The Bishop of Sherborne is an episcopal title which takes its name after the market town of Sherborne in Dorset, England.
The title was first used by the Anglo-Saxons between the 8th and 11th centuries.
It is now used by the Church of England for a suffragan bishop in the Diocese of Salisbury.
Diocesan Bishops of Sherborne ,
The Anglo-Saxon Diocese of Sherborne was established by Saint Aldhelm
in about 705 and comprised the counties of Devon, Somerset, Dorset, and Cornwall. The diocese lost territory on the creation of the bishopric of Cornwall in the early 9th century, and lost further territory on the creation of the bishoprics of Wells and Crediton by Archbishop Plegmund in 909.
In 1058, the Sherborne chapter elected Bishop Herman of Ramsbury as their own bishop. He had previously complained of the poverty of his diocese to the extent that, when his plan to become abbot of Malmesbury was blocked by Earl Godwin in 1055, he had abandoned his duties and left to become a monk at St Bertin in France. Following the Norman conquest, the 1075 Council of London united his two sees as a single diocese and translated them to the then-larger settlement around the royal castle at Salisbury (Old Sarum). With papal approval, this was later removed to New Sarum (modern Salisbury) in the 1220s.
Just two small objects from the Neolithic period are all that have been found from that era in the Yeovil area - a leaf-shaped arrowhead and part of a polished stone axehead. These were discovered close to the Hundred Stone which lies on the ridgeway to the north of the town.
This is believed to be a section of the great prehistoric highway,
known as the
‘Harroway’or‘Hoarway’, stretching from Kent to Cornwall and certainly an arterial way of the Bronze Age.
An intriguing discovery, made in 1826 in a quarry near the present Yeovil Junction railway station, did not find its way into print until 1853.
It was then stated that a human skeleton had been found in a sitting position in a stone vault cut into solid rock and covered with a rough stone slab. On one side of the figure was an early Bronze Age beaker six and seven-eighths inches (175mm) high, and on the other side a deer’s horn. Nearby, another chamber contained the skeleton of a horse, while yet another, larger, vault contained ‘an immense quantity of human bones with earth and stones’. It is obvious that these interments followed a local battle in which a leader met his death with many of his followers.
On the Dorchester Road a Bronze Age burial was uncovered in 1926, when road widening was in progress close to where the road leads to East Coker. A rotary, or ‘beehive’, quern for grinding grain, was recovered from the excavations made to construct a garage in Goldcroft, and 1988 a bronze axehead was unearthed on Wyndham Hill.
Perhaps the most important find from this period occurred in 1909 when a gold torc (illustrated above) was found when digging a garden on Hendford Hill. Weighing 5oz 7½ dwt. troy, and with a three-inch (77mm) diameter, it is constructed of composite gold strips and dates from the Middle Bronze Age
This year Cuthwin and Ceawlin fought with the Britons, and slew three kings,on the spot called Deorham, and took from them three cities, Gloucester, Cirencester, and Bath.”Battle of Dyrham –
Presumed strategy and tactics
TheSevern Valleyhas always been one of the military keys of Britain, and some of the decisive battles of the Saxon conquest were fought to control it. In 577 Ceawlin advanced from the Thames Valley across the Cotswolds to seize the area and break the power of the Britons in the lower Severn area.
Some historians (such as Welbore St Clair Baddeley in 1929) have concluded that the Saxons may have launched a surprise attack and seized the hill fort at Hinton Hill Camp (Dyrham Camp)[4]because it commanded the Avon Valley and disrupted communications north and south between Bath and her neighbouring Romano-British towns of Gloucester and Cirencester.[5]Once the Saxons were in occupation of the site (and had begun reinforcing the existing Iron Age defensive structures at the site) the Britons of those three towns were compelled to unite and make a combined attempt to dislodge them. Their attempt failed and the three opposing British kings were killed (they are named as Commagil of Gloucester, Condidan of Cirencester and Farinmagil of Bath). Their routed forces were driven north of theRiver Severnand south of Bath where it appears they began the construction of the defensive earthwork called theWansdykein a doomed attempt to prevent more territory from being lost.
