This year Cuthwin and Ceawlin fought with the Britons, and slew three kings,on the spot called Deorham, and took from them three cities, Gloucester, Cirencester, and Bath.”Battle of Dyrham – 
Presumed strategy and tactics

The Severn Valley has always been one of the military keys of Britain, and some of the decisive battles of the Saxon conquest were fought to control it. In 577 Ceawlin advanced from the Thames Valley across the Cotswolds to seize the area and break the power of the Britons in the lower Severn area.

Some historians (such as Welbore St Clair Baddeley in 1929) have concluded that the Saxons may have launched a surprise attack and seized the hill fort at Hinton Hill Camp (Dyrham Camp) because it commanded the Avon Valley and disrupted communications north and south between Bath and her neighbouring Romano-British towns of Gloucester and Cirencester.Once the Saxons were in occupation of the site (and had begun reinforcing the existing Iron Age defensive structures at the site) the Britons of those three towns were compelled to unite and make a combined attempt to dislodge them. Their attempt failed and the three opposing British kings were killed (they are named as Commagil of Gloucester, Condidan of Cirencester and Farinmagil of Bath). Their routed forces were driven north of the River Severn and south of Bath where it appears they began the construction of the defensive earthwork called the Wansdyke in a doomed attempt to prevent more territory from being lost.

The military historian Lieutenant-Colonel Alfred Burne, employing his theory of 'Inherent Military Probability' opted for a simpler explanation for the battle than Baddeley.

 In his view Ceawlin was methodically advancing towards the Severn and the three forces of Britons concentrated to stop him. Burne suggests that they formed up along two slight ridges across the trackway that skirted the Forest of Braden, with Hinton Hill Camp behind them as their stores depot – a position similar to that adopted at the Battle of Beranburh in AD 556.

 Burne pointed out that if the Saxon attack drove the Britons back from their first line onto the second ridge near the edge of the escarpment, the slightest further retreat would leave their flanks open to a downhill pursuit. 

He speculates that this is what occurred, with the three Briton leaders and their main body being driven back into the fort while the flanking Saxons driving forwards swept round behind the promontory on which the fort stands.

A last stand in this position would explain why none of the three Briton leaders was able to escape

Abbot Lyfing and Cnut
                                                                           and not very usual cognomen Sabinus.
The stones have somewhat of the appearance of funeral monuments, but are entirely lacking in Christian emblems.
Such as they are, they point to some kind of Roman cultural influence in the district of Tavistock.
The abbey was founded in 961 by Ordgar, an English noble who was probably Ealdorman (not Earl) of Devon and Cornwall under King Eadgar the Peaceful. He is best known as the father of Eadgar's second wife, /Elfthryth—“Elfrida” of evil memory, mother of the "redeless ” king /Ethelred II. and the murderess of her step-son, Edward II., the Martyr. The monastery was not dedicated until 981, by Ordgar’s son Ordwulf, and only sixteen years later it was sacked by the Danes. It was, however, reestablished, quite possibly by the Danish King Cnut, who is known to have taken pleasure in restoring foundations ruined by his piratical father and his associates. The abbot in Cnut’s reign was Lyfing, a notable figure in the history of the times. He accompanied Cnut on his famous “pilgrimage” to Rome in 1026, and six years later was appointed Bishop of Crediton.
Shortly afterwards the Cornish see of St. Germans was united to Crediton, so that Lyfing exercised ecclesiastical authority over the whole of die two western counties. He took a foremost share in the elevation to the throne of Edward the Confessor.
Another notable abbot was Ealdred, who afterwards became Archbishop of York and crowned William the Norman in Westminster Abbey. No special ill-fortune                                  seems to have befallen Tavistock Abbey for five hundred years after its restoration.

The Boundary of Uplyme

                          King Athelstan granted six hides of land at Lym to his namesake the Ealdorman Athelstan, and added to the charter recording his gift a clause which describes in detail the boundary of the estate. At some time later in life the Ealdorman became a monk at Glastonbury, and gave the estate at Lym to the abbey. Domesday Book records that Glastonbury Abbey possessed two manors called Lym or Lim, one of which can be identified as Lyme Regis in Dorset, the other as the neighbouring manor of Uplyme across the county boundary in Devon.

