The mystery of Plym and the mistakes of the past have long intrigued historians. At the heart of Devon's history lies Iscac, an ancient settlement renowned for its importance and intriguing structure. The names of waters such as Laira and Hoe evoke tales of centuries gone by, connecting us to the land's rich heritage. Delving deeper, one cannot overlook the fascinating presence of Saxon history, which has left an indelible mark on Devon's cultural tapestry. From the boundaries that have shaped the region to the domain of Glastonbury in Somerset, the historical significance of Devon is unparalleled.
The allure of Devon's history beckons historians to uncover its hidden stories. Exploring the depths of Iscac and its influence on the past reveals not only the mistakes made but also the lessons learned. The names of waters like Laira and Hoe paint a vivid picture of the region's historical importance, complementing the intriguing tales of Saxon history that enrich our understanding of Devon's cultural roots. As we venture into the boundaries that have shaped this land, the connection to the domain of Glastonbury in Somerset becomes clearer, intertwining the histories of these two significant regions. Devon's history awaits, inviting historians to uncover its captivating past.
BOUNDARY OF UPLYME possess for a study of the agrarian history and historical geography of pre-Gonquest England, and it is therefore essential to locate accurately the estates to which they refer.
This exercise often requires a close examination of boundary clauses. For example, an estate om Homme, the subject of a charter of 847, was tentatively located by Birch in Dorset; forty years ago,. Rose-Troup correctly suggested that this estate lay in theSouth Hams o f Devon, but claimed that it covered most o f the country betweenDart and Plym; and not until 1969 did Professor H.P.R.Finberg, after a more critical examination of the charter’s boundary clause, show that the land was infact centred on Kingsbridge to the west of the Dart .
The Uplyme charter is another case in point.Secondly, the existence o f a record describing a later perambulation is of the greatest assistance in elucidating the boundary clause of a Saxon charter. As far as is known, this paper is the first to use such a document in order to discover the location o f a Saxon estate,12 but it is clear that a similar approach could be more widely adopted, with rewarding results. Descriptions o f perambulations can be found among bothmanorial and parish records.
King Athelstan granted six hides of land at Lym to his namesake the Ealdorman Athelstan, and added to the charter recording his gift a clause which describes in detail the boundary of the estate. At some time later in life the Ealdorman became a monk at Glastonbury, and gave the estate at Lym to the abbey. Domesday Book records that Glastonbury Abbey possessed two manors called Lym or Lim, one of which can be identified as Lyme Regis in Dorset, the other as the neighbouring manor of Uplyme across the county boundary in Devon.
King Athelstan’s charter was first printed in full by W G Birch in the late 19th century Birch took the six hides at Lym to be Lyme Regis, and subsequent authorities have followed his interpretation Moreove, an attempt has recently been made to fit the boundary points of the charter to the topography of Lyme Regis parish. The discovery of an early 16th-century description of the boundary of Uplyme, part of a survey of the manor made for Glastonbury Abbey in 1516, shows beyond doubt that the Lym of the Saxon charter must be identified as Uplyme and not as Lyme Regis: almost all the points in the boundary clause of the charter recur in the document of 1516. The purpose of this paper is to print the boundary description of 1516 together with the boundary clause of the Saxon charter for comparison, and to lotate the points mentioned in each document. Before printing the texts, two general observations can be made. Firstly, any historian attempting to interpret or to criticize a Saxon charter ‘will remain blindfold until it is known where exactly the land lay’. Saxon charters with boundary clauses are among the earliest and most important documents we Notes (numbered a onwards) are collected at the end o f the article.