The military historian Lieutenant-ColonelAlfred Burne, employing his theory of 'Inherent Military Probability' opted for a simpler explanation for the battle than Baddeley.[6]In his view Ceawlin was methodically advancing towards the Severn and the three forces of Britons concentrated to stop him. Burne suggests that they formed up along two slight ridges across the trackway that skirted theForest of Braden, with Hinton Hill Camp behind them as their stores depot – a position similar to that adopted at theBattle of Beranburhin AD 556.[6]Burne pointed out that if the Saxon attack drove the Britons back from their first line onto the second ridge near the edge of the escarpment, the slightest further retreat would leave their flanks open to a downhill pursuit. He speculates that this is what occurred, with the three Briton leaders and their main body being driven back into the fort while the flanking Saxons driving forwards swept round behind the promontory on which the fort stands. A last stand in this position would explain why none of the three Briton leaders was able to escape
honour, are extremely provoked, on this oc
The Boundary of Uplyme1
H. S. A. Fox
Text-fig. i
IN 938 King Athelstan granted six hides of land at Lym to his
namesake the Ealdorman Athelstan, and added to the charter recording his gift a clause which describes in detail the boundary of the estate.
At some time later in life the Ealdorman became a monk at Glastonbury, and gave the estate at Lym to the abbey.
Domesday Book records that Glastonbury Abbey possessed two manors called Lym or Lim, one of which can be identified as Lyme Regis in Dorset,
and the other as the neighbouring manor of Uplyme across the county boundary in Devon.3King Athel-stan’s charter was first printed in full by W. de G. Birch in the late 19th century.4Birch took the six hides at Lym to be Lyme Regis, and subsequent authorities have followed his interpretation.5Moreover, an attempt has recently been made to fit the boundary points of the charter to the topography of Lyme Regis parish.
6
The discovery of an early 16th-century description of the boundary of Uplyme,
7part of a survey of the manor made for Glastonbury Abbey in 1516, shows beyond doubt that the Lym of the Saxon charter must be identified as Uplyme and not as Lyme Regis:almost all the points in the boundary clause of the charter recur in the document of 1516.The purpose of this paper is to print the boundary description of 1516 together with the boundary clause of the Saxon charter for comparison, and to lotate the points mentioned in each document.
Before printing the texts, two general observations can be made.
Firstly, any historian attempting to interpret or to criticize a Saxon charter ‘will remain blindfold until it is known where exactly the land lay’.
8
Saxon charters with boundary clauses are among the earliest and most important documents we 1 Notes (numbered a onwards) are collected at the end of the article.
possess for a study of the agrarian history and historical geography of pre-Gonquest England, and it is therefore essential to locate accurately the estates to which they refer.
This exercise often requires a close examination of boundary clauses.For example, an estate om Homme, the subject of a charter of 847, was tentatively located by Birch in Dorset;9forty years ago, F. Rose-Troup correctly suggested that this estate lay in the South Hams of Devon, but claimed that it covered most of the country between Dart and Plym ;10 and not until 1969 did Professor H. P. R. Finberg, after a more critical examination of the charter’s boundary clause, show that the land was in fact centred on Kingsbridge to the west of the Dart.11
The Uplyme charter is another case in point.
Secondly, the existence of a record describing a later perambulation is of the greatest assistance in elucidating the boundary clause of a Saxon charter. As far as is known, this paper is the first to use such a document in order to discover the location of a Saxon estate,
12but it is clear that a similar approach could be more widely adopted, with rewarding results. Descriptions of perambulations can be found among both manorial and parish records13John Norden considered that one of the duties of the surveyor of a manor was to perambulate its boundary, and descriptions of such perambulations were sometimes entered into manorial survey books like the 1516 survey of Uplyme.They might also be entered into the records of the manorial court.For example, two surveys of the manor of Kenton, one made in 1598 and the other in about 1705, begin with a boundary description; while a memorandum concerning part of the boundary was copied into the court book in 1626.14 Parochial boundaries were traditionally perambulated each year on Rogation Day, but more emphasis was placed on memory than on written records in the perpetuation of knowledge about parish limits.18 Sometimes, however, a record was made for preservation among the parish documents.16Thus, in 1613, the Bishop of Exeter instructed Devon incumbents to make and return to him a record of the boundaries of their parishes. Many of these documents have survived, and some describe the boundaries in great detail—the returns relating to Blackawton, Bradninch (where the perambulation took three days to complete), Colaton Raleigh, Cot-leigh and Dean Prior for example.