King Athelstan’s charter was first printed in full by W G Birch in the late 19th century Birch took the six hides at Lym to be Lyme Regis, and subsequent authorities have followed his interpretation Moreove, an attempt has recently been made to fit the boundary points of the charter to the topography of Lyme Regis parish. The discovery of an early 16th-century description of the boundary of Uplyme, part of a survey of the manor made for Glastonbury Abbey in 1516, shows beyond doubt that the Lym of the Saxon charter must be identified as Uplyme and not as Lyme Regis: almost all the points in the boundary clause of the charter recur in the document of 1516.  The purpose of this paper is to print the boundary description of 1516 together with the boundary clause of the Saxon charter for comparison, and to lotate the points mentioned in each document. Before printing the texts, two general observations can be made. Firstly, any historian attempting to interpret or to criticize a Saxon charter ‘will remain blindfold until it is known where exactly the land lay’. Saxon charters with boundary clauses are among the earliest and most important documents we Notes (numbered a onwards) are collected at the end o f the article.

possess for a study of the agrarian history and historical geography of pre-Gonquest England, and it is therefore essential to locate accurately the estates to which they refer. This exercise often requires a close examination of boundary clauses. For example, an estate om Homme, the subject of a charter of 847, was tentatively located by Birch in Dorset; forty years ago,. Rose-Troup correctly suggested that this estate lay in theSouth Hams o f Devon, but claimed that it covered most o f the country between Dart and Plym ; and not until 1969 did Professor H.P.R.Finberg, after a more critical examination of the charter’s boundary clause, show that the land was in fact centred on Kingsbridge to the west of the Dart.The Uplyme charter is another case in point. Secondly, the existence o f a record describing a later perambulation is of the greatest assistance in elucidating the boundary clause of a Saxon charter. As far as is known, this paper is the first to use such a document in order to discover the location o f a Saxon estate,12 but it is clear that a similar approach could be more widely adopted, with rewarding results.
Descriptions o f perambulations can be found among both manorial and parish records.


John Norden considered that
one o f the duties o f the surveyor o f a manor was to perambulate
its boundary, and descriptions of such perambulations were
sometimes entered into manorial survey books like the 1516 survey o f Uplyme.

T h ey might also be entered into the records
o f the manorial court. For example, two surveys of the manor
o f Kenton, one made in 1598 and the other in about 1705,
begin with a boundary description; while a memorandum
concerning part o f the boundary was copied into the court
book in 1626.14 Parochial boundaries were traditionally perambulated each year on Rogation D ay, but more emphasis was
placed on memory than on written records in the perpetuation
o f knowledge about parish limits.18 Sometimes, however, a
record was made for preservation among the parish documents.16 Thus, in 1613, the Bishop o f Exeter instructed Devon
incumbents to make and return to him a record o f the boundaries o f their parishes. M any o f these documents have survived, and some describe the boundaries in great detail— the
returns relating to Blackawton, Bradninch (where the perambulation took three days to complete), Colaton Raleigh, Cotleigh and Dean Prior for example.17
T h e B o u n d a r y in 9 38
T he original o f K in g Athelstan’s charter has not survived. It
must have passed with the manor o f Uplym e into the hands of
Glastonbury A bbey, for it was copied into two o f the abbey’s
cartularies compiled in the second quarter o f the 14th century.
O ne o f these cartularies, from which Birch printed the text of
the charter, is now in the Bodleian L ib rary;18 the other is at
Longleat House19 and has been edited by Dom A . W atkin for
the Somerset Record Society.20 The following text o f the
U plym e charter’s boundary clause is taken from W atkin’s
Istis terminibus predicta terra circumgirata esse videtur.

Erest of se in Sigilmere

(1) thanen u p o n clif

(11) ofclive on Faragoren
(111) thanen on here path

(iv) on Syrdeheved

(v) thanen on Mappillecnap

(vi) o f Huneforde

(vn) thanen on the sour apildure

(vm) o f the W aynlete

(ix) thanen on enlipesexeberghes

(x) on here path

(xi) forth on here path forth bi than combesheved

( x ii) to than rede wey

(xm) thanen on

(xiv) to Crowanstaple

(xv) o f than staple to
Daliesberghe (xvi) on Monnisclive

(xvn) thanen to Estbroke
(xvm) on doune on strem on Saltforde

(xix) o f Saltforde on
tha Sweluende

(xx) thanen on Lym

(xxi) o f Lym up on the
hasil (xxn) o f than hasil on Somersete (xxm) o f Somersete
on Werboldiston

(xxiv) thanen up to than Weygate

(xxv) on W ythilake

(xxvi) eft out on se

T h e B o u n d a r y in 1516
In the second decade o f the 16th century, Glastonbury Abbey caused a great survey o f its estates to be made.