BOUNDARY OF UPLYME possess for a study of the agrarian history and historical geography of pre-Gonquest England, and it is therefore essential to locate accurately the estates to which they refer. This exercise often requires a close examination of boundary clauses. For example, an estate om Homme, the subject of a charter of 847, was tentatively located by Birch in Dorset; forty years ago,. Rose-Troup correctly suggested that this estate lay in theSouth Hams o f Devon, but claimed that it covered most o f the country between Dart and Plym ; and not until 1969 did Professor H.P.R.Finberg, after a more critical examination of the charter’s boundary clause, show that the land was in fact centred on Kingsbridge to the west of the Dart.The Uplyme charter is another case in point. Secondly, the existence o f a record describing a later perambulation is of the greatest assistance in elucidating the boundary clause of a Saxon charter. As far as is known, this paper is the first to use such a document in order to discover the location o f a Saxon estate,12 but it is clear that a similar approach could be more widely adopted, with rewarding results. Descriptions o f perambulations can be found among both manorial and parish records.
13
John Norden considered that one o f the duties o f the surveyor o f a manor was to perambulate its boundary, and descriptions of such perambulations were sometimes entered into manorial survey books like the 1516 survey o f Uplyme . They might also be entered into the records of the manorial court. For example, two surveys of the manor of Kenton, one made in 1598 and the other in about 1705, begin with a boundary description; while a memorandum concerning part of the boundary was copied into the court book in 1626.
14
Parochial boundaries were traditionally perambulated each year on Rogation Day, but more emphasis was placed on memory than on written records in the perpetuation of knowledge about parish limits . Sometimes , however , a record was made for preservation among the parish documents. Thus, in 1613, the Bishop o f Exeter instructed Devon incumbents to make and return to him a record o f the boundaries of their parishes. Many o f these documents have survived, and some describe the boundaries in great detail— the returns relating to Blackawton , Bradninch , where the perambulation took three days to complete ; Colaton Raleigh, Cotleigh and Dean Prior for example. BOUNDARY OF UPLYME
37 The Boundary in 9 38 The original of K in g Athelstan’s charter has not survived. It must have passed with the manor of Uplym e into the hands of Glastonbury Abbey, for it was copied into two of the abbey’s cartularies compiled in the second quarter of the 14th century. One of these cartularies, from which Birch printed the text of the charter, is now in the Bodleian Library; the other is at Longleat House and has been edited by Dom A . Watkin for the Somerset Record Society. The following text of the Uplyme charter’s boundary clause is taken from Watkin’s transcription. Istis terminibus predicta terra circumgirata esse videtur. Erest of se in Sigilmere (1) thanen upon clif (11) of clive on Faragoren (111) thanen on herepath (iv) on Syrdeheved (v) thanen on Mappillecnap
(vi) o f Huneforde
(vn) thanen on the sour apildure
(vm) o f the W aynlete
(ix) thanen on enlipesexeberghes
(x) on here path
(xi) forth on here path forth bi than combesheved
( x ii) to than rede wey
(xm) thanen on Lullisburghe
(xiv) to Crowanstaple
(xv) o f than staple to Daliesberghe (xvi) on Monnisclive
(xvn) thanen to Estbroke (xvm) on doune on strem on Saltforde
(xix) o f Saltforde on tha Sweluende
(xx) thanen on Lym
(xxi) o f Lym up on the hasil (xxn) o f than hasil on Somersete (xxm) o f Somersete on Werboldiston
(xxiv) thanen up to than Weygate
(xxv) on W ythilake
(xxvi) eft out on se
(xxvn). T h e B o u n d a r y in 1516 In the second decade o f the 16th century, Glastonbury Abbey caused a great survey o f its estates to be made.
Officials were sent to each o f the abbey’s manors to compile a field by field description, or terrier, of all the holdings. They were also charged with perambulating the boundary of each manor and making a record of the perambulation. The results of this activity are preserved in a series o f volumes, each o f which contains the surveys o f a number o f manors.21 Some o f the surveys are incomplete, giving the terriers in full, but leaving blank pages on to which it was intended to copy the boundary descriptions. Fortunately U plym e is one o f the manors for which the boundary description was copied into the survey volume. 38
BOUNDARY OF UPLYME The description makes reference to contemporary landowners (Lady Harrington and the Abbot o f Newenham for example) and to several minor features not recorded in the Saxon charter, such as the ‘thorn tree at Holcombehed’ and ‘a certain ash called LangshereayssK.