17
The Boundary in 938
The original of King Athelstan’s charter has not survived. It must have passed with the manor of Uplyme into the hands of Glastonbury Abbey, for it was copied into two of the abbey’s cartularies compiled in the second quarter of the 14th century. One of these cartularies, from which Birch printed the text of the charter, is now in the Bodleian Library;18 the other is at Longleat House19 and has been edited by Dom A. Watkin for the Somerset Record Society.
20
The following text of the Uplyme charter’s boundary clause is taken from Watkin’s transcription.
Istis terminibus predicta terra circumgirata esse videtur.
Erest of se in Sigilmere (1) thanen upon clif (11) ofclive on Faragoren (in) thanen on here path (iv) on Syrdeheved (v) thanen on Mappillecnap (vi) of Huneforde (vn) thanen on the sour apildure (vm) of the Waynlete (ix) thanen on enlipesexe-berghes (x) on here path (xi) forth on here path forth bi than combesheved (xii) to than rede wey (xm) thanen on Lullisburghe (xiv) to Crowanstaple (xv) of than staple to Daliesberghe (xvi) on Monnisclive (xvn) thanen to Estbroke (xvm) on doune on strem on Saltforde (xix) of Saltforde on tha Sweluende (xx) thanen on Lym (xxi) of Lym up on the hasil (xxn) of than hasil on Somersete (xxm) of Somersete on Werboldiston (xxiv) thanen up to than Weygate (xxv) on Wythilake (xxvi) eft out on se (xxvn).
The Boundary in 1516
In the second decade of the 16th century, Glastonbury Abbey caused a great survey of its estates to be made. Officials were sent to each of the abbey’s manors to compile a field by field description, or terrier, of all the holdings. They were also charged with perambulating the boundary of each manor and making a record of the perambulation. The results of this activity are preserved in a series of volumes, each of which contains the surveys of a number of manors.21 Some of the surveys are incomplete, giving the terriers in full, but leaving blank pages on to which it was intended to copy the boundary descriptions. Fortunately Uplyme is one of the manors for which the boundary description was copied into the survey volume.
The description makes reference to contemporary landowners (Lady Harrington and the Abbot of Newenham for example) and to several minor features not recorded in the Saxon charter, such as the ‘thorn tree at Holcombehed’ and ‘a certain ash called LangshereayssK. This confirms that it was the result of an actual perambulation made at Uplyme in 1516. It also contains almost all the points mentioned in the Saxon charter, even such transient features as a hazel tree; and it still refers, archaically, to the here path of the earlier document. It seems likely, therefore, that those who perambulated the boundary in 1516 had available for their guidance some older document setting out the boundary of the manor. We know that part of the boundary was perambulated in about 12 75,22 and that another perambulation was made in 1324.23 The surveyors of 1516 may well have had access to records concerning these earlier perambulations, or, possibly, to a copy of the charter of 938.
The description of 1516 runs as follows:
Precinctus manerii ibidem Incipiendo in orientali parte domi ibidem apud la Glyffe maris existentem in australi parte de Segimere (1) & sic per dictum Cliffe directe per litus maris usque occidentem usque Merkehegge iuxta terram Domine de Dunfrefelde modo domine Aryngdon (2) & deinde borialiter per sepem pre-dictam ultra montem usque Brodepathe (3) inde directe borialiter usque Brodestrete alias brodewaie (4) & deinde per viam predictam occidentaliter usque harepathe (5) & exinde borialiter usque Mapulknappe qui est bunda inter terram Domini de Newnham et terram Domini de Uplyme (6) & deinde borialiter usque Soureappuldore (7) & deinceps borialiter usque holcombelane (8) & sic directe borialiter usque la thorne apud holcombehed (9) & deinde usque Monkesdyche (10) et sic per ffosatum predictum usque la northende eiusdem fossati Wocombehedde (11) & sic directe borialiter usque sex puteos (12) & exinde borialiter usque le pytte apud Byttecombecombeshed (13) & deinde Northe & Northeest usque Redeweye apud Broroshete (14) & abinde orientaliter usque Lullesburowhe modo inclusum per Abba-tem de Nwynehame iuxta ffurshyldowne (15) & deinde orientaliter usque le ffurches (16) & sic directe orientaliter usque Crowstabull (17) & abinde ad orientem australi ter usque Dallesborgohe (18) & exinde australi ter & orientaliter usque Monescleffe (19) & abinde australiter usque Est-browke (20) & deinde directe australiter per cursum aque usque Salteford alias dictum Warlackeford (21) & abinde australiter usque Swalomedesende (22) & exinde australiter usque le Whytwythy (23) & sic directe usque la hasell (24) & deinde ad quandam venellam vocatam Sherelane (25) & sic directe ad quandam fraxinum vocatam Langshereayssh (26) & exinde per occidentalem ffinem tenementi nuper Johannis Ghynehame (27) & deinde australiter ad quandam sepem inter Comitatus Devonie & Dorset que extendit versus australem usque Somersettlane (28) & abinde australiter in longum dicte venelle usque Colyfordeweie (29) & a dicta via australiter usque warbulstone (30) & exinde australiter usque Wythelake (31) & sic directe ad quandam spinam apud Wythemore (32) & abinde directe australiter usque Wacheknappe (33) & exinde usque Segemere super mare et ibidem ffiniendo ubi superius mete et bunde predicte erant incepte (34).