Officials were sent to each o f the abbey’s manors to compile a field by field description, or terrier, of all the holdings. They were also
charged with perambulating the boundary of each manor and making a record of the perambulation. The results of this
activity are preserved in a series o f volumes, each o f which
contains the surveys o f a number o f manors.21 Some o f the
surveys are incomplete, giving the terriers in full, but leaving
blank pages on to which it was intended to copy the boundary
descriptions. Fortunately U plym e is one o f the manors for
which the boundary description was copied into the survey

The description makes reference to contemporary landowners (Lady Harrington and the Abbot o f Newenham for
example) and to several minor features not recorded in the
Saxon charter, such as the ‘thorn tree at Holcombehed’ and ‘a
certain ash called LangshereayssK.

This confirms that it was the result o f an actual perambulation made at Uplym e in 1516. It also contains almost all the points mentioned in the Saxon charter, even such transient features as a hazel tree; and it still refers, archaically, to the here path of the earlier document.

It seems likely, therefore, that those who perambulated the boundary in 1516 had available for their guidance some older
document setting out the boundary o f the manor.

We know that part o f the boundary was perambulated in about 1275, and that another perambulation was made in 1324

The surveyors o f 1516 m ay well have had access to records concerning these earlier perambulations, or, possibly, to a copy of the charter o f 938.

The description of 1516 runs as follows:

Precinctus manerii ibidem
Incipiendo in orientali parte domi ibidem apud la Glyffe maris existentem in australi parte de Segimere 

& sic per dictum Cliffe directe per litus maris usque occidentem usque

Merkehegge iuxta terram Domine de Dunfrefelde modo
domine Aryngdon  & deinde borialiter per sepem predictam ultra montem usque Brodepathe  inde directe
borialiter usque Brodestrete alias brodewaie  & deinde
per viam predictam occidentaliter usque harepathe  &
exinde borialiter usque M apulknappe qui est bunda inter
terram Domini de Newnham et terram Domini de Uplyme
(6) & deinde borialiter usque Soureappuldore

& deinceps
borialiter usque holcombelane (8) & sic directe borialiter
usque la thorne apud holcombehed (9) & deinde usque
Monkesdyche (10) et sic per ffosatum predictum usque la
northende eiusdem fossati Wocombehedde (11) & sic directe
borialiter usque sex puteos (12) & exinde borialiter usque le
pytte apud Byttecombecombeshed (13) & deinde Northe &
Northeest usque Redeweye apud Broroshete (14) & abinde
orientaliter usque Lullesburowhe modo inclusum per Abbatem de Nwynehame iuxta ffurshyldowne  & deinde
orientaliter usque le Burches (16) & sic directe orientaliter
usque Crowstabull (17) & abinde ad orientem australi ter
usque Dallesborgohe (18) & exinde australi ter & orientaliter
usque Monescleffe (19) & abinde australiter usque Estbrowke (20) & deinde directe australiter per cursum aque
usque Salteford alias dictum W arlackeford (21) & abinde
australiter usque Swalomedesende (22) & exinde australiter
usque le W hytw ythy (23) & sic directe usque la hasell (24)
& deinde ad quandam venellam vocatam Sherelane (25) &
sic directe ad quandam fraxinum vocatam Langshereayssh
(26) & exinde per occidentalem ffinem tenementi nuper
Johannis Ghynehame (27) & deinde australiter ad quandam
sepem inter Comitatus Devonie & Dorset que extendit
versus australem usque Somersettlane (28) & abinde australiter in longum dicte venelle usque Colyfordeweie (29) & a
dicta via australiter usque warbulstone (30) & exinde
australiter usque W ythelake (31) & sic directe ad quandam
spinam apud W ythemore (32) & abinde directe australiter
usque W acheknappe (33) & exinde usque Segemere super
mare et ibidem ffiniendo ubi superius mete et bunde predicte
erant incepte (34).
Location a l Analysis
In the following section a translation is given of the boundary
descriptions o f 938 and 1516, and the points mentioned in each
are located on a map (Fig. 1). The numbers in the left-hand
margin below, and on the map, refer to the texts in the preceding two sections o f this paper. The Saxon boundary points
have been given Rom an numerals, and those o f the 1516 document have been given Arabic numerals. Most o f the points can
be located precisely, but any uncertainty about an exact location is indicated below and on Fig. 1. Grid references are best
followed on Ordnance Survey 2J2- sheet S Y 39.
The derivations o f the place-names in the Saxon charter
have already been discussed by Dr. C. H art,24 and most o f his
interpretations are used here. Translations o f place-name elements have been taken from A . H. Smith’s English place-name
elements (2 vols. Cam bridge, 1956).
T h e location o f the points mentioned in the two documents
shows that the boundary o f U plym e manor followed a course
almost identical with the course o f the old parish boundary of
Uplym e. T oday the parish contains a small area oflan d around
Shapwick Grange which formerly constituted a detached part
o f Axminster parish, and which was transferred to U plym e in
1884. Prior to that date, the western section o f the U plym e