This confirms that it was the result o f an actual perambulation made at Uplym e in 1516. It also contains almost all the points mentioned in the Saxon charter, even such transient features as a hazel tree; and it still refers, archaically, to the here path of the earlier document.
It seems likely, therefore, that those who perambulated the boundary in 1516 had available for their guidance some older document setting out the boundary o f the manor.
We know that part o f the boundary was perambulated in about 1275, and that another perambulation was made in 1324
The surveyors o f 1516 m ay well have had access to records concerning these earlier perambulations, or, possibly, to a copy of the charter o f 938.
The description of 1516 runs as follows:
Precinctus manerii ibidem Incipiendo in orientali parte domi ibidem apud la Glyffe maris existentem in australi parte de Segimere
& sic per dictum Cliffe directe per litus maris usque occidentem usque
Merkehegge iuxta terram Domine de Dunfrefelde modo domine Aryngdon & deinde borialiter per sepem predictam ultra montem usque Brodepathe inde directe borialiter usque Brodestrete alias brodewaie & deinde per viam predictam occidentaliter usque harepathe & exinde borialiter usque M apulknappe qui est bunda inter terram Domini de Newnham et terram Domini de Uplyme (6) & deinde borialiter usque Soureappuldore
& deinceps borialiter usque holcombelane (8) & sic directe borialiter usque la thorne apud holcombehed (9) & deinde usque Monkesdyche (10) et sic per ffosatum predictum usque la northende eiusdem fossati Wocombehedde (11) & sic directe borialiter usque sex puteos (12) & exinde borialiter usque le pytte apud Byttecombecombeshed (13) & deinde Northe & Northeest usque Redeweye apud Broroshete (14) & abinde orientaliter usque Lullesburowhe modo inclusum per Abbatem de Nwynehame iuxta ffurshyldowne & deinde orientaliter usque le Burches (16) & sic directe orientaliter usque Crowstabull (17) & abinde ad orientem australi ter usque Dallesborgohe (18) & exinde australi ter & orientaliter usque Monescleffe (19) & abinde australiter usque Estbrowke (20) & deinde directe australiter per cursum aque usque Salteford alias dictum W arlackeford (21) & abinde australiter usque Swalomedesende (22) & exinde australiter usque le W hytw ythy (23) & sic directe usque la hasell (24) & deinde ad quandam venellam vocatam Sherelane (25) & sic directe ad quandam fraxinum vocatam Langshereayssh (26) & exinde per occidentalem ffinem tenementi nuper Johannis Ghynehame (27) & deinde australiter ad quandam sepem inter Comitatus Devonie & Dorset que extendit versus australem usque Somersettlane (28) & abinde australiter in longum dicte venelle usque Colyfordeweie (29) & a dicta via australiter usque warbulstone (30) & exinde australiter usque W ythelake (31) & sic directe ad quandam spinam apud W ythemore (32) & abinde directe australiter usque W acheknappe (33) & exinde usque Segemere super mare et ibidem ffiniendo ubi superius mete et bunde predicte erant incepte (34). Location a l Analysis In the following section a translation is given of the boundary descriptions o f 938 and 1516, and the points mentioned in each are located on a map (Fig. 1). The numbers in the left-hand margin below, and on the map, refer to the texts in the preceding two sections o f this paper. The Saxon boundary points have been given Rom an numerals, and those o f the 1516 document have been given Arabic numerals. Most o f the points can be located precisely, but any uncertainty about an exact location is indicated below and on Fig. 1. Grid references are best followed on Ordnance Survey 2J2- sheet S Y 39. The derivations o f the place-names in the Saxon charter have already been discussed by Dr. C. H art,24 and most o f his interpretations are used here. Translations o f place-name elements have been taken from A . H. Smith’s English place-name elements (2 vols. Cam bridge, 1956). T h e location o f the points mentioned in the two documents shows that the boundary o f U plym e manor followed a course almost identical with the course o f the old parish boundary of Uplym e. T oday the parish contains a small area oflan d around Shapwick Grange which formerly constituted a detached part o f Axminster parish, and which was transferred to U plym e in 1884. Prior to that date, the western section o f the U plym e BOUNDARY OF UPLYME 3 g