Locational Analysis
In the following section a translation is given of the boundary descriptions of 938 and 1516, and the points mentioned in each are located on a map (Fig. 1).
The numbers in the left-hand margin below, and on the map, refer to the texts in the preceding two sections of this paper.
The Saxon boundary points have been given Roman numerals, and those of the 1516 document have been given Arabic numerals. Most of the points can be located precisely, but any uncertainty about an exact location is indicated below and on Fig. 1. Grid references are best followed on Ordnance Survey 2J2- sheet SY 39.
The derivations of the place-names in the Saxon charter have already been discussed by Dr. C. Hart,24 and most of his interpretations are used here. Translations of place-name elements have been taken from A. H. Smith’s English place-name elements (2 vols. Cambridge, 1956).
The location of the points mentioned in the two documents shows that the boundary of Uplyme manor followed a course almost identical with the course of the old parish boundary of Uplyme. Today the parish contains a small area ofland around Shapwick Grange which formerly constituted a detached part of Axminster parish, and which was transferred to Uplyme in 1884. Prior to that date, the western section of the Uplyme
Fig. i. The boundary of Uplyme.
The Roman numerals refer to the Saxon chapter {p. 37) and the arable numerals to the 1516 description {p. 38)
parish boundary ran about half a mile to the east of its present course.25 Apart from this recent alteration, the boundary of Uplyme, both manor and parish, has remained unchanged since the early 10th century.
I, First from the sea at Sigilmere;
1. Beginning on the east side of the house there at the sea cliff being on the south side of Segimere; The boundary began in the vicinity of Devonshire Head (3339I4)• English (O.E.) mere can mean ‘sea pool’, and perhaps refers to the small rock-bound bay beneath the headland.
II. then up onto the cliff;
2. and thus by the said cliff directly along the coast towards the west end of the boundary hedge next to the land of the lady of Dunfre -felde, now Lady Aryngdon;
To 319910. Dunfrefelde is a corruption of Downhumfraville, a manor which included the farm of Pinhay. Pinhay Farm lies behind the coast slightly to the west of the boundary.28 The ‘Lady Aryngdon’ of the 1516 document was a member of the Harrington family.
III. from the cliff to Faragoren;
3. and then northwards by the aforesaid hedge, beyond the hill to Brodepathe;
4. thence northwards straight to Brodestrete alias brodewaie;
Along the parish boundary to the A. 35 at 318916. Faragoren probably means ‘fern-covered point of land’, some minor topographical feature in this vicinity. Brodepathe may have been a continuation of the lane which runs eastwards to Pinhay Farm; Brodestrete is the A. 35 farther inland.
IV. then to the army path;
5. and then westwards along the aforesaid way to the army path;
The old parish boundary followed the A. 35 westwards as far as 315915, and then struck north along a foot-path. This may be the ‘army path’ (kere-path) of both documents, although the term was usually given to more prominent routeways.
V. to Syrdeheved-,
VI. then to Mappillecnap;
6. and thence northwards to Mapulknappe which is the bound between
the land of the lord of Newenham and the land of the lord of
Uplyme;
O.E. sierett means ‘dry barren place’; O.E. heafod is commonly used in the sense ‘hill-top’. The ‘dry hill-top’ of the earlier document is probably^ie ridge between two combes at 316919. O.E. cnapp also means ‘hill-top’. The ‘hill-top with the maple tree’ must therefore be in the same vicinity. The ‘lord of Newenham’ was the abbot of Newenham Abbey, the owner of Shapwick Grange which here lies to the west of the boundary.
