–1600 BCE; Late Bronze Age: c. 1600–1200 BCE.
• Aegean (Greece and Cyclades)
  Early Bronze Age: c. 3000–2000 BCE; Middle Bronze Age: c. 2000–1600 BCE; Late Bronze Age: c. 1600–1100 BCE.
• Central and Western Europe
  Broad Bronze Age: c. 2300–800 BCE; subdivided (Early/Middle/Late) roughly as Early c. 2300–1500 BCE, Middle c. 1500–1200 BCE, Late c. 1200–800 BCE.
• British Isles (including Devon and Cornwall)
  Broad Bronze Age: c. 2500–800 BCE; Early Bronze Age often starts c. 2500–2000 BCE (after Late Neolithic/Beaker horizons), Late Bronze Age ends c. 800 BCE.
• South Asia (Indian subcontinent)
  Indus-related Bronze Age/Harappan: c. 3300–1300 BCE (mature Harappan c. 2600–1900 BCE); local Bronze-using traditions continue and overlap with early Iron use.
• East Asia
  Bronze Age in China: roughly c. 2000–771 BCE (Xia-Shang-Zhou sequences; Shang c. 1600–1046 BCE is strongly bronze-rich).
• The Americas and parts of Sub-Saharan Africa
  No true widespread Bronze Age phase comparable to Old World sequences; metallurgy often appears much later and in different forms.

Practical guidance for mapping and gazetteer work

• Use region-specific ranges rather than a single global boundary.
• For ambiguous or single-site reports, prefer relative labels: Early Bronze Age, Middle Bronze Age, Late Bronze Age, or Bronze Age (broad)with a numeric range (e.g., Bronze Age c. 2500–800 BCE).
• Where chronology is uncertain, record both: cultural label(Bronze Age) and confidence/precision(e.g., high if radiocarbon dated; low if typological only).
• Include key local markers in metadata: metallurgy present; Beaker/urnfield/bronze-ritual features; radiocarbon dates range; typology links.
• Allow fields for overlapping phases (e.g., “Late Neolithic / Early Bronze Age transitional”) and for caveats like reuse or later disturbance.

Why ranges differ and how to communicate that

• Start and end dates depend on: first local alloy production; availability of tin or copper sources and trade; cultural adoption of bronze technologies; and the arrival of ironworking.
• Use wording that communicates variability: “Bronze Age (regional: c. 2500–800 BCE)”or “Bronze Age — British Isles convention: c. 2500–800 BCE”.
• When precision matters, attach dating evidence: radiocarbon ranges, stratigraphic context, or diagnostic artefact types.

Short recommended labels for database fields

• Period label: Bronze Age
• Region qualifier: e.g., British Isles
• Numeric range: e.g., c. 2500–800 BCE
• Subdivision: Early / Middle / Late (if known)
• Dating confidence: High / Medium / Low
• Dating evidence: Radiocarbon; typology; stratigraphy; historical reference

The suffix ‘ton’ constitutes a sort of test word,” says Mr. Isaac Taylor, “ by which we are able to discriminate the Anglo-Saxon settlements.”1 “A tun or ‘ton ’ was a place
surrounded by a hedge, or rudely fortified by a palisade”

The passage you quoted is part of the author’s argument that Plympton’s name is unmistakably Anglo‑Saxon, and that the key to recognising this lies in the suffix ‑ton. The PDF you have open confirms this discussion in its treatment of early Plympton history .

🏰 What ‑tonActually Signifies

The core point is that ‑ton(Old English tūn) originally meant:

• An enclosed place— literally a fenced or hedged area

• A defended homestead or settlement— often with a palisade

• A farmstead that could grow into a village or manor

So when you see a place‑name ending in ‑ton, you are almost always looking at:

• A Saxon foundation, or

• A Saxon renamingof an older site they took over.

This is why Isaac Taylor calls it a “test word”: it reliably marks Anglo‑Saxon occupation or administrative control.