40 BOUNDARY OF UFLYME F i g . i . The boundary o f Uplyme.
The Roman numerals refer to the Saxon chapter {p. 37) and the arable numerals to the 1516 description {p. 38)
BOUNDARY OF UPLYME 41 parish boundary ran about half a mile to the east of its present course.25 A part from this recent alteration, the boundary of U plyme, both manor and parish, has remained unchanged since the early 10th century. I, First from the sea at Sigilmere; 1. Beginning on the east side o f the house there at the sea cliff being on the south side of Segimere; T he boundary began in the vicinity o f Devonshire Head (3339I4)• English (O.E.) mere can mean ‘sea pool’, and perhaps refers to the small rock-bound bay beneath the headland. II. then up onto the cliff; 2. and thus by the said cliff directly along the coast towards the west end o f the boundary hedge next to the land o f the lady o f Dunfre - felde, now L ady Aryngdon; T o 3 19910. Dunfrefelde is a corruption o f Downhumfraville, a manor which included the farm o f Pinhay. Pinhay Farm lies behind the coast slightly to the west o f the boundary.28 The ‘Lady Aryngdon’ o f the 1516 document was a member o f the Harrington family. I I I . from the cliff to Faragoren; 3. and then northwards by the aforesaid hedge, beyond the hill to Brodepathe; 4. thence northwards straight to Brodestrete alias brodewaie; Along the parish boundary to the A. 35 at 318916. Faragoren probably means ‘fern-covered point o f land’, some minor topographical feature in this vicinity. Brodepathe m ay have been a continuation o f the lane which runs eastwards to Pinhay Farm ; Brodestrete is the A . 35 farther inland. IV . then to the arm y p ath ; 5. and then westwards along the aforesaid w ay to the arm y p ath ; T h e old parish boundary followed the A . 35 westwards as far as 315915, and then struck north along a foot-path. This may be the ‘arm y path’ (kere-path) o f both documents, although the term was usually given to more prominent routeways. V . to Syrdeheved-, V I . then to Mappillecnap; 6. and thence northwards to Mapulknappe which is the bound between the land of the lord o f Newenham and the land o f the lord of U plym e; O .E . sierett means ‘dry barren place’ ; O .E . heafod is commonly 4 2 BOUNDARY OF UPLYME used in the sense ‘hill-top’. T h e ‘dry hill-top’ o f the earlier document is p robably^ ie ridge between two combes at 316919. O .E . cnapp also means ‘hill-top’. The ‘hill-top with the maple tree’ must therefore be in the same vicinity. T h e ‘lord o f Newenham ’ was the abbot o f Newenham Abbey, the owner o f Shapwick Grange which here lies to the west o f the boundary. V I I. from Hmeford; V I II . then to the crab apple tree; 7. and then northwards to Soureappuldore; T h e ‘honey ford’, or ‘H una’s ford’ is at 315922 where the boundary crossed a small stream. The crab-apple tree m ay have stood at 312929 where there is a sharp change in the direction followed by the old parish boundary. I X . from the lane jun ction ; 8. and next northwards to holcombelane; The Holcombelane o f the later document is the path to Holcombe Farm .which crossed the boundary at 310930. T h e Waynlete o f the earlier document is probably derived from O .E . weg (ge)lat, ‘junction o f roads’ ; but there is no junction here now. X . then to enlipesexeberghes; X I . to the arm y p ath ; X I I . along the arm y path by the combe’s head; 9. and thus northwards straight to the thorn tree at holcombehed; T o 305936 where the head o f the combe in which Holcombe Farm is situated touches the parish boundary. The Saxon document contains two additional boundary points: enlipesexeberghes, probably the ‘hill o f the solitary ash’ from O .E . anliepe, esc, beorg; and another ‘arm y path’. T h e former refers to the slope o f Shapwich H ill, but the latter cannot be identified. A pronounced ditch and bank can be seen along this section o f the boundary. X I I I . to the red w ay; 10. and then to Monkesdyche; 11. and thus by the aforesaid ditch to the north end o f the said ditch (at) Wocombehedde; 12. and thus northwards straight to the six pits; 13. and thence northwards to the pit at Byttecombecombeshed; 14. and then north and north-east to liedeweye at Broroshete', T h e section ends at 316964 on the A . 