F i g . i . The boundary o f Uplyme.

The Roman numerals refer to the
Saxon chapter {p. 37) and the arable numerals to the 1516 description {p. 38)

parish boundary ran about half a mile to the east of its present
course.25 A part from this recent alteration, the boundary of
U plyme, both manor and parish, has remained unchanged
since the early 10th century.
I, First from the sea at Sigilmere;
1. Beginning on the east side o f the house there at the sea cliff being
on the south side of Segimere;
T he boundary began in the vicinity o f Devonshire Head
(3339I4)• English (O.E.) mere can mean ‘sea pool’, and
perhaps refers to the small rock-bound bay beneath the headland.
II. then up onto the cliff;
2. and thus by the said cliff directly along the coast towards the west
end o f the boundary hedge next to the land o f the lady o f Dunfre -
felde, now L ady Aryngdon;
T o 3 19910. Dunfrefelde is a corruption o f Downhumfraville, a
manor which included the farm o f Pinhay. Pinhay Farm lies
behind the coast slightly to the west o f the boundary.28 The
‘Lady Aryngdon’ o f the 1516 document was a member o f the
Harrington family.
I I I . from the cliff to Faragoren;
3. and then northwards by the aforesaid hedge, beyond the hill to
4. thence northwards straight to Brodestrete alias brodewaie;
Along the parish boundary to the A. 35 at 318916. Faragoren
probably means ‘fern-covered point o f land’, some minor topographical feature in this vicinity. Brodepathe m ay have been a
continuation o f the lane which runs eastwards to Pinhay Farm ;
Brodestrete is the A . 35 farther inland.
IV . then to the arm y p ath ;
5. and then westwards along the aforesaid w ay to the arm y p ath ;
T h e old parish boundary followed the A . 35 westwards as far
as 315915, and then struck north along a foot-path. This may
be the ‘arm y path’ (kere-path) o f both documents, although the
term was usually given to more prominent routeways.
V . to Syrdeheved-,
V I . then to Mappillecnap;
6. and thence northwards to Mapulknappe which is the bound between
the land of the lord o f Newenham and the land o f the lord of
U plym e;
O .E . sierett means ‘dry barren place’ ; O .E . heafod is commonly
used in the sense ‘hill-top’. T h e ‘dry hill-top’ o f the earlier
document is p robably^ ie ridge between two combes at 316919.
O .E . cnapp also means ‘hill-top’. The ‘hill-top with the maple
tree’ must therefore be in the same vicinity. T h e ‘lord o f
Newenham ’ was the abbot o f Newenham Abbey, the owner o f
Shapwick Grange which here lies to the west o f the boundary.
V I I. from Hmeford;
V I II . then to the crab apple tree;
7. and then northwards to Soureappuldore;
T h e ‘honey ford’, or ‘H una’s ford’ is at 315922 where the
boundary crossed a small stream. The crab-apple tree m ay
have stood at 312929 where there is a sharp change in the
direction followed by the old parish boundary.
I X . from the lane jun ction ;
8. and next northwards to holcombelane;
The Holcombelane o f the later document is the path to Holcombe
Farm .which crossed the boundary at 310930. T h e Waynlete o f
the earlier document is probably derived from O .E . weg
(ge)lat, ‘junction o f roads’ ; but there is no junction here now.
X . then to enlipesexeberghes;
X I . to the arm y p ath ;
X I I . along the arm y path by the combe’s head;
9. and thus northwards straight to the thorn tree at holcombehed;
T o 305936 where the head o f the combe in which Holcombe
Farm is situated touches the parish boundary. The Saxon
document contains two additional boundary points: enlipesexeberghes, probably the ‘hill o f the solitary ash’ from O .E . anliepe,
esc, beorg; and another ‘arm y path’. T h e former refers to the
slope o f Shapwich H ill, but the latter cannot be identified. A
pronounced ditch and bank can be seen along this section o f
the boundary.
X I I I . to the red w ay;
10. and then to Monkesdyche;
11. and thus by the aforesaid ditch to the north end o f the said ditch
(at) Wocombehedde;
12. and thus northwards straight to the six pits;
13. and thence northwards to the pit at Byttecombecombeshed;
14. and then north and north-east to liedeweye at Broroshete',
T h e section ends at 316964 on the A . 373, the ‘red w ay’ o f both
documents. This place is today called Burrowshot Cross
{Broroshete in 1516); while the name R ed Cross, farther to the
east along the A. 373, perpetuates the ‘red w ay’ o f both
perambulations. The later record is far more detailed than the
earlier for this section, perhaps because the boundary here ran
across Trinity Hill which was probably wild and devoid of
features which could be used as boundary points in the ioth
century. Today, the vegetation in this vicinity consists o f heath
and scrub, so that it is impossible to identify the Monkesdyche
and the six pits mentioned in 1516. Wocombehedde is probably
the head o f the combe now known as W oolly Goyle at 307953.
Byttecombecombeshed cannot be identified with certainty, but
may be the head o f the stream running westwards from 303959.
XIV . then to Lullisburghe\
15. and thence eastwards to Lullesburowhe, now enclosed by the abbot
o f Newenham next to ffurshyldowne; Lullisburghe is ‘Lulla’s hill’, from O .E . beorg, ‘hill’. A derivation from O .E . burh, ‘fortification’, is improbable for there are no traces o f earthworks in this vicinity. This point must be near
the hill-top at 325964. A n 18th-century estate m ap o f Axminster shows that Furzley Down, which belonged to Furzley
Farm, another grange o f Newenham A bbey, extended as far as
the U plym e parish boundary in this neighbourhood.27
XV . to Crowanstaple;