VII. from Hmeford;
VIII. then to the crab apple tree;
7. and then northwards to Soureappuldore;
The ‘honey ford’, or ‘Huna’s ford’ is at 315922 where the boundary crossed a small stream. The crab-apple tree may have stood at 312929 where there is a sharp change in the direction followed by the old parish boundary.
IX. from the lane junction;
8. and next northwards to holcombelane;
The Holcombelane of the later document is the path to Holcombe Farm .which crossed the boundary at 310930. The Waynlete of the earlier document is probably derived from O.E. weg (ge)lat, ‘junction of roads’; but there is no junction here now.
X. then to enlipesexeberghes;
XI. to the army path;
XII. along the army path by the combe’s head;
9. and thus northwards straight to the thorn tree at holcombehed',
To 305936 where the head of the combe in which Holcombe Farm is situated touches the parish boundary. The Saxon document contains two additional boundary points: enlipesexeberghes, probably the ‘hill of the solitary ash’ from O.E. anliepe, esc, beorg; and another ‘army path’. The former refers to the slope of Shapwich Hill, but the latter cannot be identified. A pronounced ditch and bank can be seen along this section of the boundary.
XIII. to the red way;
10. and then to Monkesdyche;
11. and thus by the aforesaid ditch to the north end of the said ditch
(at) Wocombehedde;
12. and thus northwards straight to the six pits;
13. and thence northwards to the pit at Byttecombecombeshed;
14. and then north and north-east to liedeweye at Broroshete',
The section ends at 316964 on the A. 373, the ‘red way’ of both documents. This place is today called Burrowshot Cross {Broroshete in 1516); while the name Red Cross, farther to the east along the A. 373, perpetuates the ‘red way’ of both perambulations. The later record is far more detailed than the earlier for this section, perhaps because the boundary here ran across Trinity Hill which was probably wild and devoid of features which could be used as boundary points in the ioth century. Today, the vegetation in this vicinity consists of heath and scrub, so that it is impossible to identify the Monkesdyche and the six pits mentioned in 1516. Wocombehedde is probably the head of the combe now known as Woolly Goyle at 307953. Byttecombecombeshed cannot be identified with certainty, but may be the head of the stream running westwards from 303959.
XIV. then to Lullisburghe\
15. and thence eastwards to Lullesburowhe, now enclosed by the abbot of Newenham next to ffurshyldowne;
Lullisburghe is ‘Lulla’s hill’, from O.E. beorg, ‘hill’. A derivation from O.E. burh, ‘fortification’, is improbable for there are no traces of earthworks in this vicinity. This point must be near the hill-top at 325964. An 18th-century estate map of Ax-minster shows that Furzley Down, which belonged to Furzley Farm, another grange of Newenham Abbey, extended as far as the Uplyme parish boundary in this neighbourhood.27
XV. to Crowanstaple;
16. and then eastwards to the gallows;
17. and thus eastwards straight to Crowstabull;
The ‘crow’s post’ was probably at Red Cross (325961). The ffurches of the 1516 document were gallows, normally placed on a parish boundary, as at Colaton Raleigh, Kenton and Sidbury in Devon.28 The Uplyme gallows must have stood on the boundary to the west of the crow’s post.
XVI. from the post to Daliesberghe;
18. and thence south-eastwards to Dallesborgohe;
‘Dalla’s hill’ must be the present-day Penn Hill at 341955.
XVII. to Momisclive;
19. and thence south-eastwards to Monescleffe;
‘Manna’s cliff’is almost certainly the slope below the A. 373 at 34I953- The top of this slope falls away sharply, and appears cliff-like when viewed from below.
XVIII. then to Estbroke;
20. and thence southwards to Estbrowke;
To 338951 where the parish boundary reaches a small, and today nameless, tributary of the Lim,
XIX. down stream to Salteforde;
21. and then southwards straight along the watercourse to Salteford, otherwise called arlackeford;
The boundary followed the stream for about a mile and a half to 333933 where there is still a ford today. A charter of 77429 and entries in Domesday Book30 record salt working at Lyme Regis. The ‘salt ford’ must be where a salt way inland from the sea crossed Estbroke.
XX. from Salteforde to the whirlpool;
22. and thence southwards to Swalomedesende;
Immediately to the south of 333933, between the ford and the meeting of Estbroke with the Lim. The sweluende of the earlier document is derived from O.E. swelgend, ‘whirlpool’.