373, the ‘red w ay’ o f both documents. This place is today called Burrowshot Cross {Broroshete in 1516); while the name R ed Cross, farther to the east along the A. 373, perpetuates the ‘red w ay’ o f both BOUNDARY OF UPLYME 43 perambulations. The later record is far more detailed than the earlier for this section, perhaps because the boundary here ran across Trinity Hill which was probably wild and devoid of features which could be used as boundary points in the ioth century. Today, the vegetation in this vicinity consists o f heath and scrub, so that it is impossible to identify the Monkesdyche and the six pits mentioned in 1516. Wocombehedde is probably the head o f the combe now known as W oolly Goyle at 307953. Byttecombecombeshed cannot be identified with certainty, but may be the head o f the stream running westwards from 303959. XIV . then to Lullisburghe\ 15. and thence eastwards to Lullesburowhe, now enclosed by the abbot o f Newenham next to ffurshyldowne; Lullisburghe is ‘Lulla’s hill’, from O .E . beorg, ‘hill’. A derivation from O .E . burh, ‘fortification’, is improbable for there are no traces o f earthworks in this vicinity. This point must be near the hill-top at 325964. A n 18th-century estate m ap o f Axminster shows that Furzley Down, which belonged to Furzley Farm, another grange o f Newenham A bbey, extended as far as the U plym e parish boundary in this neighbourhood.27 XV . to Crowanstaple;
16. and then eastwards to the gallows; 17. and thus eastwards straight to Crowstabuil; The ‘crow’s post’ was probably at R ed Cross (325961). The ffurches of the 1516 document were gallows, normally placed on a parish boundary, as at Colaton Raleigh, Kenton and Sidbury in Devon.28 The U plym e gallows must have stood on the boundary to the west o f the crow’s post XVI. from the post to Daliesberghe; 18. and thence south-eastwards to Dallesborgohe; ‘D alla’s hill’ must be the present-day Penn Hill at 341955. XVII. to Momisclive; 19. and thence south-eastwards to Monescleffe; ‘M anna’s cliff’ is almost certainly the slope below the A . 373 at 34I953- T he top o f this slope falls away sharply, and appears cliff-like when viewed from below. X V I I I . then to Estbroke; 20. and thence southwards to Estbrowke; T o 338951 where the parish boundary reaches a small, and today nameless, tributary o f the Lim, 44 BOUNDARY OF UPLYME X I X . down stream to Salteforde; 21. and then southwards straight along the watercourse to Salteford, otherwise called arlackeford; T h e boundary followed the stream for about a mile and a h alf to 333933 where there is still a ford today. A charter o f 77429 and entries in Domesday Book30 record salt working at Lym e Regis. T h e ‘salt ford’ must be where a salt w ay inland from the sea crossed Estbroke. X X . from Salteforde to the whirlpool; 22. and thence southwards to Swalomedesende; Im m ediately to the south o f 333933, between the ford and the meeting o f Estbroke with the Lim. T he sweluende o f the earlier document is derived from O .E . swelgend, ‘whirlpool’. X X I. then to Lym; 23. then southwards to the white willow; T h e Saxon boundary reached Lym (i.e. the River Lim) at 334933- T h e ‘white willow ’ of the 1516 document probably stood at this point. X X I I . from Lym up to the hazel; 24. and thus straight to