16. and then eastwards to the gallows;
17. and thus eastwards straight to Crowstabuil; The ‘crow’s post’ was probably at R ed Cross (325961). The
ffurches of the 1516 document were gallows, normally placed on
a parish boundary, as at Colaton Raleigh, Kenton and Sidbury
in Devon.28 The U plym e gallows must have stood on the
boundary to the west o f the crow’s post XVI. from the post to Daliesberghe;
18. and thence south-eastwards to Dallesborgohe;
‘D alla’s hill’ must be the present-day Penn Hill at 341955.
XVII. to Momisclive;
19. and thence south-eastwards to Monescleffe;
‘M anna’s cliff’ is almost certainly the slope below the A . 373 at
34I953- T he top o f this slope falls away sharply, and appears
cliff-like when viewed from below.
X V I I I . then to Estbroke;
20. and thence southwards to Estbrowke;
T o 338951 where the parish boundary reaches a small, and
today nameless, tributary o f the Lim,
X I X . down stream to Salteforde;
21. and then southwards straight along the watercourse to Salteford,
otherwise called arlackeford;
T h e boundary followed the stream for about a mile and a h alf
to 333933 where there is still a ford today. A charter o f 77429
and entries in Domesday Book30 record salt working at Lym e
Regis. T h e ‘salt ford’ must be where a salt w ay inland from the
sea crossed Estbroke.
X X . from Salteforde to the whirlpool;
22. and thence southwards to Swalomedesende;
Im m ediately to the south o f 333933, between the ford and the
meeting o f Estbroke with the Lim. T he sweluende o f the earlier
document is derived from O .E . swelgend, ‘whirlpool’.
X X I. then to Lym;
23. then southwards to the white willow;
T h e Saxon boundary reached Lym (i.e. the River Lim) at 334933- T h e ‘white willow ’ of the 1516 document probably stood at this point.
X X I I . from Lym up to the hazel;
24. and thus straight to the h azel;
Probably to 333932 where the parish boundary changes
X X I I I . from the hazel to Somersete;
25. and then to a certain lane called Sherelane;
26. and thus straight to a certain ash called Langshereayssh;
27. and then by the western lim it o f the tenement lately John Chym eham e’s ;
28. and thence southwards to a certain hedge between the counties of
Devon and Dorset, which stretches southwards to Somersettlane;
Somersete and Somersettlane are probably derived from O .E .
sumor sate, ‘summer seat’. The element -sate occurs several times in Devon in the names o f places situated on or near hills;31 and
a derivation from Old Norse satr, ‘mountain pasture’, is im ­
probable for this county. A t U plym e, the prominent hill to the
south o f the village must be implied, its summit being at
327923, very close to the parish boundary. T he lane running
over the top o f this hill is still called Shire Lane, and is so
marked on the 6-in. map. In 1516 this lane m ay have extended
down the hill to the village, being called Sherelane for the
northern part o f its course, and Somersettlane for the southern
part on the hill-top. T h e ‘ash called Langshereayssh' probably
Stood at 328923 where the Jane changed direction. T he name