XXI. then to Lym;
23. then southwards to the white willow;
The Saxon boundary reached Lym (i.e. the River Lim) at
334933- The ‘white willow’ of the 1516 document probably
stood at this point.
XXII. from Lym up to the hazel;
24. and thus straight to the hazel;
Probably to 333932 where the parish boundary changes direction.
XXIII. from the hazel to Somersete;
25. and then to a certain lane called Sherelane;
26. and thus straight to a certain ash called Langshereayssh;
27. and then by the western limit of the tenement lately John Chyme-
hame’s;
28. and thence southwards to a certain hedge between the counties of Devon and Dorset, which stretches southwards to Somersettlane;
Somersete and Somersettlane are probably derived from O.E. sumor sate, ‘summer seat’. The element -sate occurs several times in Devon in the names of places situated on or near hills;31 and a derivation from Old Norse satr, ‘mountain pasture’, is improbable for this county. At Uplyme, the prominent hill to the south of the village must be implied, its summit being at 327923, very close to the parish boundary. The lane running over the top of this hill is still called Shire Lane, and is so marked on the 6-in. map. In 1516 this lane may have extended down the hill to the village, being called Sherelane for the northern part of its course, and Somersettlane for the southern part on the hill-top. The ‘ash called Langshereayssh' probably Stood at 328923 where the Jane changed direction. The name derives from O.E. land-scearu, ‘boundary’, a word which frequently occurs in Saxon charters from the west of England,32 and which was still being used in its original sense in 17th-century Devon.33 As the 1516 record tells us, the manor boundary along this section followed the county boundary between Devon and Dorset.
XXIV. from Somersete to Werboldiston;
29. and thence southwards along the said lane to Colyfordeweie;
30. and from the said way southwards to warbulstone;
Werboldiston should probably be rendered ‘Wernbeald’s tun’ or farmstead. It is now Ware House near the parish boundary at 329919. The Colyfordeweie of the later document is the A. 35 from Colyford to Lyme Regis, which the boundary crossed at 32992I-
XXV. then up to the cart gap;
XXVI. to Wythilake;
31. and thence southwards to Wythelake;
Wythilake, ‘willow stream’, must be the small stream which begins near the parish boundary at 332918. The stream runs in a narrow valley which carries a small road crossed by the parish boundary at 331918. This is probably the ‘cart gap’ (O.E. wtegn, geat) of the Saxon document.
XXVII. then out to sea.
32. and thence straight to a certain spinney at Wythemore;
33. and thence southwards straight to Wacheknappe;
34. and thence to Segemere upon the sea, there ending where the aforesaid metes and bounds began, as above.
The Wythemore of the later document can be translated ‘boggy ground with willows’ (O.E. withig, mor); Wacheknappe means ‘look-out point’ (O.E. wacu, cntepp'). Both must have been situated on the last section of the boundary but cannot be identified on the ground, perhaps because the surface here has been greatly modified by land slipping. As the later document tells us, the boundary ended at Segemere (333914),34 the point at which it began.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am most grateful to Professor H. P. R. Finberg and Dr. C. Hart for helpful discussions in Cambridge; to Mr. D. Sherlock of the Ancient Monuments Inspectorate, Ministry of Public Building and Works, for going over the ground with me at Uplyme; and to Mr. R. Blackmore, who drew the map.
Notes
3. D.B. f. 77b. The Glastonbury manor at Lyme Regis later became known as Colway: Victoria County History of Dorset, vol. 3, p. 74.
3. D.B. f. 103b.
4. W. de G. Birch, Cartularium Saxonicum (3 vols. London, 1885-93), no. 728. The charter had been printed earlier, but without the boundary clause, in W. Dugdale, Monastkon Anglicanum (ed. J. Caley, H. Ellis and B. Bandinel, 6 vols. London, 1819-30), vol. 1, p. 50; and in J. M. Kemble, Codex diplomaticus aevi Saxonici (6 vols. London, 1839-48), no. 3725. H. P. R. Finberg, The early charters of Wessex (Leicester, 1964), no. 582;
P. H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon charters: an annotated list and bibliography (London, 1968), no. 442.