the h azel; Probably to 333932 where the parish boundary changes direction. X X I I I . from the hazel to Somersete; 25. and then to a certain lane called Sherelane; 26. and thus straight to a certain ash called Langshereayssh; 27. and then by the western lim it o f the tenement lately John Chym eham e’s ; 28. and thence southwards to a certain hedge between the counties of Devon and Dorset, which stretches southwards to Somersettlane; Somersete and Somersettlane are probably derived from O .E . sumor sate, ‘summer seat’. The element -sate occurs several times in Devon in the names o f places situated on or near hills;31 and a derivation from Old Norse satr, ‘mountain pasture’, is im probable for this county. A t U plym e, the prominent hill to the south o f the village must be implied, its summit being at 327923, very close to the parish boundary. T he lane running over the top o f this hill is still called Shire Lane, and is so marked on the 6-in. map. In 1516 this lane m ay have extended down the hill to the village, being called Sherelane for the northern part o f its course, and Somersettlane for the southern part on the hill-top. T h e ‘ash called Langshereayssh' probably Stood at 328923 where the Jane changed direction. T he name BOUNDARY OF UPLYME 45 derives from O .E . land-scearu, ‘boundary’, a word which frequently occurs in Saxon charters from the west o f England,32 and which was still being used in its original sense in 17thcentury Devon.33 As the 1516 record tells us, the manor boundary along this section followed the county boundary between Devon and Dorset. X X I V . from Somersete to Werboldiston; 29. and thence southwards along the said lane to Colyfordeweie; 30. and from the said w ay southwards to warbulstone; Werboldiston should probably be rendered ‘W ernbeald’s tun’ or farmstead. It is now W are House near the parish boundary at 329919. T h e Colyfordeweie o f the later document is the A . 35 from Colyford to Lym e Regis, which the boundary crossed at 32992IX X V . then up to the cart g a p ; X X V I . to Wythilake; 31. and thence southwards to Wythelake; Wythilake, ‘willow stream’, must be the small stream which begins near the parish boundary at 332918. The stream runs in a narrow valley which carries a small road crossed by the parish boundary at 331918. This is probably the ‘cart gap’ (O.E. wtegn, geat) o f the Saxon document. X X V I I . then out to sea. 32. and thence straight to a certain spinney at Wythemore; 33. and thence southwards straight to Wacheknappe; 34. and thence to Segemere upon the sea, there ending where the aforesaid metes and bounds began, as above. T h e Wythemore o f the later document can be translated ‘boggy ground w ith willows’ (O .E. withig, mor); Wacheknappe means ‘look-out point’ (O.E. wacu, cntepp'). Both must have been situated on the last section o f the boundary but cannot be identified on the ground, perhaps because the surface here has been greatly modified by land slipping. As the later document tells us, the boundary ended at Segemere (333914),34 the point at which it began. ACKNO W LED GM ENTS I am most grateful to Professor H . P. R . Finberg and D r. C . H art for helpful discussions in Cam bridge; to M r. D . Sherlock o f the Ancient Monuments Inspectorate, M inistry o f Public Building and Works, for going over the ground with me at U plym e; and to M r. R . Blackmore, who drew the map. 46 BOUNDARY OF UPLYME N o t e s 3. D .B . f. 77b. T he Glastonbury manor at Lym e Regis later became known as C olw ay: Victoria County History of Dorset, vol. 3, p. 74. 