derives from O .E . land-scearu, ‘boundary’, a word which frequently occurs in Saxon charters from the west o f England,32
and which was still being used in its original sense in 17thcentury Devon.33 As the 1516 record tells us, the manor
boundary along this section followed the county boundary
between Devon and Dorset.
X X I V . from Somersete to Werboldiston;
29. and thence southwards along the said lane to Colyfordeweie;
30. and from the said w ay southwards to warbulstone;
Werboldiston should probably be rendered ‘W ernbeald’s tun’
or farmstead. It is now W are House near the parish boundary
at 329919. T h e Colyfordeweie o f the later document is the A . 35
from Colyford to Lym e Regis, which the boundary crossed at
32992IX X V . then up to the cart g a p ;
X X V I . to Wythilake;
31. and thence southwards to Wythelake;
Wythilake, ‘willow stream’, must be the small stream which
begins near the parish boundary at 332918. The stream runs in
a narrow valley which carries a small road crossed by the
parish boundary at 331918. This is probably the ‘cart gap’
(O.E. wtegn, geat) o f the Saxon document.
X X V I I . then out to sea.
32. and thence straight to a certain spinney at Wythemore;
33. and thence southwards straight to Wacheknappe;
34. and thence to Segemere upon the sea, there ending where the
aforesaid metes and bounds began, as above.
T h e Wythemore o f the later document can be translated ‘boggy
ground w ith willows’ (O .E. withig, mor); Wacheknappe means
‘look-out point’ (O.E. wacu, cntepp'). Both must have been
situated on the last section o f the boundary but cannot be
identified on the ground, perhaps because the surface here has
been greatly modified by land slipping. As the later document
tells us, the boundary ended at Segemere (333914),34 the point
at which it began.
I am most grateful to Professor H . P. R . Finberg and D r. C . H art for
helpful discussions in Cam bridge; to M r. D . Sherlock o f the Ancient
Monuments Inspectorate, M inistry o f Public Building and Works, for
going over the ground with me at U plym e; and to M r. R . Blackmore,
who drew the map.
N o t e s
3. D .B . f. 77b. T he Glastonbury manor at Lym e Regis later became known
as C olw ay: Victoria County History of Dorset, vol. 3, p. 74.
3. D .B . f. 103b.
4. W. de G . Birch, Cartularium Saxonicum (3 vols. London, 1885-93), no.
728. T he charter had been printed earlier, but without the boundary
clause, in W. Dugdale, Monastkon Anglicanum (ed. J. Caley, H . Ellis and
B. Bandinel, 6 vols. London, 1819-30), vol. 1, p. 50; and in J. M .
Kem ble, Codex diplomaticus aevi Saxonici (6 vols. London, 1839-48), no.
5. H . P. R . Finberg, The early charters of Wessex (Leicester, 1964), no. 582;
P. H . Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon charters: an annotated list and bibliography
(London, 1968), no. 442.
6. C . H art, 'Some Dorset charter boundaries’, Proc. Dorset jVat. Hist, and
Arch. Soc., 86 (1965), pp. 160-1.
7. British Museum. Eg. M S. 3134. f. 216-216 v.
8. H . P. R . Finberg, ‘Some Crediton documents re-examined’, Antiquaries
Journal, 48 (1968), p. 85.
9. Cartularium saxonicum, no. 451.