6. C. Hart, 'Some Dorset charter boundaries’, Proc. Dorset jVat. Hist, and Arch. Soc., 86 (1965), pp. 160-1.
7. British Museum. Eg. MS. 3134. f. 216-216 v.
8. H. P. R. Finberg, ‘Some Crediton documents re-examined’, Antiquaries Journal, 48 (1968), p. 85.
9. Cartularium saxonicum, no. 451.
10. F. Rose-Troup, ‘The new Edgar charter and the South Hams’, Trans. Devon. Assoc., 61 (1929), pp. 266-76.
11. H. P. R. Finberg, West country historkal studies (Newton Abbot, 1969), pp. 11-23.
12. F. Rose-Troup compared the Saxon boundary of Ottery St. Mary with a boundary description made in 1612, but the location of the estate was not in question: ‘The Anglo-Saxon charter of Ottery St. Mary’. Trans. Devon. Assoc., 71 (1939), pp. 201-20.
13. The following notes relate only to post-medieval records. Descriptions of medieval perambulations also exist: for example, 14th-century boundary descriptions of the Glastonbury manors of Wrington and Lympsham (British Museum. Eg. MS. 3321. f. 155 and f. 190 v.).
14. Devon Record Office. i5o8M/Lon./estate/valuations/4; i5o8M/sur-veys/Kenton/6; 15o8M/Lon./manor/Kenton/2.
15. An account of perambulations of this kind is given in pp. 28-31 of ‘A journey along boundaries’, being ch. 2 of M. W. Beresford, History on the ground: six studies in maps and landscapes (London, 1957).
16. W. E. Tate, The parish chest (Cambridge, 1969 ed.), p. 74.
17. Devon Record Office. Glebe terriers.
18. MS. Wood empt. 1.
19. MS. 39.
20. A. Watkin (ed.), The great chartulary of Glastonbury (Somerset Record Society publications, 3 vols. Frome, 1947-56), vol. 3, p. 577.
21. The volumes are British Museum Eg. MS. 3134 (which includes the survey of Uplyme); Eg. MS. 3034; Harl. MS. 3961; and Society of Antiquaries MS. 653. They have been described by R. Fowler, ‘The last pre-dissolution survey of Glastonbury lands’, British Museum Quarterly, 10 (1935-6), pp. 69-72.
22. A. Watkin, op. cit., p. 580.
23. British Museum. Eg. MS. 3321. f. 273 v. This is an incomplete record of the course of the boundary, part of a survey of Uplyme made in 1324. Unfortunately, only the first section of the boundary is described,
24. C. Hart, op. cit.
25. W. H. Wilkin, ‘Axminster notes. Part II’, Trans. Devon. Assoc., 68 (1936), P- 359- On Fig. 1, the old parish boundary is shown, taken from the Uplyme tithe map at the Devon Record Office.
26. Devon Record Office. 123M/E/31.
27. Devon Record Office. T. 7.
28. Devon Record Office. Glebe terriers; Devon Record Office. 1508M/ Lon./estate/valuations/4; Public Record Office. E. 134/5 Jas. i/Mich. 1.
29. Cartularium Saxonicum, no. 224.
30. D.B., f. 77b and f. 85.
3t. J. E. B. Gover, A. Mawer and F. M. Stenton, The place-names of Devon
(2 vols. Cambridge, 1931-2), pp. 201, 245, 329 and 529.
32. The word and the distribution of the charters in which it occurs are fully discussed in A. S. Napier and W. H. Stevenson, The Crawford collection of early charters now in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1895), pp. 48-9.
33. At Ashburton and Sidbury, for example: Public Record Office. E. 134/2 Jas. i/Hil. 15 and E. 134/5 Jas. i/Mich. 1.
34. There have been several recent land slips in this vicinity. It is interesting to note that coastal erosion, probably closely connected with land slipping, was recorded near here in the thirteenth century: A. Watkin, op. cit., p. 582.
Rivers and navigable creeks, p. 36. Tamar, Lynher, p. 38. Tide, or Tidi, p. 40. Seaton, ib.
Loo, or Eaft-Loo, ibid. ProfpoCt of Loo Bridge," ib. Duloo, or Weft Loo river, p. 41. fawy, ib.
Fal, 42, and it’s harbour. Hel, or Heyl river in Kerricr, p. 43. Lo or Low river in Kerrier, p 44.
A1
Heyl in Penwith, ibid. Ganal creek, p. 45. River Alan, al Lamel, ibid. Wade navigable rivers in
may be made notbeneficial, p. 47. Subject: to obftrudtions, p. 49.