3. D .B . f. 103b. 4. W. de G . Birch, Cartularium Saxonicum (3 vols. London, 1885-93), no. 728. T he charter had been printed earlier, but without the boundary clause, in W. Dugdale, Monastkon Anglicanum (ed. J. Caley, H . Ellis and B. Bandinel, 6 vols. London, 1819-30), vol. 1, p. 50; and in J. M . Kem ble, Codex diplomaticus aevi Saxonici (6 vols. London, 1839-48), no. 372 5. H . P. R . Finberg, The early charters of Wessex (Leicester, 1964), no. 582; P. H . Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon charters: an annotated list and bibliography (London, 1968), no. 442. 6. C . H art, 'Some Dorset charter boundaries’, Proc. Dorset jVat. Hist, and Arch. Soc., 86 (1965), pp. 160-1. 7. British Museum. Eg. M S. 3134. f. 216-216 v. 8. H . P. R . Finberg, ‘Some Crediton documents re-examined’, Antiquaries Journal, 48 (1968), p. 85. 9. Cartularium saxonicum, no. 451. 10. F. Rose-Troup, ‘T he new Edgar charter and the South H am s’, Trans. Devon. Assoc., 61 (1929), pp. 266-76. 11. H . P. R . Finberg, West country historkal studies (Newton Abbot, 1969), pp. 11-23. 12. F. Rose-Troup compared the Saxon boundary o f O ttery St. M ary with a boundary description made in 1612, but the location of the estate was not in question: ‘T he Anglo-Saxon charter o f O ttery St. M ary’. Trans. Devon. Assoc., 71 (1939), pp. 201-20. 13. The following notes relate only to post-medieval records. Descriptions of medieval perambulations also exist: for example, 14th-century boundary descriptions of the Glastonbury manors of Wrington and Lympsham (British Museum. Eg. M S. 3321. f. 155 and f. 190 v.). 14. Devon Record Office. i5o8M/Lon./estate/valuations/4; i5o8M/surveys/Kenton/6; 15o8M/Lon./manor/Kenton/2. 15. A n account of perambulations of this kind is given in pp. 28-31 of ‘A journey along boundaries’, being ch. 2 of M . W . Beresford, History on the ground: six studies in maps and landscapes (London, 1957). 16. W . E. T ate, The parish chest (Cambridge, 1969 ed.), p. 74. 17. Devon Record Office. Glebe terriers. 18. M S. Woodempt. 1. 19. M S. 39. 20. A . Watkin (ed.), The great chartulary of Glastonbury (Somerset Record Society publications, 3 vols. Frome, 1947-56), vol. 3, p. 577. 21. T h e volumes are British Museum Eg. M S. 3134 (which includes thesurvey of Uplyme); Eg. M S. 3034; H arl. M S. 3961; and Society of Antiquaries M S. 653. T hey have been described by R.Fowler, ‘The last pre-dissolution survey of Glastonbury lands’, British Museum Quarterly, 10 (1935-6), pp. 69-72. 22. A . Watkin, op. cit., p. 580. 23. British Museum. Eg. M S. 3321. f. 273 v. This is an incomplete record of the course of the boundary, part of a survey o f Uplyme made in 1324.Unfortunately, only the first section of the boundary is described, BOUNDARY OF UPLYME 47 24. C . H art, op. cit. 25. W. H . Wilkin, ‘Axminster notes. Part I I ’, Trans. Devon. Assoc., 68 (1936) , P- 359 - On Fig.1, the old parish boundary is shown, taken from the Uplyme tithe map at the Devon Record Office. 26. Devon Record Office. 123M/E/31. 27. Devon Record Office. T . 7. 28. Devon Record Office. Glebe terriers; Devon Record Office. 1508M/Lon./estate/valuations/4; Public Record Office. E. 134/5 Jas. i/M ich. 1. 29. Cartularium Saxonicum, no. 224. 30. D .B ., f. 77b and f. 85. 3t. J. E. B. Gover, A . M awer and F. M . Stenton, The place-names of Devon (2 vols. Cambridge, 1931-2), pp. 201, 245, 329 and 529. 32. T he word and the distribution of the charters in which it occurs are fully discussed in A . S. Napier and W. H . Stevenson, The Crawford collection of early charters now in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1895), 33. A t Ashburton and Sidbury, for exam ple: Public Record Office. E . 134/2 Jas. i/H il. 15 and E. 134/5 Jas. i/M ich. 1. 34. There have been several recent land slips in this vicinity. It is interesting to note that coastal erosion, probably closely connected with land slipping, was recorded near here in the thirteenth century: A . Watkin, op. cit., p. 582.