10. F. Rose-Troup, ‘T he new Edgar charter and the South H am s’, Trans.
Devon. Assoc., 61 (1929), pp. 266-76.
11. H . P. R . Finberg, West country historkal studies (Newton Abbot, 1969),
pp. 11-23.
12. F. Rose-Troup compared the Saxon boundary o f O ttery St. M ary with
a boundary description made in 1612, but the location of the estate was
not in question: ‘T he Anglo-Saxon charter o f O ttery St. M ary’. Trans.
Devon. Assoc., 71 (1939), pp. 201-20.
13. T he following notes relate only to post-medieval records. Descriptions
o f medieval perambulations also exist: for example, 14th-century
boundary descriptions of the Glastonbury manors o f W rington and
Lym psham (British Museum. Eg. M S. 3321. f. 155 and f. 190 v.).
14. Devon Record Office. i5o8M/Lon./estate/valuations/4; i5o8M/surveys/Kenton/6; 15o8M/Lon./manor/Kenton/2.
15. A n account of perambulations of this kind is given in pp. 28-31 of ‘A
journey along boundaries’, being ch. 2 of M . W . Beresford, History on the
ground: six studies in maps and landscapes (London, 1957).
16. W . E. T ate, The parish chest (Cambridge, 1969 ed.), p. 74.
17. Devon Record Office. Glebe terriers.
18. M S. W ood empt. 1.
19. M S. 39.
20. A . W atkin (ed.), The great chartulary o f Glastonbury (Somerset Record
Society publications, 3 vols. Frome, 1947-56), vol. 3, p. 577.
21. T h e volumes are British Museum Eg. M S. 3134 (which includes the
survey of U plym e); Eg. M S. 3034; H arl. M S. 3961; and Society of
Antiquaries M S. 653. T hey have been described by R . Fowler, ‘The
last pre-dissolution survey o f Glastonbury lands’, British Museum
Quarterly, 10 (1935-6), pp. 69-72.
22. A . Watkin, op. cit., p. 580.
23. British Museum. Eg. M S. 3321. f. 273 v. This is an incomplete record
o f the course o f the boundary, part of a survey o f U plym e made in 1324.
U nfortunately, only the first section o f the boundary is described,
24. C . H art, op. cit.
25. W. H . Wilkin, ‘Axminster notes. Part I I ’, Trans. Devon. Assoc., 68 (1936),
P- 359 - O n Fig. 1, the old parish boundary is shown, taken from the
Uplym e tithe m ap at the Devon Record Office.
26. Devon Record Office. 123M/E/31.
27. Devon Record Office. T . 7.
28. Devon Record Office. Glebe terriers; Devon Record Office. 1508M/
Lon./estate/valuations/4; Public Record Office. E. 134/5 Jas. i/M ich. 1.
29. Cartularium Saxonicum, no. 224.
30. D .B ., f. 77b and f. 85.
3t. J. E. B. Gover, A . M awer and F. M . Stenton, The place-names o f Devon
(2 vols. Cam bridge, 1931-2), pp. 201, 245, 329 and 529.
32. T he word and the distribution of the charters in which it occurs are
fully discussed in A . S. Napier and W. H . Stevenson, The Crawford
collection o f early charters now in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1895),
pp. 48-9.
33. A t Ashburton and Sidbury, for exam ple: Public Record Office. E . 134/2
Jas. i/H il. 15 and E. 134/5 Jas. i/M ich. 1.
34. There have been several recent land slips in this vicinity. It is interesting
to note that coastal erosion, probably closely connected with land
slipping, was recorded near here in the thirteenth century: A . W atkin,
op. cit., p. 582.