Abbot Lyfing and Canutand not very usual cognomen Sabinus. The stones have somewhat of the appearance of funeral monuments, but are entirely lacking in Christian emblems. Such as they are, they point to some kind of Roman cultural influence in the district of Tavistock. The abbey was founded in 961 by Ordgar, an English noble who was probably Ealdorman (not Earl) of Devon and Cornwall under King Eadgar the Peaceful. He is best known as the father of Eadgar's second wife, /Elfthryth—“Elfrida” of evil memory, mother of the "redeless ” king /Ethelred II. and the murderess of her step-son, Edward II., the Martyr. The monastery was not dedicated until 981, by Ordgar’s son Ordwulf, and only sixteen years later it was sacked by the Danes. It was, however, reestablished, quite possibly by the Danish King Cnut, who is known to have taken pleasure in restoring foundations ruined by his piratical father and his associates. The abbot in Cnut’s reign was Lyfing, a notable figure in the history of the times. He accompanied Cnut on his famous “pilgrimage” to Rome in 1026, and six years later was appointed Bishop of Crediton. Shortly afterwards the Cornish see of St. Germans was united to Crediton, so that Lyfing exercised ecclesiastical authority over the whole of die two western counties. He took a foremost share in the elevation to the throne of Edward the Confessor. Another notable abbot was Ealdred, who afterwards became Archbishop of York and crowned William the Norman in Westminster Abbey. No special ill-fortune seems to have befallen Tavistock Abbey for five hundred years after its restoration.
THE LEGEND OF GOOD WOMEN. Text A (.Earlier Version).
The prologe of goode Wimmen . A thousand sythes have I herd men telle , That ther is joye in heven , and peyne in helle ; And I acorde wel that hit be so ; But natheles, this wot I wel also ,That ther nis noon that dwelleth in this contre , That either hath in helle or heven y-be , Ne may of hit non other weyes witen , But as ho hath herd seyd, or founde hit writen; For by assay ther may no man hit preve. But goddes forbode, but men shulde leve Wel more thing then men han seen with ye Men shal nat wenen every-thing a lye For that he seigh it nat of yore ago. God wot, a thing is never the lesse so ,Thogh every wight ne may hit nat y-see. Bernard the monk ne saugh nat al, parde! Than mote we to bokes that we finde, Through which that olde thinges been in minde, And to the doctrine of these olde wyse, Yeven credence, in every skilful wyse, 20 And trowen on these olde aproved stories Of holiness , of regnes , of victories , Of love , of hate , of other sundry thinges , Of whibhe I may not maken rehersinges . And if that olde bokes were a-weye , 25 Y-loren were of remembraunce the keye. Wel oghte us than on olde bokes leve, Text B {Later Version). The prologe of .ix. goode Wimmen. A thousand tymes have I herd men telle, That ther is joye in heven, and peyne in helle; And I acorde wel that hit is so ; But natheles, yit wot I wel also, That ther nis noon dwelling in this contree, 5 That either hath in heven or helle y-be , Ne may of hit non other weyes witen, But as he hath herd seyd, or founde hit writen ; For by assay ther may no man hit preve. But god forbede but men shulde leve 10Wel more thing then men han seen with ye! Men shal nat wenen every-thing a lyg But-if him-self hit seeth, or elles dooth ; For, god wot, thing is never the lasse sooth, Thogh every wight ne may hit nat y-see. Bernard the monk ne saugh nat al, parde! Than mote we to bokes that we finde , Through which that olde thinges been in minde , And to the doctrine of these olde wyse , Yeve credence, in every skilful wyse, 20 That tellen of these olde appreved stories, Of holinesse, of regnes, of victories,Of love, of hate, of other sundry thinges , Of whiche I may not maken rehersinges. And if that olde bokes were a-weye, 25 Y-loren were of remembraunce the keye. I Wel oghte us than lionouren and beleve
